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Journal articles on the topic 'France-Japan relations'
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الزيادي, محمد. "The Hore-Laval Project 1935 and its impact on British politics (a study in international relations)." Kufa Journal of Arts 1, no. 21 (February 18, 2015): 185–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.36317/kaj/2014/v1.i21.6358.
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The outbreak of World War II preceded the crystallization of a new international structure based on the bipolar bloc between the axis countries (Germany - Italy - Japan), and the allies Britain and France, joined by the United States of America. Italy was allied with France and Britain within the framework of the (Stresa) front, to contradict its interests with Germany, especially in Austria, but the twisted position of Britain and France against Italy in the Abyssinian issue led to its turning towards Germany, as it left the (Stresa) front in 1936 and signed the October Protocol in 1936 1936 with Germany as Germany signed with Japan Anticoventern the same year.
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Fukuda, Madoka. "The Normalization of Sino-French Diplomatic Relations in 1964 and the Formation of the “One-China” Principle: Negotiations over Breaking French Diplomatic Relations with the Republic of China Government and the Recognition of the People’s Republic of China as the Sole Legitimate Government." World Political Science 8, no. 1 (October 18, 2012): 252–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2012-0013.
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AbstractThis article examines the substance and modification of the “One-China” principle, which the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) pursued in the mid 1960s. Under this principle, a country wishing to establish diplomatic relations with the PRC was required first to break off such relations with the Republic of China (ROC). In 1964 the PRC established diplomatic relations with France. This was its first ambassadorial exchange with a Western government. The PRC, in the negotiations over the establishment of diplomatic relations, attempted to achieve some consensus with France on the matter of “One-China”. The PRC, nevertheless, had to abandon these attempts, even though it demanded fewer conditions of France than of the United States (USA), Japan and other Western countries in the 1970s. The PRC had demanded adherence to the “One-China” principle since 1949. France, however, refused to accept this condition. Nevertheless, the PRC established diplomatic relations with France before the latter broke off relations with the ROC. Subsequently, the PRC abandoned the same condition in negotiations with the African governments of the Republic of Congo, Central Africa, Dahomey and Mauritania. After the negotiations with France, the PRC began to insist that the joint communiqué on the establishment of diplomatic relations should clearly state that “the Government of the People’s Republic of China is the sole legal government of China”. However, France refused to insert these words into the communiqué. Afterwards, the PRC nevertheless insisted on putting such a statement into the joint communiqués or exchanges of notes on the establishment of diplomatic relations with the African countries mentioned above. This was done in order to set precedents for making countries accede to the “One-China” principle. The “One-China” principle was, thus, gradually formed in the process of the negotiation and bargaining between the PRC and other governments.
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Siaroff, Alan, and Clement Lee. "The State and Industrial Followers: Japanese Versus French Computer Strategy, 1960s–1980s." Journal of Public Policy 17, no. 1 (January 1997): 31–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00003421.
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ABSTRACTWithin the advanced capitalist world, Japan and France have normally been the main examples of strong, interventionist states. From the 1960s onwards, government policy in each nation attempted to cultivate a domestically based computer industry in response to American dominance. This seemed to be parallel cases of strong states attempting to target an industry in order to catch up. However, by the start of the 1980s it was clear that French policy had failed, whereas Japan was relatively successful. We explain this difference by stressing that Japanese policy was ultimately more market conforming. This occurred because Japanese companies were less dependent on government financing and procurement for their business compared to French counterparts. In short, the Japanese state had less power over its domestic computer companies than did the French state. This national difference in ‘state strength’, i.e., state-business power relations, accounts for a negotiated pattern of industrial restructuring in Japan compared to the predominantly state-led pattern in France.
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Lehmann, Jean-Pierre. "France, Japan, Europe, and industrial competition: the automotive case." International Affairs 68, no. 1 (January 1992): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620460.
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YAMAMOTO, Takeshi. "Bilateral or Trilateral? Japan, the EC and the United States in the “Year of Europe”." Journal of European Integration History 25, no. 1 (2019): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2019-1-37.
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It is perhaps a little known fact that Henry Kissinger mentioned Japan several times in his [in]famous “Year of Europe” speech of 1973. He intended to include Japan in the “New Atlantic Charter”, making it a US-EC-Japan triangular framework in the hope of preventing Japan drifting in an undesirable direction during the era of détente. Europe, and France in particular, however, disliked Kissinger’s initiative because they perceived it to be a US attempt to dominate its allies. Instead, the EC proposed direct negotiations with the Japanese government leading to a bilateral Japan-EC declaration in order to avoid America being at the top of the triangle. Japan faced with a dilemma. In the end, the idea of bilateral Japan-EC and US-EC declarations along with a trilateral US-EC-Japan declaration proved impossible due to a deterioration in US-EC relations. The Japanese government had to retreat not only from the Kissinger exercise but also from the idea of a bilateral declaration with the EC because pursuing the latter without a US-EC declaration would, it was feared, be perceived as anti-American behaviour.
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Saiya, Nilay. "Confronting Apocalyptic Terrorism: Lessons from France and Japan." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 43, no. 9 (October 23, 2018): 775–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1057610x.2018.1499694.
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Berk, Gerald. "Adversaries by Design: Railroads and the American State, 1887–1916." Journal of Policy History 5, no. 3 (July 1993): 335–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600007259.
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It has become commonplace to acknowledge the exceptionally adversarial nature of business-government relations in the United States. When compared to their counterparts in Germany, France, Japan, and the Nordic countries, American business executives have much more autonomy from the state; and yet, there is also greater distrust between business and government. Such adversarial relations, many students of comparative political economy argue, puts the United States in the late twentieth century at a disadvantage. Faced with competitors in the world market who cooperate with their respective governments on investment, training, and long-term sectoral development, American corporations compete in global markets under a considerable handicap.
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Đức Thuận, Phạm, and Phạm Thị Phượng Linh. "Bao Dai Solution and the Formation of the “National Government of Vietnam” During the Indochina War (1945-1954)." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 13, no. 2 (March 5, 2024): 405. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2024-0056.
