Academic literature on the topic 'France-Lebanon relations'
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Journal articles on the topic "France-Lebanon relations"
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Hafez, Ziad. "The Israeli–Lebanese war of 2006: consequences for Lebanon." Contemporary Arab Affairs 1, no. 2 (April 1, 2008): 187–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910801951748.
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This article focuses on the political narrative in Lebanon before and after the Israeli war against Lebanon in 2006. It revolves around the subject of national unity as a sine qua non condition for success for the Lebanese resistance led by Hezbollah. A major consequence of the narrative on national unity is the need to build a modern state and establish a cohesive defence policy. The paper also examines the impact of the war on Lebanon's economy and on its relations with the rest of the world (the USA, France, Syria, Arab countries, and Iran).
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Kościelniak, Krzysztof. "Status chrześcijan w Libanie według Règlement z 1861 oraz 1864 roku." Analecta Cracoviensia 40 (January 4, 2023): 357–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/acr.4023.
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Lebanon’s experiment with power sharing dates back to 1861 and 1864. Règlement, the law regulating relations between of all the ethnic-religious groups of Lebanon (Maronite Christians, Sunni Muslims, Christian Greek Orthodox, Greek Catholics, the Shi’a Muslims, and the Druze) was a novel, very interesting solution for multi-ethnic society of Lebanon. This society was divided along confessional lines concentrating in distinct geographical regions. The Ottoman governor had to be a appointed by Constantinople, non-Lebanese Catholic with the authorization of the five foreign guarantors (from England, France, Germany, Austria and Russia). Each of the six mentioned communities was allotted two seats on the twelve-member administrative council that helped the governor rule. According to the Règlement, all members of the administrative and judiciary councils as well as local officials of smaller counties were to be nominated and chosen by the leaders of the respective communities and appointed by the government. The Règlement Organique transformed Mount Lebanon into a fully autonomous Ottoman province with political institutions based on power sharing among its various denominations under an Ottoman-European consortium protectorate giving a half century communal peace (1864–1920) to Mount Lebanon.
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Wood, Pia Christina. "The diplomacy of peacekeeping: France and the multinational forces to Lebanon, 1982–84." International Peacekeeping 5, no. 2 (June 1998): 19–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533319808413717.
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Herzstein, Rafael. "Saint-Joseph University of Beirut: An Enclave of the French-Speaking Communities in the Levant, 1875–1914." Itinerario 32, no. 2 (July 2008): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300001996.
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The origin of the Saint-Joseph University of Beirut, or USJ, dates back to the Seminar of Ghazir founded by the Jesuit Fathers in 1843. The College of Ghazir, established with the intention of training the local Maronite clergy, was transferred to Beirut in 1875. This centre for higher studies was named Saint-Joseph University. In his audience of 25 February 1881, Pope Leo XIII conferred the title of Pontifical University on the USJ.This article deals with the history of the USJ, the first great French-speaking Jesuit institution in the area which, at the time, bore the name of “Syria”. (The term Syria is used henceforth to represent the geographical entity of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, which includes Syria and Lebanon of the present.) The underlying reasons for the creation of Saint-Joseph University of Beirut have to do with its being located in a province of the Ottoman Empire coveted by the future mandatory power, France. By the 1870s, the Ottoman Empire was being preserved chiefly by the competition between the European powers, all of whom wanted chunks of it. The Ottoman territory, like the territory of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, encompassed a great many ethnic groups whose own nationalism was also stirring. Under Ottoman rule, the region of the Levant developed economic and religious ties with Europe. Open to the West, it became a hotbed of political strife between various foreign nations including France, Russia and Britain. These powerful countries assumed the protection of certain ethnic and religious groups, with France supporting the Christian Maronites and Britain supporting the Druzes.
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Balossi-Restelli, Ludovica Marchi. "Italian foreign and security policy in a state of reliability crisis?" Modern Italy 18, no. 3 (August 2013): 255–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2013.801667.
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This article focuses on Italian foreign and security policy (IFSP). It looks at three examples of the country's policy-making which reveal its poor results as a security provider, namely: Italy's tardy reaction to the violence in Libya in 2011, its prompt reaction to the Lebanon crisis in 2006, and its efforts to be included in the diplomatic directorate, the P5 + 1, approaching relations with Iran in 2009. The article considers whether government action has bolstered the reliability of IFSP and also discusses the country's FSP in terms of its basic differences from that of its partners in the European Union, France, Britain and Germany, envisaging how Italy could react to build more credibility. Italy's policy is observed through a three-pronged analytical framework enriched by concepts of the logic of expected consequences. The article concludes that IFSP is predictable, but it must still reveal that it is reliable, and explains why this is the case.
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Bartenev, Vladimir. "European Donors in the Arab World: Redistribution of Resources and Roles." Contemporary Europe 99, no. 6 (November 1, 2020): 76–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope620207689.
