Relevant bibliographies by topics / France – International relations – Israel

Academic literature on the topic 'France – International relations – Israel'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "France – International relations – Israel"

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Heimann, Gadi. "From Friendship to Patronage: France–Israel Relations, 1958–1967." Diplomacy & Statecraft 21, no. 2 (June 22, 2010): 240–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2010.482472.

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Kotsur, G. "Emotions and International Relations." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 19, no. 3 (2021): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.3.66.2.

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This article is the part of the recent emotional turn when the scholars of social science are paying more attention to the study of collective emotions in international affairs. The former dominance of the biological and essentialist paradigms in this field were replaced by a number of culture-centered approaches based on social constructivism, which were elaborated within two pioneering disciplines – anthropology of emotions and history of emotions. The influence of such a scientific revolution included the key axis of the common – unique with an emphasis on the latter. The IR has been also affected by an emotional turn when the field of constructivist emotional studies had been established in the early 2000s. The object of this work is the transnational structural common – collective emotional patterns that have recurrent nature and emerge beyond state borders. This part of reality has not been conceptualized by scholars. Therefore, the aim of the article is to fill an epistemological vacuum and outline the ways for conceptualization of transnational structural common. It is IR that seem to be the most suitable field to do this. The empirical case of the crisis response after terrorist attacks are analyzed as the example of the transnational structural common. This case is explored by the author through the framework of "emotion culture" by S. Koschut in combination with the concept of "emotives" by W. Reddy. Speeches by the leaders of Israel, the United States, Russia, India and France after six terrorist attacks from 1972 to 2015 allow to identify an integrated tripartite emotional structure, which is observed in each of the cases. This structure includes an emotive of pity; compensatory structure with the emotives of fighting fear through reciprocal determination; finally, an emotive of solidarity. This discursive structure functions in a stable way because the emotional code connects the type of event (terrorist attack) with the cultural script (tripartite structure). Finally, some approaches in sociological institutionalism would enrich future studies of emotion culture.
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Haas, Melinda, and Keren Yarhi-Milo. "To Disclose or Deceive? Sharing Secret Information between Aligned States." International Security 45, no. 3 (January 2021): 122–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00402.

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Why do aligned states sometimes disclose secret information about their miitary plans to use force, whereas other times they choose to deceive their partners? The state initiating these plans may choose among four information-sharing strategies: collusion, compartmentalization, concealment, and lying. Three main considerations shape its decision: the state's assessment of whether it needs its partner's capabilities to succeed at the military mission, the state's perception of whether the partner will be willing to support the state in the requested role, and the state's anticipated deception costs for not fully informing its partner state. Several cases illustrate how these strategies are chosen: Israel, Britain, and France's decision to use force against Egypt during the Suez Crisis (collusion between France and Israel, and concealment vis-à-vis the United States); Israel's 2007 bombing of Syria's al Kibar reactor (compartmentalization); and Israel's deliberations whether to attack Iran's nuclear reactor (lying). These strategies have implications for intra-alliance restraint and contribute to understanding deception and secrecy between allies.
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Blarel, Nicolas, and Jayita Sarkar. "Substate Organizations as Foreign Policy Agents: New Evidence and Theory from India, Israel, and France." Foreign Policy Analysis 15, no. 3 (December 24, 2018): 413–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/ory009.

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Arbatov, A. "Is Transition to Multilateral Nuclear Disarmament Possible?" World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2013): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-3-13-18.

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The article treats political, military and strategic aspects of disarmament process, in particular the involvement of nations other than USA and Russia. The author briefly analyses the positions of the European nations (United Kingdom and France), China, India and Pakistan on the issue. Also, the article covers the approaches of the informal and non-recognized nuclear states (North Korea and Israel).
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Camus, Jean-Yves. "La France, Israël et les juifs français." Revue internationale et stratégique 77, no. 1 (2010): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ris.077.0151.