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After World War II, Vietnam declared independence from France and Japan following the victory of the resistance movement for independence led by the Viet Minh. However, with the regulations at the Yalta conference, France returned to wage war to force Vietnam and the entire Indochina peninsula to fall under French rule as before. In Vietnam, France refused to cooperate with Viet Minh because it believed that this organization was Communist. France tried every way to set up a “puppet” government and they turned to Bao Dai, an Emperor who had just been overthrown in August 1945. The Bao Dai solution was proposed by France to maintain colonialism in Vietnam. This solution aims to establish a “National Government of Vietnam” under French influence, maintaining French interests and influence. This research article aims to clarify the puppet nature of the “National Government of Vietnam” and show that it had an important influence on the situation in Vietnam during the Indochina War (1945-1954). Methods of exploiting historical documents, logical methods and international relations research methods are used to clarify the content of the research article.
Received: 13 October 2023 / Accepted: 29 January 2024 / Published: 5 March 2024
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Rodwin, Marc A. "Reforming Pharmaceutical Industry-Physician Financial Relationships: Lessons from the United States, France, and Japan." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 39, no. 4 (2011): 662–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2011.00633.x.
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Post-industrial societies confront common problems in pharmaceutical industry-physician relations. In order to promote sales, drug firms create financial relationships that influence physicians' prescriptions and sometimes even reward physicians for prescribing drugs. Three main types exist: (1) kickbacks, (2) gifts, and (3) financial support for professional activities. The prevalence of these practices has evolved over time in response to changes in professional codes, law, and markets. There are certainly differences among these types of ties, but all of them can compromise physicians' independent judgment and rational prescribing.Drug firms have paid kickbacks for prescribing drugs, purchasing drugs, switching brands prescribed, adding a drug to a hospital formulary, enrolling patients in post-marketing clinical trials, and writing practice guidelines that encourage the use of certain drugs.
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Arnold-Gaille, Séverine, and Michael Sherris. "INTERNATIONAL CAUSE-SPECIFIC MORTALITY RATES: NEW INSIGHTS FROM A COINTEGRATION ANALYSIS." ASTIN Bulletin 46, no. 1 (December 29, 2015): 9–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asb.2015.24.
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AbstractThis paper applies cointegration techniques, developed in econometrics to model long-run relationships, to cause-of-death data. We analyze the five main causes of death across five major countries, including USA, Japan, France, England & Wales and Australia. Our analysis provides a better understanding of the long-run equilibrium relationships between the five main causes of death, providing new insights into similarities and differences in trends. The results identify for the first time similarities between countries and genders that are consistent with past studies on the aging processes by biologists and demographers. The insights from biological theory on aging are found to be reflected in the cointegrating relations in all of the countries included in the study.
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Haarmann, Harald, and Eugene Holman. "Acculturation and Communicative Mobility among Former Soviet Nationalities." Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 17 (March 1997): 113–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0267190500003305.
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As elements of interethnic relations, multilingualism and language contact have always played important roles. Only in recent years, however, have problems of multilingualism come to the attention of the wider public and state authorities. This attention is due partly to the spread of information about multilingual affairs and partly to the demands, expressed increasingly vocally by speakers of minority languages, that their status be safeguarded. The majority of the countries in the world have a multinational and multilingual population (Mackey 1976: 68 ff., Grimes 1992:10 ff.), and the major industrialized states are no exception. The United States of America, India, China, Britain, Spain and the former Soviet Union are commonly known to be multilingual states, but the fact that France, Germany, and Japan also fall into this category, is not as commonly known.
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COICAUD, JEAN-MARC. "A Brief Case Study of Germany and Japan: Emotions and Passions in the Making of World War II." Japanese Journal of Political Science 16, no. 3 (August 5, 2015): 227–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109915000171.
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AbstractCompeting interests among big powers played a role in the making of World War II. But, and not separated from this, another element had a serious impact: the sense of psychological insecurity experienced, each in its own way, by Germany and Japan in the context of their quest for recognition by other major powers – Great Britain, France, Russia, and the United States – and the implications this had internationally. In connection with their material conditions (internal and international) compared to other great powers, this pushed Germany and Japan to embrace policies that were ultimately self-defeating. It led them to see and assess themselves, others, and the international environment in conflicting terms and, faced with the unwillingness of other big powers to accommodate them to the extent they wanted, to overplay their hand, with lethal outcomes as a result.This article follows two previous articles published in this journal.1It is a case study that focuses on Germany and Japan, and the making of World War II. In the first section, it begins with highlighting the overall relevance of this case study in the context of the analysis of emotions and passions in international politics. In the second section, it shows that both for Germany and Japan a sense of psychological insecurity regarding their international status and their urge to catch up and compensate, put them on a collision course with the great powers of the period. In the third part, the article explains how, in time, this contributed to the fact that Germany and Japan embraced negative and exclusionary political emotions and passions that translated into belligerent policies. In the fourth section, as a way to conclude, the article touches upon how a better understanding of the nature and role of emotions and passions in international affairs can encourage a psychology of peace, and international peace altogether.
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Kim, Yooneui, and Youngwan Kim. "The autonomy of international organizations? The analysis of major powers’ influence over the World Bank’s aid policies." International Area Studies Review 24, no. 3 (July 7, 2021): 224–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/22338659211024879.
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Are international organizations autonomous actors in global politics? This paper investigates whether and how major powers influence the World Bank’s official development assistance policies. Despite the World Bank’s attempts to maintain independence from its member states, we argue that major powers are still influential. Testing this expectation with the data of official development assistance provisions between 1981 and 2017, we find that the World Bank provides a higher amount of official development assistance to the recipient countries that receive a higher amount of such assistance from the major powers such as the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Germany and Japan. In addition, the World Bank is prone to provide a higher amount of official development assistance to the recipients that have a similar preference to the major powers. This study sheds light on the relations between major powers and international organizations.
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Van Puyvelde, Damien, James J. Wirtz, Jean-Vincent Holeindre, Benjamin Oudet, Uri Bar-Joseph, Ken Kotani, Florina Cristiana Matei, and Antonio M. Díaz Fernández. "Comparing National Approaches to the Study of Intelligence." International Studies Perspectives 21, no. 3 (February 3, 2020): 298–337. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekz031.
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Abstract This forum compares and contrasts national experiences in the development of intelligence studies from the perspective of seven countries: France, Japan, Israel, Romania, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The discussion is structured around a comparative framework that emphasizes five core dimensions that, we posit, are essential to the emergence of this subfield: access to relevant government information, institutionalization of research on intelligence and security in a higher education setting, periodic scientific meetings and networks, teaching and learning opportunities, and engagement between researchers and practitioners. The forum demonstrates how researchers working in different contexts and disciplines have overcome similar challenges to broaden our understanding of secret government practices.