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The article explores official development assistance flows from European countries to the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) and highlights certain specifics and the logic of redistribution of resources and roles between the largest European donors throughout the 2010s – since the Arab Spring, which transformed the political landscape of the entire region. This trend is explained by uneven dynamics of the donor activities of three states with a direct access to the Mediterranean – France, Italy and Spain ‒ and other countries. This dynamic seems to be caused by differences in domestic economic and political environment and dissimilarities in motivation and strategy which manifested themselves in allocation of resources between MENA and other regions, humanitarian and non-humanitarian assistance, various sectors, sub-regions and recipient countries. The Arab Spring made these dissimilarities even more acute and created an illusion of a conscious 'division of labour'. However, leading European powers – Germany, France and the United Kingdom – compete actively with each other as well as with non-European actors. A wide range of new and unexpected challenges such as a recent destabilization in the countries to a lesser extent affected by the Arab Spring (Algeria, Sudan, Lebanon and Iraq), escalation of tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean, a devastating explosion in the Beirut port etc., notwithstanding mid- and long-term consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic, might make this competition even more dynamic.
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Sagomonyan, Alexander. "Participation of Russia in the 1860—1861 International Commission on Syria." ISTORIYA 14, no. 12-2 (134) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840029670-6.
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The definition of the “Syrian crisis of 1860” is based on a series of bloody clashes and pogroms that broke out on the territory of Mount Lebanon and Damascus. These events had such a resonance in Europe that the government of the Ottoman Empire was forced to agree to the arrival of the French expeditionary force and the creation of an international commission consisting of representatives of five European powers — Britain, France, Russia, Austria and Prussia. The results of the commission's work turned out to be quite balanced and successful, ensuring the peaceful development of the region until the First World War. For Russia, participation in the European Commission has become a landmark event: this was one of the first episodes when, after the defeat in the Crimean War, she was able to fully perform in the ranks of the European concert, although, of course, not in the first roles. The purpose of this article is to analyze the role played by Russian diplomacy in resolving the Syrian conflict, and how participation in the work of the European Commission affected Russia's relations with other European powers.
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Timofeeva, Natalia S. "“...SCIENTIFIC INSTITUTIONS ARE NOW RESUMING THEIR RELATIONS WITH THE INSTITUTIONS OF OTHER COUNTRIES”. DOCUMENTS OF THE ALL-UNION SOCIETY FOR CULTURAL RELATIONS WITH FOREIGN COUNTRIES ABOUT THE BOOK EXCHANGE IN THE 1940S OF SOVIET EGYPTOLOGISTS WITH THEIR EGYPTIAN COLLEAGUES." History and Archives, no. 4 (2023): 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-6541-2023-5-4-61-76.
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On the basis of the archival materials from the Foundation of the All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries of the State Archives of the Russian Federation, the author considers the process of the book exchange in 1944–1946 between Soviet Orientalists and their Egyptian colleagues. That exchange played an important part in the Soviet-Egyptian relations, the genesis of which was interrupted with the beginning of the “Cold War”. The book transaction was carried out largely due to the activities of the Soviet Egyptologist, TASS correspondent M.A. Korostovtsev, who was sent to Egypt at the very beginning of the establishment of the diplomatic relations between the USSR and Egypt. The documents of the above Foundation cover the contacts between the Orientalists within the framework of the major institutions: the French Institute of Oriental Archeology in Cairo and the Permanent Archaeological Mission of France in Lebanon, on the one hand, and the USSR Academy of Sciences and the Institute of Oriental Studies of the USSR Academy of Sciences, on the other. As part of the shipment, the Soviet side sent the works on Iranian studies by V.V. Bartold, Arabic studies by I.Yu. Krachkovsky, the textbooks on the History of the Ancient East by B.A. Turaev and V.V. Struve, the works of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the USSR Academy of Sciences, the copies of the Journal of Ancient History for 1937–1941, as well as the five-volume edition of works by N.Ya. Marr. The article is based on the archival documents that are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time.
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Shchevelev, S. S. "THE BRITISH MANDATE AND THE UPRISING OF 1920 IN IRAQ." Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), no. 1 (2021): 140–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-1-140-153.
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The article examines the initial period of the mandate administration of Iraq by Great Britain, the anti-British uprising of 1920. The chronological framework covers the period from May 1916 to October 1921 and includes an analysis of events in the Middle East from May 1916, when the secret agreement on the division of the territories of the Ottoman Empire after the end of World War I (the Sykes-Picot agreement) was concluded before the proclamation of Faisal as king of Iraq and from the formation of the country՚s government. This period is a key one in the Iraqi-British relations at the turn of the 10-20s of the ХХ century. The author focuses on the Anglo-French negotiations during the First World War, on the eve and during the Paris Peace Conference on the division of the territory of the Ottoman Empire and the ownership of the territories in the Arab zone. During these negotiations, it was decided to transfer the mandates for Syria (with Lebanon) to the France, and Palestine and Mesopotamia (Iraq) to Great Britain. The British in Iraq immediately faced strong opposition from both Sunnis and Shiites, resulting in an anti-English uprising in 1920. The author describes the causes, course and consequences of this uprising.
