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1
Dyrina, Anna. "ON THE POST-SOCIALIST PATH OF DEVELOPMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS AND THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 269–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.13.
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The article examines the current state of affairs in Belarus and Serbia - two countries that previously were parts of the socialist federal states, but currently belong to the regions of Eastern Europe and the Balkans/South-Eastern Europe, respectively. The first part of the article is devoted to Belarusian-Serbian relations. Political cooperation is developing at the presidential, governmental and parliamentary levels, and interaction is also carried out at the level of various departments, regions and cities. For Serbia, the support from Belarus on the international scene is important, in particular, in the issue of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Serbia. The second part of the article is devoted to Serbia’s relations with the EU and the countries of the Adriatic Euroregion. On December 22, 2009 Serbia applied for EU membership. Despite the significant progress in the negotiations, Serbia has not yet become one of the EU member states. The third part of the article analyzes relations between Belarus and its neighbors, as well as cooperation with the EU. The European Union is the second most important market for Belarusian exports (after Russia). The main trading partners of Belarus among European countries, based on the indicators of bilateral trade in 2019, are Germany, Poland, Great Britain, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Italy, Turkey, Latvia, France, Belgium, and the Czech Republic. The article concludes on the state and prospects of Belarusian-Serbian relations, cooperation of Belarus and Serbia with the EU and neighboring countries, and gives a description of the political systems and foreign policy of Belarus and Serbia.
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Esaulov, Serhii. "Foreign Policy of Hungary Towards Ukraine or “European Menu à la Carte”." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 603–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-35.
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The author raises the issue of settling conflicts around the world and discusses modern attempts to establish law and order. Particular attention is paid to the intricate relations between Hungary and Ukraine. With Russia’s aggression against Ukraine there was ruined a system of international relations, which provided for the rule of law, the right to settle disputes without applying military tools, force or threats. Russia initiated a new precedent of impunity, insolent violation of the fundamental norms of international law, and demonstrated the world how the borders may be redrawn as one sees fit and “bring historical justice”. The author notes that one of the reasons for the escalation of the conflict between Hungary and Ukraine has become the language issue. Still, however pity it is, all attempts of the Ukrainian side to resolve conflict matters have appeared to be vane, since Budapest is reluctant to listen to and consider any arguments of Kyiv, being fully distracted by its demand. It is hard to imagine that in civilized “old” Europe, Germany, for instance, would express claims or even threaten France for the fact that pupils in schools of the French region of Alsace (until 1918, its territory formed part of Germany that attempted to annex it at times of the Second World War) are taught in the official language – French, not in the language of the neighbouring country, even though the Alsatian and German languages are equally spoken there. Unfortunately, Hungary seems not to be ready to follow the example of the Franco-German reconciliation in terms of relations with all neighbours, despite the philosophy of its membership in the EU and NATO. The revenge-seeking attitudes of the Hungarian political establishment regarding the revision of borders according to the Versailles and Yalta systems of international relations are constantly boosted in all directions in the neighbouring countries, where ethnic Hungarians live (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine). The so-called “formula of protecting interests of Russian citizens in Crimea and Donbas” adopted from Putin has apparently laid the foundation for the foreign policy strategy of V. Orban. First, as regards the appeal to make the region of ethnic Hungarians’ residence autonomous and subsequently – the appeal to hold a referendum on separation. The author summarizes that along with the political and diplomatic efforts, a substantial role in easing the tension in relations with Budapest should be played by non-governmental organizations and the expert community though holding forums and scientific conferences aiming at discussing the above-mentioned issues. Keywords: Hungary, conflict, Law on Language, geopolitics, strategies, foreign policy, Ukraine.
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Ćurčić, Petar. "Germany in multipolar world and Serbia's strategic options." Vojno delo 74, no. 4 (2022): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2204001c.