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Gill, Amandeep Singh. "Artificial Intelligence and International Security: The Long View." Ethics & International Affairs 33, no. 02 (2019): 169–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000145.

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AbstractHow will emerging autonomous and intelligent systems affect the international landscape of power and coercion two decades from now? Will the world see a new set of artificial intelligence (AI) hegemons just as it saw a handful of nuclear powers for most of the twentieth century? Will autonomous weapon systems make conflict more likely or will states find ways to control proliferation and build deterrence, as they have done (fitfully) with nuclear weapons? And importantly, will multilateral forums find ways to engage the technology holders, states as well as industry, in norm setting and other forms of controlling the competition? The answers to these questions lie not only in the scope and spread of military applications of AI technologies but also in how pervasive their civilian applications will be. Just as civil nuclear energy and peaceful uses of outer space have cut into and often shaped discussions on nuclear weapons and missiles, the burgeoning uses of AI in consumer products and services, health, education, and public infrastructure will shape views on norm setting and arms control. New mechanisms for trust and confidence-building measures might be needed not only between China and the United States—the top competitors in comprehensive national strength today—but also among a larger group of AI players, including Canada, France, Germany, India, Israel, Japan, Russia, South Korea, and the United Kingdom.
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Dadalko, V. A., Ya G. Sud'bina, and S. V. Dadalko. "The issues of international cooperation of Russia in countering the economic crime." National Interests: Priorities and Security 16, no. 7 (July 16, 2020): 1264–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.24891/ni.16.7.1264.

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Subject. We analyze the aspects of Russia's cooperation with other countries in countering the economic crime. Objectives. The article analyzes methods and goals of Russia's cooperation with other countries, dealing with general issues and aspects coordinated by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, Federal Security Service, Federal Customs Service and Federal Service for Financial Monitoring. Methods. The study is based on the economic analysis, methods of classification and modeling, deduction and synthesis. Results. We studied what various international relations organizations of Russia do in countering the economic crime. We unveil some aspects of such a cooperation, i.e. legal attache, international treaties, common security council, communications, international compliance. Russia was found to cooperate most actively with Austria, Belarus, Belgium, Cyprus, Latvia, France, the USA, Spain, Germany, Kazakhstan, Palestine, Israel, Azerbaijan and Armenia. Conclusions and Relevance. States need the international cooperation and its advancement to effectively counteract with the economic crime. It is especially important as the transnational crime proliferates. However, the international cooperation is impossible if institutional, legal and regulatory aspects are not refined. The article suggests what should be dine to make the cooperation more effective.
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Gardner Feldman, Lily. "The Principle and Practice of ‘Reconciliation’ in German Foreign Policy: Relations with France, Israel, Poland and the Czech Republic." International Affairs 75, no. 2 (April 1999): 333–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2346.00075.

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Quandt, William B., and Ian S. Lustick. "Unsettled States, Disputed Lands: Britain and Ireland, France and Algeria, Israel and the West Bank-Gaza." Foreign Affairs 73, no. 2 (1994): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045984.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "France – International relations – Israel"

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Magy, Harrison Jacob. "France vis-a-vis Israel from (1948-1969)." Thesis, Boston University, 2005. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27708.

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Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.
PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
2031-01-02
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LLORCA, Sébastien. "French and German foreign policy with regard to Israel-Palestine, 1998-2005." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10465.