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Dudaiti, Albert K. "The problem of Middle East settlement in the policy of the leading member states of the European Union in the context of the Iraq and Lebanon crises (2003-2008)." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 474 (2022): 178–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/474/20.
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The article analyzes the Middle East policy of the leading EU member states in the period of the Iraqi and Lebanese crises. The author notes that the war in Iraq caused disagreements between France and Germany and the United States, but in general it did not affect the high level of relations between these countries. The Iraqi crisis contributed to increased tensions in the Middle East. In order to resume Palestinian-Israeli negotiations, a Quartet of international mediators (the United States, the UN, the EU, and Russia) was created, which introduced a “road map” for settlement. But soon there emerged differences in the Quartet on its separate points. They increased because of the actions of Israel on the implementation of the “unilateral disengagement” plan. During the war in Lebanon, the EU member states called for the introduction of UN peacekeepers into the country. The US authorities did not agree with this and proposed to introduce a NATO peacekeeping contingent in Lebanon. In turn, France did not support the American plan, considering it unproductive. The Lebanese crisis revealed differences between France and the United States, preserved since the beginning of the war in Iraq. Within the framework of the EU Middle East strategy, the principles of European policy were developed, among which priority was given to assistance in the establishment of a Palestinian state and assistance to Palestinians in the transition period. The EU launched a plan for the reconstruction and development of the Palestinian state, the Future for Palestine, which would provide financial assistance to the Palestinian government, upbringing and educational measures for Palestinian youth, psychological assistance to victims of the Second Palestinian Intifada, etc. After the victory in the presidential election, the new US administration appealed to the conflicting parties to resume negotiations. New moments in the US approach to the Middle East settlement were met with approval in the European Union. Aware at the same time that the initiative right to the Middle East settlement still belongs to the United States, the leading EU member states had difficulty in putting forward their settlement plan, so they were limited to supporting the American program. After the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, in New York and Washington, the influence of political Islam in the Arab world increased markedly, to which the US authorities did not react properly. On the contrary, they sought to thoroughly reconstruct the “Greater Middle East” on the basis of Western democracy. The complex and contradictory nature of the processes developing in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as the threat of the US military force against Iran, testified to this. In this difficult situation, issues related to the promotion of the Middle East peace process became even more urgent. The article concludes that the Quartet of international mediators should have made efforts to reach a comprehensive agreement as soon as possible, opening the way to peace in the Middle East.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "France-Lebanon relations"
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Adra, Kaïs. "Les relations économiques et socio-culturelles entre la France et le Levant (la Syrie et le Liban) sous le mandat 1919 - 1946." Thesis, Paris 10, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA100017.
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Le traité de Versailles semble marquer une rupture géopolitique profonde sur la scène internationale. Il place la France dans une position hégémonique (provisoire) en Europe et met le Proche-Orient au cœur des mutations et des innovations de l’entre-deux-guerres. L’effondrement de l’Empire Ottoman avec lequel la France entretenait des liens privilégiés depuis longtemps, la redistribution du pouvoir et des frontières qui en résulte, l’émergence de la SDN, porteuse de la doctrine de la sécurité collective et d’une réflexion sur de nouveaux cadres de domination visant des objectifs et des ambitions renouvelés, sont autant de facteurs qui reconfigurent les relations entre la France et les pays du Levant. En 1919, la France se voit confier par la SDN le mandat de conduire la Syrie à l’autonomie, en l’accompagnant dans son développement économique, social, politique et culturel. Les relations entre la France et la Syrie sont désormais réglées par la Charte du mandat qui encadre et par les usages plus ou moins décalés qu’en font les acteurs en fonction de la conjoncture et des tensions dans la société et entre les nations et du caractère antagoniste ou conciliable des ambitions de chacun…The Treaty of Versailles appears to mark a profound geopolitical disruption on the international scene. It puts France in a hegemonic position (provisional) in Europe and the Middle East makes the heart mutations and innovations of the period between the wars. The collapse of the Ottoman Empire which France maintained close ties for a long time, the redistribution of power and boundaries that result, the emergence of the League, carrier of the doctrine of collective security and reflection on new domination frameworks objectives and renewed ambitions, are all factors that reconfigure the relationship between France and the Levant.In 1919, France was entrusted by the League of Nations mandate to lead Syria to autonomy, accompanying it in its economic, social, political and cultural. Relations between France and Syria are now set by the Charter of office that oversees and by the way, more or less offset than the actors do depending on the situation and the tensions in society and among nations and character antagonist or reconcile the ambitions of each
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El, Khoury Nabil. "Convergences et rivalités des diplomaties française et américaine à l’épreuve des crises libanaises de 1958 à 2008." Thesis, Paris 5, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA05D013.