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The paper analyzes the position of the Federal Republic of Germany in international relations today and based on that policy, possible guidelines for the Republic of Serbia in its strategic actions in the upcoming period are given. The first goal of the research was to consider the relationship of official Berlin to the European Union, the United States, Russia, China and the rest of the world. Berlin's tendency to further strengthen the institutions, monetary, foreign and defense policy of the European Union has been present for decades. However, since 2008, that policy has been going through constant challenges. The Greek debt crisis, Brexit, the migrant crisis, the recession, a new wave of debts by European countries due to the Covid-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine have put the authorities in Berlin in a difficult position. The failure of Germany and France to establish a unified EU security policy, the impossibility of peace initiatives around Ukraine and the consistent monitoring of Washington's policy have limited the EU ability to project power in other parts of the world. In addition to Russia, it is also obvious that the growing antagonism towards the People's Republic of China has been noticed recently, which threatens to affect very good economic relations The second goal of the paper is to offer Serbia's strategic options based on global trends, and in the context of German policy towards the Western Balkans. The Serbian focus on the European integration and the proclaimed policy of neutrality with a strong commitment to the European peace can be an incentive for joint affairs of the two countries. Particularly problematic is Berlin's attitude towards the self-proclaimed independence of the interim institutions in Prishtina. The opposing positions of Germany and Serbia, however, can be attributed to various regional initiatives such as the Berlin Process and particularly the Open Balkans. The attempts to further escalate the conflict or confrontation of Serbia towards the environment would adversely affect the position of Serbs in the surrounding countries and would also weaken economic exchange, which is traditionally oriented towards the European countries. However, official Belgrade should also work on strengthening internal capacities, primarily defensive, economic, administrative and demographic, so that it can have a high level of readiness in case of possible challenges.
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Syngaivska, Inna. "Foreign experience of reglamentation of criminal responsibility for coercion to marriage." Slovo of the National School of Judges of Ukraine, no. 2(31) (July 30, 2020): 58–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.37566/2707-6849-2020-2(31)-5.
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The unification of criminal legislation is the most powerful method of international law influencing on national criminal-law systems. In accordance with the comparative legal researching of the criminal liability regulation is the accumulation of law-making practice experience in counteracting of a particular crime, in our research – counteracting of coercion to wedlock. Ukraine hasn’t ratified the Council of Europe Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Violence against Women and domestic violence; Istanbul Convention (hereinafter referred to as the «Istanbul Convention») yet, but a number of its provisions have been implemented into national law. The article 37 of Istanbul convention determines a «force marriage» and determines that parties apply all legislative or other events are needed for providing of criminal responsibility of intentional behavior, that compels adult or child to marriage. European states in dominant majority determine the coercion to marriage as a separate crime. In this context, national criminal law concerning forced marriage is assessed to be fully consistent with current trends of criminal legal protection rights, individual freedom and marriage and family relations in accordance with the criminal law of foreign countries and international treaties (e.x. Istanbul Convention)). There are two positions of coercion to marriage singled out in foreign countries legislation: as an attack on personal freedom (Norway, Germany, Switzerland, Sweden, Denmark, the Netherlands, France, Spain, Austria) and as an attack on marriage and family relations (Bulgaria, Belgium, Montenegro, Serbia). According to criminal law of Belgium, Austria, Sweden and Ukraine the responsibility for coercion cohabitation is provided, besides coercion to marry. Switzerland, legislator singles out a special form of coexistence – forced registration to same-sex partnership. The use of violence and threats of violence are typical and alternative methods of coercion to marriage. However, there are some exceptions as: forced marriage under the threat of breach or termination of family relationships with family members; threat of slander and use of direct slander. According to Article 151-2 of Ukrainian Criminal Code «coercion» is a crime-forming feature, which is determined by a socially dangerous and unlawful act. Forming a criminal law prohibiting of forced marriage, Ukrainian legislator doesn’t follow the list of socially dangerous methods, leaving the interpretation of this issue for law enforcement practice. In regard to the issue of punishment for coercion to marriage European legislators have unequivocal position and determine the punishment in the form of imprisonment. Appropriate legislative experience of the foreign countries should be borrowed in order to harmonize of the national coercion marriage legislation. We recognize that it is expedient to define a fine as a compulsory additional penalty for coercion, in view of sentencing courts practice. Key words: coercion to marriage, coercion to enter dormitories, criminal liability, crimes against freedom, honor and dignity of a person.
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Vujović, Miroslav, and Jasna Vuković. "Yours ever... ili ko je bila Ketrin Braun? Istraživanja praistorijske Vinče i britanski uticaji za vreme i posle I svetskog rata." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 11, no. 3 (November 2, 2016): 809. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v11i3.8.