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Mishiba, Takenori. "Workplace Mental Health Law: Perspectives Based on a Comparative Analysis of Legislation in Seven Countries." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 38, Issue 1 (March 1, 2022): 53–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2022003.
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This article summarizes the outcome of a comparative legal analysis conducted in seven countries (UK, Denmark, the Netherlands, France, Germany, US, and Japan) to obtain practical and theoretical insights into prevention and appropriate responses to the increasing issues around mental health in the workplace. The author worked closely with experts in a wide range of fields, including psychiatry, occupational medicine, business administration, human resources management, and sociology to characterize the issue and identify effective approaches from a legal perspective. Based on the findings, this article emphasizes the importance of ensuring procedural rationality and establishing a ‘circle of responsibility’ among the relevant parties. Workplace Mental Health, Psycho-Social Risks, Labour Law, Disability Discrimination Act, Organizational Psychology, Stress-Check System
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Romer, K. Gird. "Young, Britian And The World In The Twentieth Century." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 24, no. 1 (April 1, 1999): 41–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.24.1.41-42.
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Britain and the World in the Twentieth Century is a fine book. It is well written, well organized, and very informative. The work is part of a series titled "International Relations and the Great Powers," a series that includes Japan and the World since 1868, with titles such as France and the World in the Twentieth Century, and The United States and the World in the Twentieth Century forthcoming. The author of Britain and the World in the Twentieth Century, John W. Young, Professor of Politics at the University of Leicester, also wrote Britain and European Unity, 1945-92, Winston Churchill's Last Campaign, and Cold War Europe. Professor Young has a firm grasp of the material and the ability to present it clearly. The author does presuppose a slight knowledge of twentieth-century English and European history on the part of the reader, but a detailed knowledge is not necessary.
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Nosov, Mikhail Grigor'evich. "Europeans in Japan: from trade to knowledge." Contemporary Europe, no. 3 (June 15, 2023): 164–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0201708323030142.
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The Dutch trading posts, first at Hirado and later at Deshima in northwest Kyushu, existed from 1609 to 1855. These almost two and a half centuries can be roughly divided in two parts. In the XVII th and the beginning of the XVIII th century the relations between the Dutch and the Japanese were marked by the mutual interest in trade and by the readiness of the Dutch to unconditionally obey the strict rules of their presence in Japan. The second half of Dutch presence at Desima is characterized by decline of trade and increase of mutual interest. Trade began to decline after the Shogunate prohibited the export of gold and silver in 1668. In 1743 for the first time trade with Japan became unprofitable. In 1799 the Dutch East India Company (VOC) ceased to exist. This was due both to the loss of its markets in Persia, India, and Europe and to increased competition with England and France for colonial markets. Another reason for the company's bankruptcy was the managerial errors of its management - the company was paying dividends to shareholders in Holland that exceeded its profits. Despite the economic losses, both sides were in no hurry to end the relationship. For Japan, Deshima remained a small window to Europe, through which they learned about the outside world and its scientific and technological achievements. The emergence of qualified translators from the Dutch language in Japan coincided with the Shogunate's interest in the development of science, opened up a source of knowledge for the country and the emergence of a new branch of science, Rangaku, which means «Dutch science». The Netherlands, maintaining its trading post in Japan, proceeded not only from the desire to maintain its status as a global empire, but also got a chance to study and appreciate the rather unique intellectual and cultural potential of the Japanese, becoming a unique source of knowledge about this country for Europe. Last 15 years of Tokugawa period is called Bakumatsu (what means the «end of Tokugawa period»), which was followed by Meiji restoration, and development of intensive contacts between Europe and Japan.
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Santos, Carolina Macagnani dos, Luiz Eduardo Gaio, Tabajara Pimenta Junior, and Eduardo Garbes Cicconi. "Interdependence and contagion in the period of crisis." International Journal of Emerging Markets 14, no. 5 (December 2, 2019): 1013–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijoem-05-2018-0216.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether the relationship of interdependence and contagion between BRICS countries and emerging non-BRICS countries is similar to that observed between developed countries and emerging BRICS countries. Design/methodology/approach The authors analyzed 15 markets: 5 BRICS, 5 developed (USA, Japan, Germany, England and France) and 5 emerging markets (Mexico, Indonesia, Turkey, Iran and Poland). Based on the time series of returns of the main stock indexes of each country, referring to the period from 2008 to 2018, the authors applied Granger causality tests, vector auto-regression and the dynamic conditional correlation-GARCH model. Findings The results led to the rejection of the main hypothesis and showed adherence to the behaviors predicted in the literature for the relations between the groups of markets. Originality/value This paper, besides analyzing the interdependence between markets in times of crisis, analyzes the effect of contagion between developed and emerging markets.
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M. Battalova, Linara, Rafael N. Enikeev, Nicholas A. Kokanov, Evgeny A. Semivelichenko, and Viktor S. Probichev. "LEGAL REGULATION OF VIRTUAL CURRENCY: INTERNATIONAL EXPERIENCE AND DEVELOPMENT TREND IN RUSSIA." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 7, no. 4 (October 5, 2019): 911–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.74122.
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Purpose: The development of the digital economy has become essential in the modern world. Entrepreneurs use digital technologies to carry out their activities, through which they enter into various civil-legal relations. One of the most pressing topics discussed in the legal community is the use of cryptocurrency in trading. Currently, there is no mechanism for the legislative regulation of the circulation and the use of the cryptocurrency. The main purpose of this study was to develop legal proposals and effectively regulate cryptocurrency.
Method: the development trend of cryptocurrency in the Russian Federation was analyzed, and the experiences of foreign countries (USA, Germany, France, China, and Japan) were studied.
Findings: This research analyzed the problem of the legal regulation of the cryptocurrency, which is a logical continuation of the development in digital technologies and digital economy. Finally, the authors offer a legal community with single matrix of the legal regulation of the cryptocurrency consisting of international, regional and domestic levels.
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Darby, Julia, Robert A. Hart, and Michela Vecchi. "Labour force participation and the business cycle: a comparative analysis of France, Japan, Sweden and the United States." Japan and the World Economy 13, no. 2 (April 2001): 113–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0922-1425(00)00049-9.
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Zhytariuk, Mar’yan. "Ukraine-Czechoslovakian and Ukraine-Romanian Relations in the Interpretation of the Magazine “Dilo” (Lviv)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 37-38 (December 20, 2018): 198–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2018.37-38.198-207.