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Defence date: 14 December 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Bertrand Badie, (IEP Paris and CERI) ; Prof. Martin Beck, (GIGA Institute of Middle East Studies) ; Prof. Friedrich Kratochwil, (EUI) ; Prof. Pascal Vennesson, (EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Palestine between 1998 and 2005. Special attention is also drawn to the period of Sharon’s mandate and the Al-Aqsa Intifada (2001-2005). The thesis has two main objectives. The first is to draw a clearer picture of the ways in which French and German foreign policy towards Israel- Palestine has been socially constructed. The second is to better understand the reasons why France and Germany, key powers at the heart of the EU, did not furnish the efforts required in order to broker a peace deal in the Middle East that lived up to their own - as well as the EU’s - rhetoric and official 'dedication' to the conflict. First, I consider the respective processes of foreign policy making in France and Germany. After examining bilateral relations between France, Germany, Israel and the Palestinian Authority, I shed some light on the evolution of French and German national ‘positions’ and identify those who have played an important role in shaping this process. Subsequently, I propose to evaluate how foreign policy makers and leaders eventually take decisions. I therefore highlight major domestic and external sources of influence, and study how foreign policy makers prioritise among conflicting interests and such influential factors. Finally, I suggest in what respect these actors gave, or failed to give, their national diplomacy a vision, a strategy and solid boundaries within which to work. At first sight, it might be said that the dominant role of the United States in the Middle East, combined with internal divisions in Europe, in large part explain the weakness of France, Germany and the EU in the Middle East diplomatic arena between 1998 and 2005. However, my research also specifically tests the hypothesis that the collective memory of the Holocaust, its contemporary use and its cultural domestic meaning, in both France and Germany, have been central and even decisive in the elaboration of their respective positions. The set of norms and values linked to collective memory and shared by key decision-makers has constituted a major paralysing factor. In other words, a sense of historical responsibility and of Israeli 'exceptionalism' has developed in France and Germany. This has shaped the perception of the conflict and prevented both countries, and the EU itself, from playing a more pro-active role in the peace negotiations. From a theoretical perspective, this research contributes to foreign policy analysis in the field of International Relations. In addition, the focus on the social construction of a particular foreign policy clearly places this research in the constructivist tradition. However, the thesis is not primarily designed as an argument in favour or against a particular approach. Neither is the conflict merely a ‘case-study’, aimed at highlighting the weaknesses of any pre-conceived theoretical concepts or tools. The objective is to demonstrate the ways in which a particular set of norms and values, both in France and in Germany, may exert a decisive influence at various stages of the foreign policy making process.
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Levinet, Michel. "Contributions à l'étude des rapports entre le droit et la politique dans l'ordre constitutionnel et dans l'ordre international." Montpellier 1, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990MON10012.

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Ensemble de neuf études relevant du droit constitutionnel, de l'histoire des idées politiques, du droit international public et des relations internationales, ayant pour l'objet l'analyse des rapports qu'entretiennent, dans ces diverses disciplines, le droit et la politique. Inventaire des conditions politiques de la production et du fonctionnement des mécanismes et des principes juridiques relatifs à l'exercice du pouvoir politique étatique, notamment pendant la Révolution Française (processus constituant de 1793, nouveau droit des relations internationales, fêtes révolutionnaires et culte de l'être suprême, utopie et droit politique chez Saint-Just). Analyse de la place des facteurs juridiques dans la détermination et la conduite des politiques étrangères (Ve République Française, Iran actuel, Israël et Palestine). Etude du phénomène de la juridicisation du politique (importance croissante de la justice constitutionnelle et de la protection, dans le cadre du Conseil de l'Europe, des droits fondamentaux de l'homme ; analyse d'un projet doctrinal de création d'une cour suprême de justice en 1936).
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Al-Jboori, Ali. "Les relations franco-irakiennes, 1921-1974." Paris 1, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA010638.

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Gad, Mohamed Elsayed. "Les relations franco-égyptiennes et le conflit israélo-arabe (1956-1970)." Nice, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999NICE2030.