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As the 110th anniversary of the beginning of the excavations at Vinča is nearing, the question arises as to how much we really know about the role and motives of a number of British subjects who in various ways played decisive roles in the research and the international affirmation of this important Late Neolithic site. It is possible, on the basis of archives and personal correspondence of Miloje M. Vasić, to view the investigations of Vinča in the wider context of political and military relations, influencing the general situation in the Kingdom of The Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, later Yugoslavia. John Lynton Myres was a professor at the universities in Oxford and Liverpool, the founder and editor of the Journal Man and the director of the British Archaeological School in Athens. During the World War I, between 1916 and 1919, he was an officer of the Royal Navy Volunteer Reserve, first in the Navy Intelligence Service, and then in Military Control Office in Athens. The Browns, Alec and Catherine, also played an important role. Alec Brown, a left-oriented writer, translator and correspondent, arrived to Serbia as a Cambridge graduate, aiming at the post of an English language teacher in high schools. In the period from 1929 to 1931 he took part in the excavations at Vinča, taking this setting as the base for the plot of one of his books. His wife, Elsie Catherine Brown, whose life is very poorly documented, served in the British Embassy in Belgrade between the wars. Vasić dedicated the third volume of Prehistoric Vinča to her, for her devoted work in the British medical mission and the care she took of the Serbian soldiers near Thessalonica, but also for her part played in the establishment of the initial contact with Sir Charles Hyde. The life of Catherine Brown may be seen as one of the many exceptional stories about the noble British ladies, celebrated in Serbia for over a century. However, one should bear in mind that the events and characters (Myres, Hyde, the Browns) linked to the research in Vinča may be a part of a larger scene, and a consequence of other, equally important circumstances of a more direct involvement of Great Britain in the political situation in Yugoslavia between the wars. Myres, a man close to the scientific, intelligence and diplomatic circles, is the key person in the initial contact between Vasić and Catherine Brown. Since his first encounter with Vasić in 1918 in Athens, on the occasion of his return from France to Serbia, Myres himself or through Catherine Brown, worked to establish the collaboration and keep the contact with Vasić. It is possible that the Athens meeting, initiated by Myres, was a consequence not only of the scholarly interest, but also the growing British involvement in the Balkans. After the same line of reasoning, the arrival of Alec Brown in Belgrade cannot be understood solely as a consequence of the individual ambition of a young Slavic scholar, but as well as a part of the strategy of deepening the British influences over the region traditionally more inclined towards France, due to the political and cultural ties and military alliances. After the war, many Serbian linguists were posted as teachers of the language at the most prestigious British universities, such as Oxford and Cambridge, where Alec Brown earned his degree. His application to the post of English teacher in Serbia is closely preceded by the recommendation of Earl Curzon of Kedleston, British Foreign Secretary, to secure teaching English in the Yugoslav schools, and not only French, as it was previously the case. The collaboration between British and Serbian intellectuals was surely a very suitable context for the establishment of intimate contacts and spreading of cultural and political influences. As illustrated by the case of the Near East, archaeology and archaeologists are particularly useful in this respect. Their long sojourns and mobility in the field, command of the language, enabled them to gain the confidence of the locals, learn about the customs, and gain information, just like Myres the Blackbeard did, and more or less successfully Catherine and Alec Brown as well. Regardless of the real or clandestine motifs, in the case of the investigations of Vinča, this collaboration made possible the publication the four-volume work of Vasić – Prehistoric Vinča, exceptional in many respects, and the international recognition of Vinča as one of the most important Late Neolithic settlements in South-eastern Europe.
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Aganson, Olga I. "The First World War and emerging of a new regional order in the Balkans: an augmentation of small states' role." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 1 (January 31, 2020): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2020-1-7-17.
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The First World War launched a tremendous restructuring of the international system. One of its major outcomes was a transformation of the small states of Central and South-Eastern Europe from objects to subjects of international relations. Having emerged or enlarged their territories in wake of multinational empires’ collapse, the small states became key players on the regional level. Reshaping of the Balkan regional order is of a particular interest to researchers as the Balkan instability triggered destruction of the previous international system. The purpose of the article is to understand how a world conflict, which had broken out in South-Eastern Europe, transformed the region. To do this the author dwells upon three sets of question. The first is the Balkan contribution in the origins of the First World War. The second is an interplay of factors which caused reshaping of the Balkan political space during the war years. The third is a new landscape of the postwar order in South-Eastern Europe. Methodological approaches applied here define new and actual character of this article. The author uses conceptual tools of the theory of international relations to analyze a process of region «building» which took place in circumstances of «tectonic» shifts within the international system in the early decades of the 20th century. Thus, the author applies the analytical model of the regional order as well as key definitions of the theory of international relations – great power, small state (the article focuses on Serbia, Romania, Bulgaria and Greece), principle of self-determination. It is concluded that the regional order emerged in the Balkans in wake of the First World War was a result of multi-dimensional interaction of factors. They are as follows: 1) the military, strategic and foreign policy planning of hostile coalitions of powers (the Entente and the bloc of the Central powers), seeking to win the loyalty of regional allies; 2) demonstrated by the small states understanding that the war had opened a «window of opportunity» to put into life their national interests and programs; 3) the decline of traditional multi-ethnic empires, which had formed political atmosphere in the Balkans. It is stated that a landscape of post-war regional order in the Balkans was determined with cooperation and competition of the local national states in the situation when the multi-ethnic empires had disappeared from the Balkan political space while the architects of the Versailles system – Great Britain and France seemed to be less interested in South-Eastern Europe in after war years. It meant that the new Balkan order enjoyed a relative autonomy compared to the previous one.