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The Lviv daily “Dilo”, as well as the Ukrainian press in Galicia, Bukovina, Volyn and Transcarpathia in the interwar period, could not keep a way from the numerous and systematic facts of Ukrainophobia and immediately responded to the form available to it, mainly as digest and translations of foreign publications about Ukrainians and Ukrainian ethnic land.
Thirties of the Twentieth century entered the Ukrainian history under the sign of Polish “pacification” in Eastern Galicia (there were also the petitions of Ukrainian and British representations to the League of Nations), artificially created famine and genocide in Soviet Ukraine, the Bolshevik terror (not only against the national Ukrainian intellectuals, but also against the Ukrainian leadership of the Communist Party of the Bolsheviks), the German propaganda concerning the prospects of independent Ukraine and other significant phenomena, which formed together the basis of the "Ukrainian problem". All this in general was reflected by the European press (Great Britain, Germany, France, Switzerland, Belgium, Austria, Italy) and the US press, Canada, Japan. At the same time, from the standpoint of advocacy and sympathy, there was hardly any publication in the press of Czechoslovakia, Poland, Romania (except for Ukrainian-language editions), in the Soviet periodicals, however the governments of these countries were interested in further weakening and leveling of Ukrainian ethnic, mental, religious, historical and other factors that could cement Ukrainians nationally.
Keywords: magazine “Dilo” (Lviv), interethnic relations, Bukovyna, Galychyna, interwar period
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Khvostikov, Andrii. "Assessing the quality of international trade and economic relations in the agricultural sector." Economies' Horizons, no. 1(12) (November 8, 2021): 91–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.31499/2616-5236.1(12).2020.224801.
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Purpose of the research. The main purpose of the article is to improve the methodical support for assessing the quality of international trade and economic relations in the agricultural sector. Methodology. In the course of the research, the following methods were applied: fuzzy logic inference, generalization, comparison, graphical, expert assessments, etc. Results. The role of international trade and economic relations in the development of the domestic economy has been substantiated. The expediency of using forecasting as a tool for assessing the prospects for expanding cooperation in the field of agriculture with other countries has been proved. The main indicators have been determined that are used in the process of measuring the relationships quality. The necessity of developing tools for assessing the quality of international trade and economic relations has been substantiated. It has been proposed to carry out an assessment using the fuzzy sets theory based on the formed thesaurus, which includes a fuzzy set, membership function, fuzzy variable, linguistic variable, fuzzy knowledge base, fuzzy logic inference. The scheme of the procedure for assessing the quality of international trade and economic relations using the method of fuzzy logic inference and description of the fuzzy system for assessing the quality of international trade and economic relations of the agricultural sector of Ukraine have been developed. An analysis has been carried out within the research framework of bilateral agreements between Ukraine and partners in the field of agriculture and it has been determined that an example of high-quality international trade and economic relations is cooperation with China, India, Germany, the United Arab Emirates; moderate – with Georgia, Poland, France, Korea; low – with Japan, Iran, Kazakhstan, etc. Practical meaning. Based on the results of the assessment, in accordance with the quality level of international trade and economic relations, priority areas of cooperation for Ukraine with partner countries to promote the development of its economy have been identified. Prospects for further research by the author are to develop a mechanism for increasing the quality of international trade and economic relations between Ukraine and partner countries.
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Quyet, Luu Van, and Nguyet Nguyen Thi Anh. "SOVEREIGNTY OVER THE PARACEL ISLANDS IN 1884-1945: AN APPROACH FROM THE RIVALRY BETWEEN FRANCE, CHINA, AND JAPAN." Journal of Liberty and International Affairs, Institute for Research and European Studies - Bitola 9, no. 2 (2023): 347–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.47305/jlia2392347q.
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Bhandari, Ravneet S., Sanjeev Bansal, and Lakhwinder K. Dhillon. "Understanding Sino–US Trade War: An American Government Perspective." Management and Economics Research Journal 5 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18639/merj.2019.958453.
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To comprehend Sino–US trade relations, this research article decrypts the trade relations among China and the United States from the American government perspective (Presidency of Donald Trump). The American government claims that the Chinese government's high import levies and subsidies to Chinese firms cause the Sino–US trade war, bringing about economic misfortunes in the United States. The American government thus contends that forcing high levies on Chinese products (imports) can be corrective measures for Chinese governments' actions. This research article discovers that the American administration overestimates the deficits. Measures for diminishing China's imports cannot raise the American employment rate; on the contrary, China furnishes the United States with high caliber and low-cost products and services. Although China is one of the top investors for the United States, Chinese capitalists tend to capitalize the surplus by investing in American ventures and bonds. However, American administration limits Chinese capitals because of security concerns supported by various other nations (i.e., France, Germany, Britain, Australia, the European Union, Australia, Canada, and Japan). The fear for Chinese capitalists due to China's moving up to the high end of the value chain is an outcome of economic advancement. Consequently, the two nations should restrategize Sino–US trade patterns by developing trade and economic co-ordination by means of trade arrangements.
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Cooper, Richard N., and Adam D. Sheingate. "The Rise of the Agricultural Welfare State: Institutions and Interest Group Power in the United States, France, and Japan." Foreign Affairs 80, no. 3 (2001): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20050176.
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Garbat, Marcin. "POLICY OF SUPPORTING EMPLOYMENT OF PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES IN SELECTED COUNTRIES OF THE WORLD." Polityka Społeczna 571, no. 10 (October 31, 2021): 16–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.5428.
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The right of people with disabilities to participate in economic life is, inter alia, the right to employment and participation in labor relations. The policy of supporting the employment of people with disabilities refers to actions oriented at the labor market and strengthening the employment opportunities of this social category. Such a policy is aimed at the parallel use of several or even a dozen or so activation instruments. Legal instruments supporting employers of people with disabilities in 10 countries, including 8 from the EU, such as: Belgium (Brussels and the capital region), China, the Czech Republic, France, Japan, Spain, Germany (Brandenburg), Luxembourg, Slovakia and Italy were analyzed. The analysis is also enriched by the description of instruments used in other countries of the world, if they were worthy of attention. Particular emphasis was placed on showing systemic solutions that sometimes allow employment support to be different than in Poland. The analysis describes the most interesting and best functioning national systems which, in their policies, implement the principle of equal opportunities and fight against discrimination, and enable employment of a person with disabilities
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Knotter, Ad, and David Mayer. "Introduction." International Review of Social History 60, S1 (October 9, 2015): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859015000450.