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Ce travail se propose d'étudier les relations franco-égyptiennes, dans une période (1956-1970) ou le conflit israelo-arabe et la guerre d'Algérie ont eu un impact décisif sur l'évolution des relations entre les deux pays. A cette époque l'engagement de l'Egypte nasserienne dans la voie de l'arabisme et de la décolonisation, a fait que l'Egypte fut visée par la campagne de Suez (1956). Campagne qui a marqué la rupture d'une grande présence économique et culturelle de la France dans le monde arabe. Onze ans plus tard, la guerre des six jours (1967) allait marquer une rupture entre la France et Israe͏̈l et un grand retour de la France dans le monde arabe et particulièrement dans les domaines économiques et culturels. Avec la fin de la guerre d'Algérie, commence une nouvelle politique arabe de la France qui percevait l'Egypte comme un partenaire indispensable pour exercer une influence au sein du monde arabe
This work intend to explain french-egyptian relations during the period (1956-1970), when the israeli-arabic conflict and algerian ward had a decisive impact on the evolution of relations between the two countries. At that time commitment of nasserian egypt for arabism and decolonisation put Egypt as the aim of the campaign of Suez (1956), that emphasized the end of the historical economic and cultural presence of France in the arab world. And so on eleven years later in the six days war (1967) which made a breack in the israeli french relations at the same time it showed a great retourn of France in the arab world especially in the economic and cultural. Fields at the end of algerian war, a new arab policy of France which perceived Egypte as an essential partner to exert an influence within the arab world
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Dessí, Andrea T. "Normalizing the Israel asset : the Reagan administration and the second cold war in the Middle East : leverage, blowback and the institutionalization of the US-Israel 'special relationship'." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3825/.

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The US-Israel relationship reached a critical, institutionalizing juncture during the 1980s. Measurable in qualitative and quantitative terms, the Reagan administration had a transformative impact on bilateral ties, institutionalizing ad hoc forms of cooperation while modifying prevailing discourse to recognize Israel as an 'ally' and a 'strategic asset' in the Cold War. New bureaucratic agreements were signed, bilateral working groups formed and joint military exercises held throughout a decade that capped a long familiarization process between societies and political elites in the two countries. By the end of the 1980s, many of the bureaucratic frameworks that today still govern the US-Israeli relationship were institutionalized, as were those elements of preferential treatment commonly cited as proof for the 'special' or 'unique' nature of US-Israel ties. This study focusses on the institutional and bureaucratic dimensions of US support for Israel, examining the changing rationalizations for this support and the way this relates to the salient theme of a mutual struggle for influence and leverage over the policies of the other. Drawing on recently declassified documents, complimented with high-level interviews and other materials, the research answers three interrelated questions as to 'why' this institutionalization process was carried out, 'how' it would materialize and 'what effects' these processes would have on future US policy towards Israel and the Middle East. While predicated on an effort to enhance US leverage over Israel, the study argues that the institutionalization of the relationship would formalize interdependence between the two countries, consolidating a 'policy straitjacket' that has constrained presidential freedom of action towards both Israel and the broader Middle East. This has furthered the US's 'entrapment' in a quasi-exclusivist relationship with Israel that has enhanced a process of 'Israelization' of US approaches and viewpoints on Middle East developments, harming US influence while transforming the US into an active participant and major obstacle to a resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the broader stabilization of the Middle East.
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Williams, Keith R. "Moral support, strategic reasoning, or domestic politics America's continual support for Israel." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Dec%5FWilliams.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2007.
Thesis Advisor(s): Wirtz, James ; Freeman, Michael E. "December 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 24, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-59). Also available in print.
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Ronnen, Edite. "Mediation in a conflict society : an ethnographic view on mediation processes in Israel." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/149/.