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Le Liban est l’une des nations où la construction de l’Etat s’est révélée inachevée dans la seconde moitié du 20ème siècle. Cet Etat était donc incapable de régler les crises politiques internes et de limiter l’impact des conflits régionaux et internationaux dont il a été victime. L’aggravation des crises au Liban, leur transformation en conflits armés, à partir de 1958, ont constitué des menaces pour la paix et la sécurité internationale. Les grandes puissances et l’O.N.U. n’ont pu dénouer les crises libanaises. Néanmoins, la communauté internationale ne s’est jamais désengagée à l’égard du Liban. Deux puissances occidentales, ayant des influences indéniables au Liban, se sont trouvées constamment face au problème libanais, après la Seconde guerre mondiale : la France et les Etats-Unis. Cette thèse examine les diplomaties française et américaine à l’épreuve des crises libanaises depuis 1958 jusqu’à 2008, leurs convergences et surtout leurs divergences. Il s’agit de comparer et expliquer leurs attitudes, leurs initiatives, leurs motivations, leurs intentions et leurs buts à court, à moyen et à long terme. L’objectif est de montrer dans quelle mesure l’enjeu libanais a fait l’objet d’un différend entre Paris et Washington, constituant une source d’affrontement et de rivalité entre eux, et d’examiner comment leurs politiques ont influé – ou non – sur les crises récurrentes au Liban. On peut constater que la France et les Etats-Unis n’ont pu empêcher la transformation de la crise en conflit armé, et ont échoué pour éviter la décomposition de l’Etat libanais face à l’enjeu arabo-palestinien qui a pesé entre 1958 et 1982. De même, les deux pays ont été impuissants, depuis 1982, pour rétablir la souveraineté de l’Etat et restaurer son effectivité face à l’enjeu syro-iranien. A vrai dire, les Etats-Unis ont toujours refusé de déployer les efforts nécessaires pour régler les causes du problème libanais. La France avait l’intention de le faire, mais elle était incapable en raison de l’inaction volontaire des Etats-Unis sur la question palestinienne. La divergence franco-américaine vis-à-vis du conflit israélo-arabe, depuis 1967, n’a pas permis de formuler une coopération franco-américaine concrète et constructive qui puisse contribuer à mettre fin à la guerre libanaise et trouver une solution définitive au problème libanais interne qui est resté lié aux évolutions géopolitiques dans la région. Cette constatation permet de comprendre la situation actuelle qui est inquiétante pour l’avenir du Liban et démontre la limite du rôle des puissancesLebanon is a nation where the construction of the State is still unachieved in the second half of the 20th century. In fact, this State was incapable to settle political internal crises and limit the impact of regional and international conflicts from which it was suffering. And it was the aggravation of crises in Lebanon and their transformation to armed conflicts as of 1958 that threatened peace and international security. Great powers and the U.N. did not indeed succeed in resolving Lebanese crises. Nevertheless, the international community never disengaged itself from Lebanon. There are two Western powers with an undeniable influence in Lebanon that were constantly facing the Lebanese issue after World War II: France and the United States. This thesis looks into the French and U.S. diplomacies facing the Lebanese crises from 1958 till 2008, as well as their convergences and mostly their divergences. It will compare and explain their attitudes, initiatives, motivations, intentions and objectives on the short, medium and long terms. The aim is to show to which extent the Lebanese issue was the subject of a disagreement between Paris and Washington originating confrontation and rivalry between both countries, and to study how their policies influenced – or not – recurrent crises in Lebanon. In fact, France and the United States did not succeed to prevent the transformation of the crisis into an armed conflict, and failed to avoid the collapse of the Lebanese State facing the Arab- Palestinian issue that strongly weighted on the situation between 1958 and 1982. Furthermore, both countries were unable since 1982 to re-establish the State sovereignty and restore its effectiveness facing the Syria-Iran issue. In fact, the United States always refused to deploy the necessary efforts to resolve the causes of the Lebanese problem. France had the intention to do it but it was incapable because of the voluntary inaction of the United States on the Palestinian issue. The French-American divergent opinions on the Arab-Israeli conflict since 1967 did not help formulate any tangible and constructive cooperation between France and the United States that would contribute to end the Lebanese war and find a permanent solution to internal problems in Lebanon that remained linked to the region’s geopolitical developments. This observation helps to understand the current situation, which is worrying for the country’s future, and demonstrates the limits of the Great powers’ role
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Damberger, Nathan. "« La tendre mère » : la formation identitaire des Juifs du Liban. Le rôle de l’Alliance Israélite Universelle au XXe siècle (1943-1975)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023SORUL048.