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AbstractThis introduction presents the main topics and analytical concerns of the contributions to this Special Issue about ethnicity and migration in coalfield history in a global perspective. From the nineteenth century the development of industrial and transport technologies required the supply of coal-based energy in every part of the world. Nineteenth- and early twentieth-century globalization, including colonialism, would not have been possible without coal. Coalmining operations were launched in all world regions, and to enable exploitation mine operators had to find, mobilize, and direct workers to the mining sites. This quest for labour triggered a series of migration processes (both from nearby and far away) and resulted in a broad array of labour relations (both free and unfree). This introduction points to the variety of constellations analysed in the different contributions to this Special Issue. These cover cases from Africa (Nigeria, Zimbabwe), Asia (China, Japan), the Americas (USA, Brazil), Turkey, the Soviet Union, and western Europe (France, Germany), and a broad range of topics, from segregation, forced labour, and subcontracting to labour struggles, discrimination, ethnic paternalism, and sport.
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Ismoilova, Sanobarkhon, and Diana Kurazova. "Ensure the Efficient Use of Local Budgets: What is the Root Cause of the Problem?" SHS Web of Conferences 172 (2023): 02003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202317202003.
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In a market economy, everyone, as far as possible, tries to use the available funds efficiently. This is a separate derived individual, family, enterprise, etc. will be affected. However, despite this, life observations and scientific research have shown that this problem becomes more and more complex as it goes from bottom to top. In particular, one of such difficult problems is the issue of effective use of funds within the framework of local budgets. However, in our opinion, there is a certain paradox here. This is due to the fact that countries operating in market relations and in civilized countries of the world (USA, Canada, Germany, Great Britain, France, Austria, Holland, Italy, Japan, South Korea, etc.)).g.) this problem is already successfully resolved. Nobody doubts that the funds allocated from local budgets in these countries are spent efficiently. This is evidenced by the fact that the real situation exists there. But if we talk about the efficiency of spending funds in the accounts of local budgets in Uzbekistan, then, unfortunately, this cannot be said.
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Buriak, K. M. "FEATURES OF CONFLICT-OF-LAWS REGULATION OF INTERNATIONAL WORK RELATIONS." Constitutional State, no. 41 (March 17, 2021): 103–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2411-2054.2021.41.225615.
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The article provides a comprehensive legal study of the basic principles of conflict-oflaws and legal regulation of work, complicated by a foreign element. It is determined that work relations complicated by a foreign element include: work of local citizens with foreign employers outside their country; foreign business trips of citizens to work abroad; work at enterprises owned by foreign entrepreneurs on the territory of their state; work of foreigners in the host state. It is noted that conflict-of-laws issues in the field of work relations complicated by a foreign element arise due to the specifics of the national legislation of each of the countries and the inconsistency of private international law in this area. The article analyzes the peculiarities of work of foreigners in Austria, Brazil, Canada, China, Romania, USA, Tunisia, Hungary, Ukraine, France, Germany, Czech Republic, Sweden, Switzerland, Japan. Based on the analysis it is concluded that the working conditions of emigrants are regulated by Public Law Regulations, which are mandatory and less humane in their content than the general conditions established by the general labor legislation and collective agreements. Foreign workers are directly dependent on entrepreneurs due to threats of expulsion, language difficulties, lack of professional training and other reasons. It is characterized by free overtime work, non-provision of vacations and sick leave. The article describes the conflict-of-laws bindings, which regulate work relations complicated by a foreign element, namely: the law of the autonomous will of the parties, the law of the place of performing of work, the law of the location of the employer, the law of the place of conclusion of an employment contract, the principle of the employer's personal law, the law of citizenship (domicile), the law of the flag, the principle of the closest connection. The features of the operation of conflict-of-laws bindings regulating work relations complicated by a foreign element in countries of different legal families are considered
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Risse-Kappen, Thomas. "Public Opinion, Domestic Structure, and Foreign Policy in Liberal Democracies." World Politics 43, no. 4 (July 1991): 479–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010534.
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The paper discusses the role of public opinion in the foreign policy-making process of liberal democracies. Contrary to prevailing assumptions, public opinion matters. However, the impact of public opinion is determined not so much by the specific issues involved or by the particular pattern of public attitudes as by the domestic structure and the coalition-building processes among the elites in the respective country. The paper analyzes the public impact on the foreign policy-making process in four liberal democracies with distinct domestic structures: the United States, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, and Japan. Under the same international conditions and despite similar patterns of public attitudes, variances in foreign policy outcomes nevertheless occur; these have to be explained by differences in political institutions, policy networks, and societal structures. Thus, the four countries responded differently to Soviet policies during the 1980s despite more or less comparable trends in mass public opinion.
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Goodman, John B., and Louis W. Pauly. "The Obsolescence of Capital Controls?: Economic Management in an Age of Global Markets." World Politics 46, no. 1 (October 1993): 50–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950666.
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Between the late 1970s and the early 1990s, after decades of trying to limit short-term international capital movements, advanced industrial states moved decisively in the direction of decontrol. What has driven this remarkable policy convergence? The answer lies not in ideological change or shifts in relative political power, but in the prior development of international financial markets and in the increasing globalization of business. In a policy environment fundamentally reshaped by these factors, financial institutions and multinational firms were able to threaten or implement strategies of evasion and exit. Thus, the usefulness of controls declined as their effective costs rose sharply. In this light, the cases of Japan, Germany, Italy, and France are examined. The analysis points to the tightening link between short-term capital movements and foreign direct investment, issues that have long been treated as conceptually distinct. It also underlines the intricate connection between national policies governing capital movements and those aimed at managing international financial markets.
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ZHANG, Ya. "French Indochina as Seen from the Representations of Women Writers in the 1940s ：Focusing on the Cooperative Relations between the Empire of France and Japan." Border Crossings: The Journal of Japanese-Language Literature Studies 16, no. 1 (June 28, 2023): 37–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22628/bcjjl.2023.16.1.37.
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In the 1940s, several Japanese women writers took up French Indochina as their stage, for example Hasegawa Haruko’s <i>Minami no shojochi (Virgin Soil of the South</i>, Kōanihonsha, 1940), Mori Michiyo’s <i>Harewataru Futsin (Clouds Roll Away Over French Indochina</i>, Muroto shobō, 1942), Kimura Ayako’s <i>Futsu·Tai·Inshōki (Impressions of French Indochina and Thailand</i>, Aidokusha, 1943), and Yoshiya Nobuko’s “Tsuki kara kita otoko” (“The Man from the Moon,” <i>Shufu no Tomo</i>, Shufu no Tomosha, 1942.5-1943.7). In this paper, I will elucidate the major differences and points of commonality between these works. In these texts, these writers express the relationality between Japan and France before and after the joint defence agreement. Hasegawa Haruko and Kimura Ayako, who visited before the joint defence arrangement was concluded, wrote that the French treated them warily, while Yoshiya Nobuko and Mori Michiyo, who visited after “Franco-Japanese Cooperation” had been established, found themselves in friendly French society. After the Japanese occupation began, they also elucidated the disappearance of Parisian colour from French Indochina and the gradual change into a Japanese landscape. These women writers became the best choice for the empire to argue that Japanese culture was superior to French culture without exchanging live fire.