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This thesis addresses the question: how do individuals in a conflict society engage in peaceful dispute resolution through mediation? It provides a close look at Israeli society, in which people face daily conflicts. These include confrontations on many levels: the national, such as wars and terror attacks; the social, such as ethnic, religious and economic tensions; and the personal level, whereby the number of lawyers and legal claims per capita are among the highest in the world. The magnitude, pervasiveness, and often existential nature of these conflicts have led sociologists to label Israel a ‘conflict society’.   Mediation practice came into this society and challenged the existing ethos and norms by proposing a discourse of dialogue and cooperation. The thesis focuses on the meeting point that mediation engenders between narratives of conflict, which have developed in this environment, and the mediation processes, which set out to achieve a collaborative discourse and mutual recognition.   The fieldwork, forming the core of the thesis, consists of the observation of supervised mediation processes of civil disputes in two leading mediation centres, and interviews with professionals and key figures in the discipline. The wide variety of voices of a broad range of interviewees and many different parties provide for rich, qualitative data.   The use of the narrative‐ethnographic approach in observing mediation processes helps identify key themes in participantsʹ  narratives. The subsequent analysis leads to the insight that these mediation processes reflect, in a subtle way, the narratives, beliefs and needs of individuals in a conflict society. The findings from this study indicate that perceptions of life in a conflict society are clearly manifested through mediation processes. These place obstacles and inhibit the attainment of agreements. Yet, surprisingly, some of the findings also demonstrate an aversion to conflict and a well‐expressed desire to maintain communication and to achieve peaceful resolution.
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Pienaar, Ashwin Mark. "Israel and Palestine: some critical international relations perspectives on the 'two-state' solution." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003030.

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This research questions whether Israel and Palestine should be divided into two states. Viewed through the International Relations (IR) theories of Realism and Liberalism, the ‘Two-State’ solution is the orthodox policy for Israel and Palestine. But Israelis and Palestinians are interspersed and share many of the same resources making it difficult to create two states. So, this research critiques the aforementioned IR theories which underpin the ‘Two-State’ solution. The conclusion reached is that there ought to be new thinking on how to resolve the Israel-Palestine issue.
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Hecker, Marc. "Les acteurs transnationaux face à l'Etat : l'exemple du militantisme, en France, lié au conflit israélo-palestinien." Paris 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA010254.

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Les objectifs de la présente thèse se situent sur trois plans: empirique, méthodologique et théorique. Au niveau empirique, le but recherché consiste à étudier aussi précisément que possible et de manière dépassionnée le militantisme, en France, lié au conflit israélopalestinien. Pour ce faire, un travail de terrain rigoureux a été réalisé au sein même des sphères pro-israélienne et pro-palestinienne. Ce travail permet d'apporter une vision critique sur des représentations communément admises comme celle d'un affrontement entre un « lobby sioniste» et un {{ lobby pro-arabe» ou celle d'une {{ importation du conflit israélopalestinien }} sur le territoire national. Au niveau méthodologique, la recherche réalisée aspire à décloisonner les disciplines en utilisant des méthodes de sociologie - notamment l'observation de phénomènes sociaux restreints comme des manifestations - pour mener une réflexion s'insérant dans un cadre de Relations Internationales. Enfin, au niveau théorique, il s'agit de s'interroger sur la pertinence de l'opposition traditionnelle entre réalisme et transnationalisme. Les militants étudiés sont en effet des acteurs transnationaux mais des "des acteurs transnationaux paradoxaux" dans la mesure où leur militantisme est construit et s'articule autour de l'Etat.
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Books on the topic "France – International relations – Israel"

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Germany's foreign policy of reconciliation: From enmity to amity. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2012.

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Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, ed. Israel confronts Iran: Rationales, responses and fallouts. New Delhi: Institute for Defence Studies & Analyses, 2012.

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Garcin, Thierry. La France dans le nouveau désordre international. Bruxelles: Bruylant, 1992.

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Israel/Palestine and the Queer International. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2012.

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Israel, confidenţial: Culisele diplomatice israeliene. București: Stefan, 2014.

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La France et l'Europe médiane: Médiateurs et médiations. Paris: Institut d'études slaves, 2016.

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Barder, Christopher. The EU and the Syrian track: Israel ensnared. Shaare Tikva, Israel: Ariel Center for Policy Research, 2000.

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Bergeron, André. La France à la québécoise. [Montréal]: Le Jour, 1989.

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Sofer, Sasson. Israel in the world order: Social and international perspectives. Jerusalem: Leonard Davis Institute for International Relations, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1998.