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Notre thèse porte sur l’histoire de la communauté juive au Liban, notamment à partir de la fin du mandat français en 1943 et de la création de l’État d’Israël en 1948, jusqu’à sa désagrégation et dispersion au lendemain de la Guerre des Six-Jours en 1967. Nous souhaitons examiner la place cruciale occupée par l’Alliance Israélite Universelle (AIU), établissement éducatif principal de la communauté juive libanaise, dans la formation identitaire de ses anciens membres jusqu’à ce jour. À l'appui de notre travail d’archives et des entretiens menés au sein de la diaspora juive-libanaise aujourd’hui, nous avançons que le rôle de l’Alliance Israélite Universelle fut non seulement un important agent de socialisation des Juifs libanais, peut-être le principal, mais que les valeurs dispensées par cette institution renforçaient en outre la notion d’une appartenance ethnique commune et la croyance dans cette appartenance, ressentie comme primordiale. Cependant, cette prise en conscience subjective d’ethnicité – un terme que nous expliciterons et discuterons plus loin - est fortement circonstancielle et relationnelle, et donc non essentielle per se. Ce qui le prouve est d’ailleurs l’expérience migratoire des anciens membres de la communauté juive du Liban. Une expérience qui les conduisit à réévaluer leur conception de soi ainsi que le recours à des stratégies identitaires pour maintenir, changer, transformer ou rejeter leurs identités établies jusqu’à leur départ du LibanThis thesis deals with the history of Lebanon’s Jewish community, in particular from the end of the French mandate period in 1943 and the creation of State of Israel in 1948 to its disintegration and dispersion in the aftermath of the 1967 Six-Day War. I will demonstrate the crucial place the Alliance Israélite Universelle (AIU), the community’s main educational institution, occupies in the identity formation of its former members to this day. Based on our archival work and interviews conducted in today’s Lebanese-Jewish diaspora world-wide, I argue that the AIU in Lebanon was not only a primary agent of socialization but more importantly an institution that reinforced the notion of belonging to a distinct and primordial ethnic community. I explore the subjective awareness of ethnic belonging which is profoundly contingent and relational rather than intrinsic and essential. This is illustrated by the migratory experience of the former members of this community, an experience which led to a reevaluation of their self-conception and the relying of identity strategies in order to keep, change, transform or reject their previously established identities
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Tannous, Manon-Nour. "Un bilatéralisme de levier : les relations franco-syriennes sous les deux mandats de Jacques Chirac (1995-2007)." Thesis, Paris 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA020030.
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Le présent travail vise, par une documentation renouvelée, à comprendre la relation entre une puissance moyenne mondiale, puissance agissante au Moyen-Orient, et une puissance moyenne arabe. L’arrivée au pouvoir de Jacques Chirac en 1995 correspond à la mise en oeuvre d’une nouvelle politique envers Damas. Hafez Al-Assad perçoit l’opportunité de cette ouverture. Les rapports entre les deux pays permettent de nombreuses réalisations : imposition d’une vision commune sur la scène régionale face à la volonté américaine, modération de la politique de nuisance syrienne, ou encore mise en place d’une coopération pour une réforme administrative en Syrie. Mais ils sont également confrontés à plusieurs défis : le changement de président en Syrie, les tensions libanaises ou encore la guerre en Irak. Ainsi, à partir de la fin de l’année 2003, les relations franco-syriennes glissent sur un terrain nouveau. Faisant le constat de résultats insuffisants, notamment sur le terrain libanais, et de l’incapacité syrienne à prendre en compte la nouvelle configuration née de l’intervention américaine en Irak, la France utilise le cadre multilatéral onusien pour faire pression sur Damas. Un bilatéral minimal et conflictuel se cristallise alors autour de l’intérêt qu’ont les deux pays pour le Liban. Après l’assassinat de Rafic Hariri en 2015, ce bilatéral se judiciarise. Ces fluctuations des relations franco-syriennes nous ont conduits à réinterroger la notion de bilatéral. Nous avons proposé le concept de « bilatéralisme de levier » : il s’agit de l’instrumentalisation de la relation entre deux pays pour des objectifs indirects. En nourrissant des relations bilatérales et en mettant en place une habitude de traiter avec l’autre, la France et la Syrie cherchent en réalité à obtenir des gains et une position sur la scène régionale ou internationale. Ce détournement de la relation bilatérale explique qu’elle n’ait pas pu s’inscrire dans le temps longThe objective of the present thesis is, through the use of renewed documentation, to understand the relationship between a medium-sized, global power, active in the Middle-East, and a medium-sized Arab power. The beginning of Jacques Chirac’s presidency in 1995 corresponded to the implementation of a new policy towards Damascus. Hafez Al-Asad understood the opportunity which this opening-up afforded. Relations between the two countries thus allowed for many realizations : the imposition of a common vision on the regional scene in the face of American will, a moderation of Syrian trouble-making policies, or the implementation of cooperation in the area of Syrian administrative reform. France and Syria were however also confronted with several challenges, such as the changing of presidents in Syria, Lebanese tensions or war in Iraq. As a result, by the end of 2003, Franco-Syrian relations entered a new phase. Taking stock of insufficient results, in particular concerning Lebanon as well as Syria’s incapacity to take into account the new configuration born out of American intervention in Iraq, France used the multilateral framework of the United Nations to put pressure on Damascus. A minimal and fraught bilateral relationship crystallized around the interest which both countries had in Lebanon. In the wake of the assassination of Rafiq Hariri in 2015, this bilateral relationship acquired a judicial dimension. These fluctuations in Franco-Syrian relations have led me to reconsider the notion of bilateralism. I thus propose the concept of “leveraged bilateralism”, which refers to the using of the relationship between two countries for indirect objectives. By nourishing bilateral relations and by establishing a habit of interaction with one another, France and Syria sought in reality to obtain gains and a position on the regional or international scene. This hijacking of the bilateral relationship is the reason why the latter was not able to establish itself over the long run