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Tafiy, Natalia, and Daniil Bastrakov. "RENT AS A PROSPECTIVE SEGMENT OF THE RESIDENTIAL REAL ESTATE MARKET: EXPERIENCE OF FOREIGN COUNTRIES." Proceedings of Scientific Works of Cherkasy State Technological University Series Economic Sciences, no. 61 (June 28, 2021): 113–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24025/2306-4420.61.2021.236518.
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The article considers the problems of formation and development of the rented housing segment in foreign countries. The impact of changing consumers generations on the residential real estate market, which have other formats of consumer behavior, a different lifestyle, an approach to planning the structure and directions of consumer spending, other plans for the future. It is noted that in almost all countries there are laws that protect the rights of tenants, and an effective judicial system guarantees the protection of landlords' rights.
The experience of foreign countries and their regions in the regulation of the rental housing segment is analyzed: USA, Canada, Germany, France, Spain, Great Britain, Japan. Based on the analysis of international experience, it is concluded that in most countries the law regulates the organizational and legal aspects of rental relations, the legislative level also sets minimum standards and quality characteristics of rental housing, which are often the responsibility of regional authorities. state, province or land.
It is emphasized that there is an objective need to regulate the residential real estate market development, including in the rental segment, at the national, regional and local levels. It is noted that local governments of Ukraine should pay attention to this segment in the direction of developing "Regional standards of long-term lease", which will regulate relations, share responsibilities, responsibilities and rights, reconcile the interests of the tenant and the landlord.
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Laugesen, Miriam J., and Michael K. Gusmano. "Commentary: Global Comparisons of Physician Associations." Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 46, no. 4 (August 1, 2021): 747–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/03616878-8970924.
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Abstract The authors reflect on their own work in relation to the articles in this special section on physician organizations, and they make four observations. First, association-government power relations shift after countries introduce universal health insurance, but they are by no means diminished. In France, Germany, and Japan, physicians' economic interests are explicitly considered against broader health system goals, such as providing affordable universal insurance. In low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), physician organizations do not share power in the same way. Second, in higher-income countries, fragmentation may occur along specialty or generalist lines, and some physicians are unionized. Generally speaking, physician influence over reimbursement policy is reduced because of organizational fragmentation. Third, associations develop as legitimate voices for physicians, but their relationship to other professions differs in higher-income countries. Associations in LMICs form coalitions with other health professionals. Finally, although German state physician associations have a key implementation role, in most countries, state and federal policy roles seem relatively defined. Global comparison of the LMICs and other countries suggests power, unity, legitimacy, and federal roles are tied closely to the stage of health system development.
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Sakwa, Richard. "Power Transition, Cold War II and International Politics." Russian Politics 8, no. 2 (June 21, 2023): 264–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00802009.
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Abstract The onset of multipolarity is accompanied by a number of cross-cutting trends. First, the consolidation of elements of modified bipolarity in the form of the Sino-American great power dyad. Second, the emergence of a range of ‘legacy’ great powers, including Germany, France, the UK and Japan, with Russia struggling to retain its status as a great power while fearing relegation to legacy status. Third, the revival of cold war entails the restoration of bloc politics, although in this case in an acutely asymmetrical form. The nascent political institutionalization of the political East is based on a very different institutional and normative basis than the more consolidated political West. Overall, the center of gravity of international politics is shifting from the Atlantic to the Pacific basin, reflecting a fundamental change in the global correlation of forces. The Ukraine war has accelerated the end of the era of the dominance of the political West.
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Cable, Vincent. "The seven cultures of capitalism: value systems for creating wealth in the United States, Britain, Japan, Germany, France, Sweden and the Netherlands." International Affairs 70, no. 3 (July 1994): 550–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623748.
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Fize, Jacques, Ludovic Moncla, and Bruno Martins. "Deep Learning for Toponym Resolution: Geocoding Based on Pairs of Toponyms." ISPRS International Journal of Geo-Information 10, no. 12 (December 2, 2021): 818. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijgi10120818.
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Geocoding aims to assign unambiguous locations (i.e., geographic coordinates) to place names (i.e., toponyms) referenced within documents (e.g., within spreadsheet tables or textual paragraphs). This task comes with multiple challenges, such as dealing with referent ambiguity (multiple places with a same name) or reference database completeness. In this work, we propose a geocoding approach based on modeling pairs of toponyms, which returns latitude-longitude coordinates. One of the input toponyms will be geocoded, and the second one is used as context to reduce ambiguities. The proposed approach is based on a deep neural network that uses Long Short-Term Memory (LSTM) units to produce representations from sequences of character n-grams. To train our model, we use toponym co-occurrences collected from different contexts, namely textual (i.e., co-occurrences of toponyms in Wikipedia articles) and geographical (i.e., inclusion and proximity of places based on Geonames data). Experiments based on multiple geographical areas of interest—France, United States, Great-Britain, Nigeria, Argentina and Japan—were conducted. Results show that models trained with co-occurrence data obtained a higher geocoding accuracy, and that proximity relations in combination with co-occurrences can help to obtain a slightly higher accuracy in geographical areas with fewer places in the data sources.
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Anderson, Nicholas D. "Push and Pull on the Periphery: Inadvertent Expansion in World Politics." International Security 47, no. 3 (January 1, 2023): 136–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00454.
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Abstract Why do great powers engage in territorial expansion? Much of the existing literature views expansion as a largely intentional activity directed by the leaders of powerful states. Yet nearly 25 percent of important historical instances of great power expansion are initiated by actors on the periphery of the state or empire without authorization from their superiors at the center. Periphery-driven “inadvertent expansion” is most likely to occur when leaders in the capital have limited control over their agents on the periphery. Through their actions, peripheral agents effectively constrain leaders from withdrawing from these newly captured territories because of sunk costs, domestic political pressure, and national honor. When leaders in the capital expect geopolitical consequences from regional or other great powers, such as economic sanctions, militarized crises, or war, they are far less likely to authorize the territorial claims. A mixed-methods research strategy combines new quantitative data on great power territorial expansion with three qualitative case studies of successful (and failed) inadvertent expansion by Russia, Japan, and France. Inadvertent expansion has not completely gone away, particularly among smaller states, where government authority can be weak, control over states’ apparatuses can be loose, and civil-military relations can be challenging.