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Sofer, Sasson. Israel in the world order: Social and international perspectives. Israel: The Leonard Davis Institute for International Relations, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1998.

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Book chapters on the topic "France – International relations – Israel"

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Cohen-Blaser, Cécile, and Gisela Dachs. "Transferability of the Franco-German Model in the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict." In Frontiers in International Relations, 121–34. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-55144-5_9.

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Burchill, Scott. "Israel-Palestine: Part Two—Australian Foreign Policy and the Israel-Palestine Conflict—Avoiding the Colonialist Narrative." In Misunderstanding International Relations, 63–83. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-1936-9_5.

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Reiter, Yitzhak. "Jewish-Arab Relations in Israel." In The Palgrave International Handbook of Israel, 1–12. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-2717-0_68-1.

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Burchill, Scott. "Israel-Palestine: Part One—Do States Have a “Right to Exist”?" In Misunderstanding International Relations, 53–62. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-1936-9_4.

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Wells, Audrey. "Israel and the Palestinians: The Futility of Violent Revenge." In Contributions to International Relations, 103–16. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-87552-7_13.

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Shai, Aron. "Israel’s Political Relations with China." In The Palgrave International Handbook of Israel, 1–17. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-2717-0_65-1.

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Klieman, Aharon. "The Study of International Relations in Israel." In The Study of International Relations, 303–18. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20275-1_19.

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Ginat, Rami. "Israeli–Egyptian Relations: The Egyptian Perspective." In The Palgrave International Handbook of Israel, 1–17. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-2717-0_80-1.

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Ndushabandi, Eric Ns, and Rainer Schmidt. "The Deconstruction of Ethnic Identity: Germany, France, and Rwanda." In Frontiers in International Relations, 197–209. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-55144-5_14.

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Akbarzadeh, Shahram. "The formation of the State of Israel." In Middle East Politics and International Relations, 20–38. 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003196778-2.

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Conference papers on the topic "France – International relations – Israel"

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Smirnov, Valeriy, Vladislav Semenov, Evgeny Kadyshev, Alena Suchkova, and Anna Zakharova. "The analysis of trade relations of Russia with Germany and France." In Proceedings of the International Scientific-Practical Conference “Business Cooperation as a Resource of Sustainable Economic Development and Investment Attraction” (ISPCBC 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/ispcbc-19.2019.75.

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Xu, Zhuofan, Boxuan Zhang, Yunpeng Yuan, and Peihuan Li. "Explaining Saudi Arabia-Israel Détente: Balance-of-Threat and Constructivism." In 2021 International Conference on Public Relations and Social Sciences (ICPRSS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211020.168.

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Elfimova, Olga, Valeriya Vysotckaya, and Tatyana Luzina. "Economic sanctions, trade and economic relations between two leaders: a case of Russia and France." In 2nd International Conference on Social, Economic and Academic Leadership (ICSEAL 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icseal-18.2018.48.

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Galily, Daniel, and David Schwartz. "Municipal companies and city associations – Political economics in the local government in Israel." In 7th International e-Conference on Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences. Center for Open Access in Science, Belgrade, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.e-conf.07.18185g.

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This study aims to present the municipal companies and city associations – political economics in the local government in Israel. The perception of the local governments has already changed, and they do not see their mission only as of the supply of municipal services according to law. The competitive environment in which they operate brings about an orientation of the improvement of the quality of life in the community, the extension and variety of the sources of employment, the development of infrastructures, and the improvement of the image. The main points in the article are: The Urban Development; Reciprocal Relations with the Private Sector; Project Finance; Taxation; Management Techniques; Diversification of Areas of Action of the Local Governments; and Association of Cities.
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Karaman, Ebru. "Principle of Laicity in Turkish and French Constitutions." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02275.