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Lalević-Vasić, Bosiljka M. "Th e 2nd Congress of the Pan-Slavic Association of Dermatovenereologists, belgrade 1931." Serbian Journal of Dermatology and Venerology 4, no. 3 (November 29, 2012): 130–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10249-012-0012-9.
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Abstract The Pan-Slavic Association of Dermatovenereologists (PSADVs) was founded in May 1928, and it included dermatologic associations of Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Poland and Yugoslavia. Its president was Prof. Krzysztalowicz from Poland. The 1st Congress of this association was held in Warsaw in 1929, and the 2nd Congress was organized by the Association of Dermatovenereologists of Yugoslavia (ADVY), in Belgrade in 1931. The president of the Organizing Committee was Prof. Đorđe Đorđevic, and the secretary Assoc. Prof. Milan Kićevac from the Clinic of Dermatovenereology in Belgrade. The Congress was attended by representatives of Slavic national associations, as well as by representatives of French, Romanian, Greek and Turkish dermatology. The number of participants amounted to 160 physicians and 60 members of their families. According to the report of Ilić S., 104 papers had been presented: 48 from Yugoslavia (37 from Serbia, 3 from Croatia, 3 from Macedonia, and 5 from Bosnia), 23 from Czechoslovakia, 18 from Poland, 8 from France, 5 from Romania, 1 from Turkey, and 1 from Greece. Most papers were from the area of sexually transmitted diseases: 43 papers (41.35% of the total number). Out of these, 27 papers were on syphilis, followed by gonorrhea with 9 papers. There were both research and experimental papers. The authors insisted on assessing diagnostic and therapeutic issues, as well as disease prevention. The second most frequent group of diseases accounted for eczema. The problem included the defi nition and pathogenesis of the disease. The third group of diseases was tuberculosis. The results of experiments on animals were studied pointing out the need for reclassifi cation of skin tuberculosis in relation to internal tuberculosis. A small number of papers were on other infections of the skin and genitals, as well as individual cases of various dermatoses. During the Congress, social events were also organized, as well as a banquet on the ship Alexander I cruising on the Danube and Sava. Optional travel tours to all parts of Yugoslavia were also offered. Soon after the Congress, foreign journals published reports on its high professional level and the entire organization.
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Varga-Kocsicska, Aleksandra. "Serbia and France: the special relationship?" European Scientific Journal, ESJ 18, no. 23 (July 31, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2022.v18n23p1.
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What is the relationship between the European Union and the Western Balkans, and Serbia in particular? The author reviews the process of accession of the Western Balkan countries (with a focus on Serbia) to the European Union, but also the geopolitical stakes in this region, which is sought after by external actors such as China and Russia, and which the European Union should pay more attention in order to strengthen its strategic autonomy. The EU needs to take a bold stance in the Western Balkans and France wants to be at the forefront. European actors must show future member states that the door to full membership is indeed open, but only if they can truly embrace democratic values. In his analysis, the author writes about Serbia's path towards EU integration through an increasingly close relationship with France. The current situation in Serbia is rather complex. Will it continue with its "hamster in the wheel" approach, where the result is always expected to be the same, or should Serbia adopt a different approach for the future? As concerns Serbia, France will certainly continue to insist on economic cooperation and the improvement of French investments in Serbia. They will also take a stand against damaging foreign influences which they believe could potentially destabilize the region and are fundamentally at cross purposes with the policy favored by the European Union.
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Ćurčić, Mihailo, Radan Kostić, and Ivica Matejić. "Foreign trade of Serbia and Africa." Odrzivi razvoj 3, no. 2 (2021): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/odrraz2102007c.