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Kabaklarli, Esra, Fatih Mangir, and Bansi Sawhney. "Impact of Infrastructure on Economic Growth: A Panel Data Approach Using PMG Estimator." International Review of Business and Economics 2, no. 2 (2018): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.56902/irbe.2018.2.2.2.
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Growth theory asserts that infrastructure investments promote economic growth by improving the quality of life and increasing private sector productivity . Transport services, water utility services and telecommunication services provide better facilities to attract FDI (foreign direct investment) and increase productivity across sectors. The aim of this article is to analyze whether transport infrastructure investments have a strong effect on the economic growth. It also attempts to analyze the differential impact of each type of infrastructural spending on economic growth. Our data set covers annual data from 1993 to 2015 period for 15 OECD countries (Austria, Turkey, Czech Republic, Spain, Finland, Japan, Germany, Ireland, Italy, France, Korea, Mexico, Netherlands, Poland, U.K) and China. In this study, we employ a Pool Mean Group (PMG) estimator to find long run and short run relations between the variables. Output elasticity of air transport is found to be positive and significant at five percent level and there exists a long run relationship between GDP per capita and other explanatory variables such as transport infrastructure indicators, gross capital formation and labor force. The crowding- out hypothesis is also supported by coefficients on county specific results. Our data set includes infrastructure variables such as Railways, (million passenger-km), Air transport, (freight, million ton-km), Individuals using the Internet (% of population).
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Gill, Amandeep Singh. "Artificial Intelligence and International Security: The Long View." Ethics & International Affairs 33, no. 02 (2019): 169–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000145.
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AbstractHow will emerging autonomous and intelligent systems affect the international landscape of power and coercion two decades from now? Will the world see a new set of artificial intelligence (AI) hegemons just as it saw a handful of nuclear powers for most of the twentieth century? Will autonomous weapon systems make conflict more likely or will states find ways to control proliferation and build deterrence, as they have done (fitfully) with nuclear weapons? And importantly, will multilateral forums find ways to engage the technology holders, states as well as industry, in norm setting and other forms of controlling the competition? The answers to these questions lie not only in the scope and spread of military applications of AI technologies but also in how pervasive their civilian applications will be. Just as civil nuclear energy and peaceful uses of outer space have cut into and often shaped discussions on nuclear weapons and missiles, the burgeoning uses of AI in consumer products and services, health, education, and public infrastructure will shape views on norm setting and arms control. New mechanisms for trust and confidence-building measures might be needed not only between China and the United States—the top competitors in comprehensive national strength today—but also among a larger group of AI players, including Canada, France, Germany, India, Israel, Japan, Russia, South Korea, and the United Kingdom.
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Ward, Hugh, and Geoffrey Edwards. "Chicken and technology: the politics of the European Community's budget for research and development." Review of International Studies 16, no. 2 (April 1990): 111–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500112550.
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Member governments of the European Community have frequently urged the necessity of closer cooperation and collaboration in meeting the challenge posed by new technologies and in countering the lead achieved by the United States and Japan. After delays which seemed almost to contradict any sense of urgency, the Council of Ministers of the Community agreed to a multi-annual Framework Programme of Scientific Research in 1983. A critically important element of that Programme, the European Strategic Programme of Research and Development in Information Technology (ESPRIT), was agreed only after further extensive delays in February 1984. The renewal and extension of the Framework Programme was proposed by the European Commission in early 1986 but was finally agreed only in September 1987, the delay having been caused by the opposition of Britain, France and West Germany, the three member states largely responsible for the protracted negotiations on ESPRIT in 1984. Much attention has been paid to the history of the Framework Programme and ESPRIT, but the budgetary aspects of the decisions, aspects that were highly significant in delaying agreement, especially on the part of Britain and West Germany, have tended to be ignored.
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STAFIICHUK, Valentyn. "PRIORITY RATING OF COUNTRIES OF THE WORLD FOR UKRAINE’S NATIONAL INTERESTS." Ekonomichna ta Sotsialna Geografiya, no. 84 (2020): 13–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2413-7154/2020.84.13-22.
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After the Russian occupation of Crimea and a part of Donbas the political and geographical position of Ukraine as well as its positioning in the modern world significantly changed. Previously, Ukraine had placed greater focus on non-bloc status in the multipolar world and on development of mutually beneficial bilateral relations with all its partners. For this reason, it is very important to calculate the country priority rating for Ukraine. This rating contains two groups of indicators from all spheres of interstate relations. The first group shows the current level of interaction and the second group shows the importance of states in the modern world. From six priority groups of countries the top-priority for Ukraine is cooperation with Germany, the USA, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Italy, France, Canada, Spain and Switzerland. The second priority group includes most of European countries (such as the Czech Republic, Poland, Austria, Belgium, Sweden, Denmark, Portugal, Hungary, Romania, Norway, Iceland, Finland, Slovakia), Japan, Israel, Australia, South Korea, Turkey and Singapore. Contrary to popular belief of supporters of indispensable friendship with Russia this country is not so important for cooperation nowadays and, moreover, it is not a landmark for the future as it is only in the third priority group. This group also includes Bulgaria, Malaysia, China, New Zealand, Estonia, Greece, Latvia, Thailand, Brazil, etc.Cooperation with more prosperous countries will help to get rid of the negative moments of Russian colonization, to reach higher economic and socio-political standards. With certain modifications this rating can be used for calculation of cooperation priority ratings for any country in the world.
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Selmi, Noureddine, Camille Tur, and Raphaël Dornier. "To what extent may sites of death be tourism destinations? The cases of Hiroshima in Japan and Struthof in France." Asian Business & Management 11, no. 3 (April 25, 2012): 311–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/abm.2012.7.
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Corby, Susan. "Adjudicatory Institutions for Individual Employment Disputes: Formation, Development and Effectiveness." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 38, Issue 1 (March 1, 2022): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2022001.