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To be assumed as a truly democratic state of law; the state should not make law according to a religion and not have a religion-based structure. Turkey and France are two countries different from others being in the discussions on secularism examining the relationship between religion and state. Because the laicity is one of the foundations of the regime and takes part in the legal system as a constitutional principle. In the first chapter the provisions on laicity in the Turkish Constitutions before the date 1982 and in the Turkish Constitution dated 1982 are going to be explained then the discussions in Turkey are going to be evaluated according to the Turkish Constitutional Court's approach to the principle of laicity. In the second part the provisions on the principle of laicity in the French Constitution dated 1958 are going to be explained, afterwards the discussions on laicity in France is going to take place. State and religion relations continue to be relevant a subject. That is why it still gives form to Turkish political life. The freedom of religion and the separation of religious and state relations are the requirements of the laic state. For a state these includes not to have an official religion, be impartial to all the religion and to treat equal to all the believers to different religions, to distinguish the religious institutions and state institutions and not to have an accordance between the rules of and the rules of religion.
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Clauss, Gu¨nther F., Janou Hennig, Heike Cramer, and Stefan Kru¨ger. "Development of Safer Ships by Deterministic Analysis of Extreme Roll Motions in Harsh Seas." In ASME 2003 22nd International Conference on Offshore Mechanics and Arctic Engineering. ASMEDC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/omae2003-37174.

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For modern ship design — as confirmed by many examples of ship design and operation — the current intact stability code (IMO (2002)) does not provide a reliable basis for the assessment of ship safety in rough seas. In ship design the application of the IS-Code is not supporting design decisions towards increased safety in rough seas (Cramer and Kru¨ger (2001)), and ship operators find their cargo and/or vessels endangered by large roll angles and accelerations (France et al. (2001)). Thus, there is a great need for procedures to analyze ship safety in rough seas. This paper presents innovative deterministic seakeeping test procedures which are used to identify the physical mechanism endangering intact ships by evaluating cause-reaction relations of wave/structure interaction. Rogue wave sequences are embedded in severe seas for computer controlled capsizing tests of different vessels at the Hamburg Ship Model Basin. The model test results are used as a basis for the development of non-linear numerical methods to simulate ship motions in extreme seas with the target to design safer ships with reduced capsizing risk. Polar plots following from the non-linear simulations allow the evaluation of ship safety in severe seas with reference to course, speed and trim.
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Densmaa, Oyuntsetseg, Gerelchimeg Kaliinaa, Norovsuren Nanzad, and Tsogzolboo Otgonbayar. "MONGOLIA’S “THIRD NEIGHBOR POLICY”." In Proceedings of the XXV International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25012021/7365.

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Geographically Mongolia has two neighbors. Mongolia’s existence today depends largely on mutually friendly relationships with two big neighbors. The main pillars of Mongolia’s new international strategy were incorporated in Mongolia’s National Security Concept adopted on June 30, 1994. This document, approved by the Mongolian Parliament, emphasizes a balanced policy towards the country’s two giant neighbors, underlines the importance of economic security in protecting Mongolia’s national integrity, and warns about too much dependence on any one country for trade. In today’s world of globalization and interdependence, Mongolia has to engage with other countries beyond these two neighbors, Russia and China. This is fundamental thing of the Mongolia’s searching third neighbor. Mongolia needs more friends to ensure its national security interests and achieve economic prosperity its ‘Third Neighbor Policy’1 is a policy of extending its friends all around the world. Two immediate neighbors of Mongolia, Russia and China, remain the foreign policy priority and this priority is not contradictory to the policy of having more friends. Mongolia is becoming an arena of clashes of economic interests of developed countries, multinational corporations due its rich mining deposits. Mongolia's Third Neighbor Policy is aimed to leverage the influence of neighboring countries in the national security issues of Mongolia. In contrast with other satellite states of the former Soviet Union, Mongolia concurrently instituted a democratic political system, a market-driven economy, and a foreign policy based on balancing relations with Russia and China while expanding relations with the West and East. Mongolia is now pursuing a foreign policy that will facilitate global engagement, allow the nation to maintain its sovereignty, and provide diplomatic freedom of maneuver through a “third neighbor” policy. 2 This policy is very much alive today but there is no reason to claim that its implementation is satisfactory. Mongolia has major investors from the US, Japan, Germany and France from the EU, for example. There are many universal conventions related to landlocked country. For Mongolia, access to sea via our two neighbors, means promoting economic ties with the third neighbors, as an important factor conducive to reinforcing the material foundations of Mongolia’s third neighbor policy.
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Bates, Ethan A., Jacopo Buongiorno, Emilio Baglietto, and Michael J. Driscoll. "Mechanical Stresses Affecting Deep Borehole Disposal of High Level Nuclear Waste." In 2014 22nd International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone22-31259.