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When it comes to defining the foreign trade relations between Africa and the Republic of Serbia, it should be pointed out that our country achieves the least international trade cooperation with the countries of this continent. According to the data of the Parliamentary Budget Office (2018), Serbian foreign trade is mostly focused on Europe, given that as much as 93% of total exports were directed to European countries, and 80% of imports of goods from Europe. The exchange with African countries is almost negligible: on both the import and import side, Africa took part in less than 1% of the total Serbian foreign trade. Infrastructure development accelerates the pace of economic progress, by strengthening more productive activities, and leads to lower costs for conducting internal and external trade.
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Bocan-Harčenko, Aleksandar. "Russian foreign policy and Russian-Serbian relations." Napredak 1, no. 2 (2020): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2002007b.
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The article outlines the basic principles of Russian foreign policy and traces their implementation in the context of the strategic partnership between Russia and Serbia. In 2020, the world celebrates related jubilees, the 75th anniversary of the Victory in the Second World War and the establishment of the UN. Russia, as one of the principal architects of the World Organization, advocates the strengthening of the UN central role in international affairs and fostering a polycentric and fair world order based on the rule of international law, primarily the UN Charter. Harmonization of integration processes in various parts of the world is essential. To that end, President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin introduced the initiative of the Greater Eurasian Partnership. Conscious of its special responsibility for maintaining peace and security, Russia is committed to promoting political and diplomatic settlement of crises and working with all interested countries in order to build a global common space of equal and indivisible security and strategic stability. Russia aims at further dynamic development of mutually beneficial cooperation with Serbia across a wide range of fields. A trust-based high-level political dialogue plays the decisive role. Russian stance on the Kosovo settlement remains unchanged and is based on UN SC Resolution 1244.
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Dimitrijevic, Dusko. "The relations of Serbia and the People’s Republic of China at the beginning of the 21st century." Medjunarodni problemi 70, no. 1 (2018): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1801049d.
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The current relations of the Republic of Serbia with the People?s Republic of China (hereinafter: Serbia and China) are conditioned by many political, economic, legal and social factors. The mentioned factors point to the existence of asymmetry in many aspects which, however, is not an issue that implies that the two parties can not develop good and friendly relations. In the historical and international legal sense, the relations of the two countries are characterized by the continuity of diplomatic relations established on January 2, 1955, between the then Federal People's Republic Yugoslavia and the People's Republic of China. Serbia as the successor state of SFR Yugoslavia continues to treat China as one of its most important partners in international relations, which is manifested through the foreign policy course, according to which China is one of the main ?pillars? of Serbia's foreign policy alongside the European Union, Russia and the United States. The mere reference to the main ?pillars? in Serbia's foreign policy orientation indicates that China is a key player in world politics and a great power with which Serbia needs to build relations of a ?comprehensive strategic partnership?. It is not surprising, therefore, that the deepening of the Serbian-Chinese relations on a bilateral and multilateral level (especially within the UN, regional international organizations and political forums such as the 16 + 1 mechanism between China and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe) contributed to better strategic positioning of Serbia in modern international relations.
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Barsegyan, D. E. "Analysis of the impact of tariff preferences on the foreign trade of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Serbia." Upravlenie 8, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2309-3633-2020-8-4-42-50.
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The article considers the dynamics and structure of foreign trade of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Serbia, as well as the impact of tariff preferences on foreign trade between two countries. The analysed measures were: dynamics of the Russian Federation’s exports to the Republic of Serbia, dynamics of the Russian Federation’s imports from the Republic of Serbia, tariff preferences applied between countries. The article provides statistical data on the dynamics and structure of foreign trade of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Serbia for 2010–2019 and their dependence on the application of tariff preferences, as well as indicators of trade between the EAEU and the EAEU member states with the Republic of Serbia for 2017–2019. The paper analyses the possible directions of Serbia’s participation in the EAEU and the European Union, assesses the benefits of creating a free trade zone between the EAEU and Serbia, as well as the costs of Serbia’s integration into the European Union. The importance of tariff preferences in the development of foreign trade relations between Russia and Serbia is shown.
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Lisanin, Mladen. "Regional position of Serbia in light of foreign policy relations with its “old neighbors”." Medjunarodni problemi 69, no. 4 (2017): 483–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1704483l.