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Gilodi, Alexis. "Agents de la République dans l’Empire ottoman (1875-1914) : aux avant-postes de la défense du rang de la France." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020EHES0001.
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Après la défaite désastreuse de 1870 contre la Prusse, la France se devait de retrouver son rang de grande puissance. L’expansion de son domaine colonial en fut l’un des moyens. Sa relation avec l’Empire ottoman entrait dans ce cadre, notamment sous la forme d’un impérialisme financier. En parallèle, une prépondérance culturelle française s’imposait aux élites ottomanes. La propagation de l’enseignement du français sur tout le territoire de l’Empire a été essentiellement le fait des congrégations catholiques, elles-mêmes sous la protection des consuls, armés par les Capitulations et dont les fonctions à caractère politique étaient amplifiées. Le réseau consulaire en Turquie se trouve alors le plus dense de toutes les autres puissances. L’un des axes de ce travail est l’examen de la cohérence entre les carrières des personnels nommés en Turquie et les spécificités d’un contexte oriental en pleine évolution. L’analyse des causes de la défaite avait mis en lumière les faiblesses des services extérieurs. La République a renforcé les conditions de recrutement des diplomates, des consuls et des drogmans tout en instaurant des parcours de carrière où la faveur n’avait plus sa place. Ces changements font l’objet d’une étude prosopographique. Les caractéristiques personnelles d’environ cinq cents agents et les éléments descriptifs de leur carrière sont collationnés dans une base de données destinées à des analyses statistiques. La répartition du corpus en quatre groupes selon quatre périodes de recrutement successives fait ressortir les évolutions intervenues. Pour un certain nombre de ces agents, l’examen de leurs biographies permet d’illustrer les résultats de la statistique ou de faire ressortir des exceptions significatives. Le réseau consulaire et ses hommes sont un moyen. Pour quelles fins ? Les objectifs stratégiques de la France visés par le déploiement de son réseau font l’objet d’une comparaison avec les différentes puissances. Leur rivalité en Orient a entravé la constitution d’alliances, autre pôle majeur de la politique extérieure française.L’étude de cas réalisée à propos du Liban et du consulat général à Beyrouth soulève la problématique du clientélisme et de la signification du concept d’influence, dans une région où les catholiques sont minoritaires en nombre et ont un pouvoir économique et politique faible. Se pose dès lors la question des rapports de la France avec le monde musulman, que l’arrivée au pouvoir des Jeunes Turcs exacerbeIn the aftermath of a disastrous defeat by Prussia in 1870, France sought, in part through the expansion of her colonial domain, to retrieve her position as a great power.Financial imperialism created a semi-colonial aspect to the relationship between France and the Ottoman Empire. Similarly, the embrace of French culture by the Ottoman elite enhanced this tie. The expansion of the teaching of French throughout the empire was largely the work of the Catholic Church under the protection of the French consuls, themselves armed with the Capitulations and consequentially politically empowered. Thus, the French consular network in Turkey became the most entrenched of all the powersOne aspect of this work is the examination of the coherence between the consular staff resident in Turkey and the cultural standards of an oriental society in the midst of rapid change. Analysis of the reasons for the failures in this regard brings to light weakness of the foreign service at the time. The Republican regime increased the requirements for diplomats, consuls and dragomans while setting career path insulated from favouritism. These changes have been analyzed through a prosopographic study. Personal data of nearly five hundred officers and the details of their careers have been input in a database for the purpose of statistical analysis. Splitting the corpus in four groups according to four successive recruiting periods shows the evolutions that took place. Biographies of a number of these officers have been written illustrating statistical results or showing off meaningful exceptions. The consular network is a means but to what end? France’s strategic objectives, and those of the other powers, that underlined the development of their networks have been analyzed in a comparative perspective. Their rivalries in the Middle East hindered France’s formation of alliances, though that was a major goal of her foreign policy.The case study regarding Lebanon and the consulate general in Beirut addresses the question of patronage and the significance of influence in a region where Catholics are a minority and hold a weak economic and political power. Thus, is raised the question of the relationship between France and the Muslim world, exacerbated by the rise to power of the Young Turks
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Mathieu, Ilinca. "La question du sens de l'action dans les opérations extérieures : décision politique, soutien public et motivation militaire dans le cadre de la participation française à la FIAS et à la FINUL renforcée." Thesis, Clermont-Ferrand 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014CLF10452.