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While extensive stress field data are available from crystalline rock boreholes drilled in France (Soultz), Germany (KTB), and the USA (Cajon Pass, Monticello Reservoir), Canada and Sweden, the data and methods used to analyze them have yet to be applied to very deep geologic disposal facilities. Typically, to alleviate the stress fields that are intensified in a borehole, muds (mixtures of clay and water) are a critical component and are widely used in the drilling industry. In the first portion of this paper, we review the available mechanical data and analysis methods. Based on the most applicable measurements (in Canada and Germany), we propose values of stress fields and rock properties to be used for generic assessment of deep borehole disposal. The minimum horizontal stress can be approximated as Sh=23.2D, the maximum horizontal stress as SH=43.1D, and the vertical stress as SV=27.5D, where the stresses are in MPa and D is depth in km. This analysis also incorporates the effect of thermal stresses (relieved) by the cool drilling mud. Using an average uniaxial compressive strength results (C=212 MPa) and conservatively neglecting the increase in strength of crystalline rock under polyaxial conditions, a stable borehole can be drilled to 4.55 km with mud density of 1020 kg/m3. This is based on a stability limit such that at the bottom of the hole, a significant portion of the wall (180°/360°) reaches a critical state of stress (i.e., experiences spalling). Using relations developed for shallow mines (which may be overly conservative) the spalled zone is estimated to have a radius that is approximately twice that of the borehole. To reach 5 km, the mud density should be raised to 1420 kg/m3, or be actively cooled (90°C) below the ambient temperature of the rock (∼135°C) at that depth.
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Mohammed Ameen, Peshraw. "the presidential and the semi-presidential system." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp152-163.

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In this research we dealt with the aspects of the presidential system and the semi-presidential system, and he problematic of the political system in the Kurdistan Region. Mainly The presidential system has stabilized in many important countries, and the semi-presidential concept is a new concept that can be considered a mixture of parliamentary and presidential principles. One of the features of a semi-presidential system is that the elected president is accountable to parliament. The main player is the president who is elected in direct or indirect general elections. And the United States is a model for the presidential system, and France is the most realistic model for implementing the semi-presidential system. The French political system, which lived a long period under the traditional parliamentary system, introduced new adjustments in the power structure by strengthening the powers of the executive authority vis-à-vis Parliament, and expanding the powers of the President of the Republic. In exchange for the government while remaining far from bearing political responsibility, and therefore it can be said that the French system has overcome the elements of the presidential system in terms of objectivity and retains the elements of the parliamentary system in terms of formality, so it deserves to be called the semi-presidential system. Then the political system in the Kurdistan Region is not a complete parliamentary system, and it is not a presidential system in light of the presence of a parliament with powers. Therefore, the semi-presidential system is the most appropriate political system for this region, where disputes are resolved over the authority of both the parliament and the regional president, and a political system is built stable. And that because The presence of a parliamentary majority, which supports a government based on a strategic and stable party coalition, which is one of the current problems in the Kurdistan region. This dilemma can be solved through the semi-presidential system. And in another hand The impartiality of the head of state in the relationship with the government and parliament. The head of state, with some relations with the government, can participate in legislative competencies with Parliament.
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