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Due to turbulent circumstances and controversial heritage in regard to the breakup of ex-Yugoslavia, regional position of Serbia is, within academic as well as the wider public, most often observed in the context of its relations with the ?new? neighbors - the states that have emerged from the breakup of the former common country. This is in part because of constant tensions in the relations with ex-Yugoslav states, but also due to the political agenda of Western actors, which sets the framework for regional integration processes through the concept of ?Western Balkans?. Foreign policy relations of Serbia with its ?old? neighbors (most notably, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria, given that Albania has a distinct status as a de facto interested party in the dispute regarding the status of Kosovo and Metohija), nonetheless, remain at least just as important element of Serbia?s regional position. It is the author?s intention to point towards determinants of the foreign policy of Serbia, as factors that work, or are visible, through relations with Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria. This will be observed in the context of bilateral and multilateral, formal and informal foreign policy connections and relations. The conclusion, in the form of a recommendation, is that international political dynamics in the ?Western Balkans? should not completely avert research attention away from Serbian relations with its non-Yugoslav neighbors.
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Božić-Miljković, Ivana, Kristina Kaličanin, and Vladimir Mitić. "Foreign trade of agricultural products between Serbia and the European Union: Problems and perspectives." Ekonomski pogledi 22, no. 1 (2020): 29–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/ekopog2001029b.
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The aim of this paper is to analyse trade relations between Serbia and the European Union, from the perspective of trade in agricultural products. An overview of the changes in the economic structure of Serbia, which resulted from the transition to a system of market economy and in which agriculture gained greater developmental significance than it had in the previous period, represents the starting point of the analysis. The trade of agricultural products between Serbia and the EU countries has been on an upward trend since the beginning of the century, and Serbia has achieved a positive balance in that trade. However, the structure of Serbian export points to a problem of low export competitiveness. This problem could be overcome by acting gradually on various segments of production, trade and promotion of agricultural products, which the authors of the paper define in the form of a proposal. Trade in agricultural products between Serbia and the EU is part of their overall economic relations and contributes to the process of Serbia's integration into the EU, so positive trends related to this aspect of their relations can be expected in the future.
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Slakoper, Zvonimir. "The CISG and Croatian Courts." Business Law Review 40, Issue 4 (August 1, 2019): 170–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/bula2019022.
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SUMMARY The United Nations Convention on Contracts for the International Sale of Goods (hereinafter: the CISG) is undisputedly one of the most important and successful achievements in the global harmonization and unification of the law of contract. Eighty-nine states became parties to the Convention to support this claim which proves this fact (http://www. uncitral.org/uncitral/en/uncitral_texts/sale_goods/ 1980CISG_status.html.). The CISG had been applied by Croatian courts even before 1991, when the Republic of Croatia became the subject of (public) international law, because Croatia was part of the former Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, that ratified the CISG on 27 March 1985 with entering into force on 1 January 1988. After gaining independence, the Republic of Croatia notified its succession and the CISG entered into force in relation to Croatia on 8 October 1991 (Official Journal of the Republic of Croatia, No. 15/98). Without any exaggeration and based on facts, it can be said that the CISG is a particularly important source of sales law for Croatian companies. This conclusion can be derived from the scope of application of the CISG as defined under Article 1, the number of states that had adopted it, and the fact that companies located in the Member States are the most important foreign trade partners of Croatian companies (According to the data of the Croatian State Statistics Bureau, in 2017 Croatian companies were exporting an overwhelming value of goods to Austria, the Czech Republic, France, Italy, Hungary, the Netherlands, Germany, Slovenia, Great Britain, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Russia, Japan and the USA (https://www.dzs.hr/Hrv_ Eng/publication/2017/04-02-01_01_2017.htm). Although not all of them are Member States of the CISG, the applicable law for sales contracts is regularly the law of the state where the seller is located and this leads to the application of the CISG as the source of Croatian law.). This in turn led Croatian legal literature to pay special attention to the CISG, which resulted in numerous papers dedicated to the CISG (For an exhaustive list of papers published in Croatia see Tepeš, Nina: Mehanizam popunjavanja pravnih praznina u Konvenciji Ujedinjenih naroda o ugovorima o meðunarodnoj kupoprodaji i unifikacija prava meðunarodne kupoprodaje (Gap-filling mechanism in United Nations Convention on Contracts for International Sale of Goods and Unification of Law on International Sale of Goods), u Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta u Zagrebu 62, (1–2) (2012), page 670), but also to the application of the CISG by Croatian Courts. Although court disputes are undesirable, the number of disputes where the CISG was applied is proportional to the number of sales contracts to which the CISG has been applied.