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De nombreuses études concluent à la supériorité des démocraties dans la guerre. A travers notre analyse des relations unissant aujourd’hui les piliers de la trinité clausewitzienne classique – pouvoir politique, peuple et armée – notre recherche s’attache à mettre en évidence l’importance, à cet égard, de la définition du « sens de l’action ». Complexe à conceptualiser, cet objet naît de l’interaction des trois piliers de la trinité qui contribuent à le construire. Cette dynamique prend son origine dans le sens conféré, par le discours politique,à la décision de recourir à la force. Ce sens politique repose sur les intérêts nationaux tels qu’appréhendés par les décideurs, mais également, du fait de la contrainte démocratique, sur les préférences de l’opinion publique telles que perçues par le politique. Le soutien public apparaît essentiel pour alimenter la volonté politique dans le conflit, mais influence aussi le moral des militaires déployés en opérations. Notre étude s’attache donc, en second lieu, à analyser les composantes du sens conféré par les militaires à la mission qu’ils exécutent, afin de déterminer dans quelle mesure un sens politique insuffisamment clair peut influencer le soutien public et, in fine, une éventuelle perte de sens chez les soldats. Cette analyse multiscalaire cherche en définitive à répondre à la question de savoir pourquoi l’on se bat, en approfondissant deux cas d’étude : la participation de l’Armée de terre française à la FIAS, en Afghanistan, et à la FINUL renforcée, au Liban. Elle peut s’inscrire, plus largement, dans le courant d’analyse cherchant à déterminer les facteurs d’efficacité dans la guerre, en esquissant l’idée que les démocraties peuvent, du fait des contraintes qui leur sont propres, présenter une faiblesse à cet égardMany studies have determined that democracies perform better in war. Through our analysis of the relationship that links the pillars of today’s clasewitzian trinity – political leaders, people and soldiers – our study seeks to highlight the importance, to this regard, of defining the « meaning of the action ». In spite of a complex conceptualization, this object can be apprehended by analyzing the interactions of the three pillars, within the frame of a military intervention abroad. This interactional dynamic’s origin lies in the meaning given by the political discourse to the decision to use force. This political meaning leans on national interests (as perceived by policymakers), but also on public preferences (as perceived by policymakers), due to democratic constraint. Public support appears essential to underpin the political will during a conflict, but it also affects soldiers’ morale in the field. Secondly, our study thus seeks to analyse the components of the meaning given by soldiers to their mission,in order to determine to what extent an uncleared or blurred political meaning might affect public support and ultimately provoke a loss of meaning among the military. This multiscale approach aims to answer to the ultimate question of knowing why are we fighting, by deepening two case studies : the French Army contribution to ISAF (in Afghanistan) and UNIFIL II (in Lebanon). It can more broadly come within the framework of previous researchs studying strategic and battlefield effectiveness, by underlying that democracies might have a weakness in this regard
Books on the topic "France-Lebanon relations"
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Gaunson, A. B. The Anglo-French clash in Lebanon and Syria, 1940-45. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1986.
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Gaunson, A. B. The Anglo-French clash in Lebanon and Syria, 1940-45. London: Macmillan, 1986.
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Arsan, Andrew. Interlopers of Empire: The Lebanese Diaspora in Colonial French West Africa. Oxford University Press, 2014.
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Interlopers of Empire: The Lebanese Diaspora in Colonial French West Africa. Oxford University Press, Incorporated, 2014.
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Interlopers of Empire: The Lebanese Diaspora in Colonial French West Africa. Oxford University Press, Incorporated, 2014.
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Interlopers of Empire: The Lebanese Diaspora in Colonial French West Africa. C Hurst & Co Publishers Ltd, 2014.