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This article focuses on first instance discrete adjudicatory institutions for the determination of individual employment disputes, generically known as labour courts, in seven countries: France, Germany, Great Britain, Ireland, Japan, New Zealand and Sweden. First, it traces their formation and subsequent development, applying Thelen’s fourfold typology of displacement, conversion, layering and drift. Sometimes, this typology is appropriate: French and Swedish labour courts have drifted, and in Germany there was displacement after World War 1. Sometimes, however, the typology, is inappropriate. In Ireland, there has been amalgamation and in New Zealand there was displacement and then adaptation. It next seeks to understand which of the seven institutions performs the most effectively, examining several criteria including the legitimacy of the labour court, speed, accessibility, cost, informality, and the propagation of legal norms. It finds that comparisons are limited because adjudicatory institutions need to be judged in their specific national context. Moreover, effectiveness depends on the criterion that is adopted: an institution that scores highly on one criterion does not necessarily do so on another. Despite these limitations, comparisons can be useful to practitioners and academics and Germany’s labour court scores highly on many of the criteria used. Labour Court, Judges, Adjudication, Lay Judges, Employment Disputes, Mediation, Path Dependency, Effectiveness, Legitimacy, Norms
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Gusakova, Elena A., and Alexander S. Pavlov. "Public procurement in construction: international practice." Vestnik MGSU, no. 2 (February 2022): 242–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.22227/1997-0935.2022.2.242-252.
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Introduction. The distribution and receipt of design and construction orders is a most important element in the construction life cycle. It is of considerable interest to study the rules governing the distribution of state orders and the practice of their application in various countries. This article examines the experience of the leading world economies accumulated in the bidding for construction projects.
Materials and methods. The authors studied original legal documents on the organization of tenders for construction works in several countries, as well as in international organizations. The tender rules of the USA, France, Germany, New Zealand, Japan, China are considered. Materials of reviews and scientific researches, conducted by other scientists, are also used and summarized.
Results. The principal methods for organizing tenders for construction and design works were identified as a result of analysis of regulatory documents. The authors have found many common approaches and methods used to assure equal and responsible relations between the state customer and the construction contractor.
Conclusions. It has been established that a number of methods, widely used abroad, are practically not used in Russia, for example, competitive negotiations and two stage tendering. On the contrary, a foreign reader may think that some provisions of the Russian legislation are strange, for example, initial contract price setting by the customer or electronic document management rules in the federal law.
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Jung, Samuel, and Theocharis Grigoriadis. "Persistence of Confucian Values? Legacies of Imperialism in China & Taiwan." Journal of Contextual Economics – Schmollers Jahrbuch 139, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 73–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/schm.139.1.73.
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In this paper, we analyze the long-run effects of Western and Japanese imperial expansion on the survival of Confucian values in China and Taiwan. Mainland China and Taiwan had been under the rule of the Qing dynasty and shared the same culture and societal structure before the onset of imperial expansions in the mid-nineteenth century. We show that due to the cultural proximity of Japanese invaders to Taiwan, Japan engaged strongly in the development of an efficient public administration in Taiwan. Mainland China, however, was invaded mainly by Western empires from 1842 to the early twentieth century and thus experienced a different cultural treatment. This gave rise to extractive Western institutions in combination with a substantially weakened Qing government, which led to a relatively stronger divergence of Confucian values from their original path. In Taiwan, the smaller distance between Japanese and Chinese languages preserved crucial Confucian values, such as the practice of religion, generalized trust and female participation in the labor force. In contrast, the large cultural distance between mainland China, on the one hand, and Britain, France and Russia, on the other, prevented formal state-building and facilitated individualism and hierarchical family relations. Confucian values are more likely to persist in the long run in Taiwan and those provinces of mainland China that were partly under Japanese occupation.
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Laugesen, Miriam J. "Conflicts of Interest and the Future of Medicine: The United States, France and Japan. By Marc A. Rodwin. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011. 392p. $29.95 cloth, $24.95 paper." Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 4 (December 2013): 1224–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592713002673.
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Faegri, Christina. "Globalizing Oil: Firms and Oil Market Governance in France, Japan and the United States. By Llewelyn Hughes. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014." Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 20, no. 4 (August 19, 2014): 629–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02004014.
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Dietrich, Simone. "Donor Political Economies and the Pursuit of Aid Effectiveness." International Organization 70, no. 1 (November 13, 2015): 65–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818315000302.
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AbstractIn response to corruption and inefficient state institutions in recipient countries, some foreign aid donors outsource the delivery of aid to nonstate development actors. Other donor governments continue to support state management of aid, seeking to strengthen recipient states. These cross-donor differences can be attributed in large measure to different national orientations about the appropriate role of the state in public service delivery. Countries that place a high premium on market efficiency (for example, the United States, United Kingdom, Sweden) will outsource aid delivery in poorly governed recipient countries to improve the likelihood that aid reaches the intended beneficiaries of services. In contrast, states whose political economies emphasize a strong state in service provision (for example, France, Germany, Japan) continue to support state provision. This argument is borne out by a variety of tests, including statistical analysis of dyadic time-series cross-section aid allocation data and individual-level survey data on a cross-national sample of senior foreign aid officials. To understand different aid policies, one needs to understand the political economies of donors.
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Blagden, David. "Roleplay, realpolitik and ‘great powerness’: the logical distinction between survival and social performance in grand strategy." European Journal of International Relations 27, no. 4 (November 5, 2021): 1162–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13540661211048776.
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States exist in an anarchic international system in which survival is the necessary precursor to fulfilling all of their citizens’ other interests. Yet states’ inhabitants – and the policymakers they empower – also hold social ideas about other ends that the state should value and how it should pursue them: the ‘role’ they expect their state to ‘play’ in international politics. Furthermore, such role-performative impulses can motivate external behaviours inimical to security-maximization – and thus to the state survival necessary for future interest-fulfilment. This article therefore investigates the tensions between roleplay and realpolitik in grand strategy. It does so through interrogation of four mutual incompatibilities in role-performative and realpolitikal understandings of ‘Great Powerness’, a core – but conceptually contested – international-systemic ordering unit, thereby demonstrating their necessary logical distinctiveness. The argument is illustrated with brief case studies on the United States, China, France, the United Kingdom, Germany and Japan. Identification of such security-imperilling role motives thus buttresses neoclassical realist theory; specifically, as an account of strategic deviation from the security-maximizing realist baseline. Such conclusions carry important implications for both scholarship and statecraft, meanwhile. For once we recognize that roleplay and realpolitik are necessarily distinct incentive structures, role motives’ advocates can no longer claim that discharging such performative social preferences necessarily bolsters survival prospects too.