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Rapaic, Stevan, and Dragana Dabic. "Foreign trade aspect of Serbia’s accession to the European Union." Medjunarodni problemi 65, no. 3 (2013): 341–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1303341r.
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From the past experience, most governments conclude that it is necessary to carry out carefully planned foreign trade policy based on a high degree of liberalization dosed with government control. This kind of foreign trade policy is being implemented both by Serbia and by the European Union, which established the Common Trade Policy (CTP) in 1957. Bearing in mind that Serbia has signed the Stabilization and Association Agreement striving to become a full member of the European Union, it is clear that, in due course, its foreign trade policy must be in line with the European one. This is not an easy task, because parallel to the process of accession to the EU, Serbia is conducting negotiations on accession to the World Trade Organization and those two processes are intertwined and connected. This paper analyses Serbia?s process of accession to the European Union and the impact of this process on its foreign trade policy as well as the future of its foreign trade relations with previous major partners.
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Bieniek, Karol. "Thirty years of relations between the Republic of Turkey and the Republic of Serbia: Changing political and international dynamics." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 4 (December 2021): 175–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.4.9.
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Bilateral relations between the Republic of Turkey and the individual successor states of former Yugoslavia differ, after thirty years since its dissolution, in form and in substance. While just after the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Turkey managed to establish and sustain cordial ties with such countries as, for instance, Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, relations with Serbia (Serbia and Montenegro) remained tense and the two countries perceived themselves, in the best case, as traditional opponents. The basic aim of this paper is to analyse the bilateral relations of these two states and Turkish foreign policy towards Serbia, a country currently perceived as a ‘neighbour,’ despite the fact that they do not share common border. The paper argues that rapprochement of two countries, so clearly visible in several dimensions after 2002, marks a new phase in Turkey’s general foreign policy. The paper will trace the thirty-year evolution of bilateral contacts while arguing that the current positive relations have their source also in the domestic arena, both of Turkey and Serbia, which is willing to increase influence in the Western Balkans and institutionalise her international position. Thus, the two states for the first time share similar foreign policy goals. The whole analysis is theoretically anchored in the behavioural approach of the ‘middle power‘ paradigm. An author-applied qualitative content analysis is the main research technique. The main sources are official documents, selected monographs, academic articles, and analytical reports.
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Jerotijević, Dušan, Živanka Bogavac-Miladinović, and Ljubiša Stamatović. "Customs War of the Kingdom of Serbia and the Habzburg Monarchy at the beginning of the 20th century." Ekonomika 66, no. 4 (2020): 95–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/ekonomika2004095j.
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After gaining independence at the Berlin Congress, Serbia became the center around which all the surrounding Serbs gathered, seeking final liberation and unification. The great difficulty for a small Serbia was the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which in every way was trying to influence the Serbian internal and foreign policy. In doing so, she succeeded to a large extent during the reign of King Milan, even after his abdication, until the beginning of the XX century. The change in the throne after the May uprising led to the emancipation of Serbia from the influence of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the influence of other powers, in particular France and Russia. On the other hand, Serbia is increasingly independent in foreign policy and tries to connect with other Balkan states as if it economically strengthens to carry out a national unification mission. That is why the Austro-Hungarian conflict with Serbia on the economic plane, the Customs War, was inevitable. At the same time, this conflict has shown the strength and weaknesses of both countries. Serbia's victory in the Customs War showed her great economic rise, and Austro-Hungary became its fatal enemy.
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Djukanovic, Dragan, and Ivona Ladjevac. "Priorities of foreign policy strategy of the Republic of Serbia." Medjunarodni problemi 61, no. 3 (2009): 343–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0903343d.
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In this article, the authors point to the basic priorities the future foreign policy of the Republic of Serbia should include. They point out that a basic social and political consensus on the most important foreign policy objectives should be primarily achieved. Afterwards, the way of tactical and operational implementation of the set objectives should be defined within the strategy specifying the constitutional and legal institutional frameworks for its implementation. Considerable attention is devoted to the positioning of the Republic of Serbia to the European Union and NATO, the United States of America and the Russian Federation as well as to the participation of Serbia in the work of universal and regional organizations. The paper also analyses the bilateral and multilateral relations in the Western Balkans region.
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Simić, Milica, and Biljana Stankov. "Foreign trade in agricultural products between the Republic of Serbia and the Republic of Kazakhstan: A decade since the signing of the Free trade Agreement." Skola biznisa, no. 1 (2020): 86–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/skolbiz1-30243.