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Gaunson, A. B. Anglo-French Clash in Lebanon and Syria 1940-45. Palgrave Macmillan, 1987.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "France-Lebanon relations"
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Abu-Mounes, Rana. "Convention on Measures for Pacifying Syria (and Lebanon): Austria, France, Great Britain, Prussia, Russia, and the Ottoman Empire." In Muslim-Christian Relations in Damascus amid the 1860 Riot, 231. BRILL, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004470422_015.
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Hiro, Dilip. "Trump Fuels Gulf Rivals’ Cold War." In Cold War in the Islamic World, 313–50. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190944650.003.0014.
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In his 21 May 2017speech to the Arab-Islamic summit in Riyadh, US President Donald Trump conflated Shia radicalism with Sunni jihadism. His thesis fell apart on 7 June when ISIS suicide bombers attacked Iran’s parliament. Undeterred, Crown Prince Muhammad bin Salman led a diplomatic and commercial boycott of Qatar for maintaining normal relations with Tehran. His move drew Qatar and Iran closer. After declaring Lebanese Hizbollah a terrorist organization, Bin Salman pressured Saad Hariri, the Sunni prime minister, to dismiss the two Hizbollah ministers in his cabinet. When Hariri dithered, he was summoned to Riyadh where he announced his resignation under duress. Fearing destabilization of Lebanon, holding one million Syrian refugees, America and France pressed Bin Salman to let Hariri return to Beirut, where he withdrew his resignation. On 6 December, Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, thus legitimizing the annexation of East Jerusalem after the 1967 Arab-Israeli War in violation of international law. As Organization of Islamic Cooperation president, Turkey called a summit in Istanbul to denounce Trump’s move. King Salman was not among the fifty-odd heads of state or government attendees. With that, Saudi Arabia forfeited its claim to be primus inter pares among Muslim nations.
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Douma, Alexia-Nefeli. "Recent Developments in International Relations in the Light of the Syrian Crisis." In Defending Human Rights and Democracy in the Era of Globalization, 198–223. IGI Global, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-0723-9.ch009.
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Much ink has already been spilt on the unprecedented terrorist attack in Paris on November 13, 2015 in an atmosphere of endless despair. Many characterize it as the “new 9-11”. Nevertheless, they tend to defy the significant fact that that attack was launched by an acknowledged organization, Al-Qaeda, acting as a frontispiece of the Afghan state. In the present case study, the current threat is of a much larger extent and ambit, gradually conquering the globe. What one needs to conceive is that ISIS enjoys no single and specific nationality- on the contrary, it operates as an amorphous mass, a totality achieved as a result of illegal forms of collaboration and interstate crime in countless regions of the world, though serving a common purpose: the violation of security, democracy and freedom of expression. The ultimate goal of the organization is the breakdown of democratic regimes and the emergence of the Caliphate as a global superpower that will handle telecommunications, (inter) governmental, (inter) state security systems, and so on. One thing is for sure: Islam serves as the pretext for these modern bloody crusades. No religion that respects itself preaches and initiates a “holy war”; a war that is being constantly heretically interpreted- to say the least. Global co-operations frequently alter, as the international components are defined by ephemeral alliances, perhaps with classic conflicting interests, such as the US-Russia common goal opponent against ISIS. Parallel to that, other fronts hover vis-à-vis the question of military intervention of France and USA-UK in the disputed area of Raqqa, the struggle between Turkey and Russia around the management of natural resources not only on their behalf, but also in terms of ISIS, the implementation of geopolitical strategies over the area along with the future of millions of Syrians, who were accounted for either as refugees in neighboring countries, such as Lebanon, or Internally Displaced Peoples (IDPs). The recent EU-Turkey Ankara Summit on refugees ignited hot debate over the way in which the Schengen area should be further fostered via the creation of the so-called “refugee hot-spots” within the Turkish territory.
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Curtis, Edward E. "Twentieth-Century Muslim Immigrants: From the Melting Pot to the Cold War." In Muslims In America, 47–71. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195367560.003.0003.
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Abstract Mary Juma arrived in Ross, North Dakota, in 1902. Like most immigrants who traveled to the United States during the first decade of the twentieth century, she did not come from a country in northern or western Europe. In this period, the majority of immigrants hailed from eastern and southern Europe. But Mary Juma and her husband, Hassin, were not from Italy or Russia. They were from Syria, then a part of the Ottoman Empire. Following the lead of other immigrants who sought riches in America, they sold all of their possessions, asked relatives to take care of their two daughters, and pledged their small farm as collateral for the loan they needed to pay for their travel from Lebanon to France and then to Montreal, Canada. Though many European and Middle Eastern immigrants in this era entered the United States through Ellis Island in New York, others came via Canada. After arriving in Montreal, the Jumas went first to Nebraska and then settled in North Dakota.