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Modern international economic relations, among other things, are characterized by establishing bilateral and multilateral cooperation between countries in order to liberalize trade relations. The implementation of reached free trade agreements affects economic trends in the signatory countries, the intensification of their foreign trade as wll as the increase in the attractiveness of countries as investment destinations. From 2000 onwards, Serbia has signed several free trade agreements with European countries and the United States. Ten years ago, a free trade agreement was signed with the Republic of Kazakhstan in order to encourage the development of mutual trade and economic relations, accelerate economic development, improve living and working conditions, increase employment and establish fair competition between economic entities from Serbia and Kazakhstan. The subject of the mentioned trade relations are also agri-food products, whose production in Serbia is supported by an excellent raw material base, and has always been a part of national tradition and culture. The research subject of this paper is foreign trade of agricultural products between Serbia and Kazakhstan with regard to free trade agrrements. The research aim is to determine the differences in the movement of exports and imports between the mentioned countries in the period before and after the signing of the free trade agreement.
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Vukmirović, Valentina, Milica Kostić-Stanković, Dejana Pavlović, Jovo Ateljević, Dragan Bjelica, Milenko Radonić, and Dejan Sekulić. "Foreign Direct Investments’ Impact on Economic Growth in Serbia." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 23, no. 1 (September 16, 2020): 122–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2020.1818028.
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Kovacevic, Mladjen. "Economic and financial relations of Serbia with foreign countries in the period 2000-2003." Ekonomski anali 44, no. 160 (2004): 75–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka0460075k.
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The dissolution of the federation, war in the immediate environment, the UN sanctions, scarce investment as well as the NATO air-attacks had disastrous consequences for trade and financial relations of Serbia with foreign countries. Simultaneously, its foreign debt rose sharply due to the accrued interests, being at the end of 2000 substantially higher than Serbian gross domestic product. Thanks to the write-off of 51% of debt towards the Paris club, a windfall of donations and obtaining new favorable medium-term and long-term credits, the condition of Serbia's international financial relations considerably improved in the period 2001-2003, thus enabling it to run a foreign-exchange surplus during this period. Due to the policy of de facto floating exchange rate, sudden and drastic liberalization of imports and the lack of non-tariff protection, exports of goods and services in the last three years, contrary to plans, have increased much more slowly than imports, resulting in a large increase in growth and an enormously high level of trade deficit unsustainable in the long run. Due to new credits euro-denominated and other foreign-currency denominated debts being converted into the increasingly weaker dollar and the accrual of interests Serbian foreign debt increased sharply reaching an all-time high at the end of last year and being twice as high as was officially predicted three years before. The level of foreign debt is very high. Trade deficit and foreign indebtedness have become the most serious problems of Serbian economy and unless appropriate measures are taken, it will soon face a serious debt crisis.
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Trailović, Dragan, and Stevan Rapaic. "Political and Economic Aspects of Serbo-Russian Relations from the Perspective of Serbian Citizens." EURASIAN INTEGRATION: economics, law, politics 15, no. 3 (October 23, 2021): 82–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-2929-2021-03-82-96.
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We are witnessing that with the appearance of new global players on the international scene a multipolar world is gradually emerging and a new balance of power is being formed. Given this circumstance, it is very important that all other states clearly define their position towards these emerging poles of power. As Russia appears as one of those poles, it is necessary to look at the position of Serbia concerning political and economic cooperation between the two countries. One of the ways to do that is to look at these issues from the perspective of Serbian citizens. Accordingly, this paper aims to present the basic findings concerning the assessment and opinion of the citizens of Serbia towards political, economic and military cooperation between the Republic of Serbia and the Russian Federation based on the analysis of surveys conducted by the Institute for Political Studies in 2015–2020 period. The authors will also present the basic economic, trade and financial indicators of cooperation between Russia and Serbia, mainly trade relations and foreign direct investment.
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Ciborek, Przemysław. "The People’s Republic of China as a ‘Pillar’ in the Foreign Policy of the Republic of Serbia during COVID-19 Pandemic." Politeja 18, no. 4(73) (November 29, 2021): 145–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.73.08.
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In the opinion of many researchers, Sino-Serbian bilateral relations during the COVID-19 pandemic have hit an all-time high. The People’s Republic of China was the first country to aid Serbia in the face of internal problems within the European Union. The EU’s inconsistent policy during the global health crisis has enabled political and economic rapprochement of Belgrade with Beijing and Moscow. In addition, it seems that the political influence of the United States and the European Union on the domestic and foreign policy of Serbia is weakening. Due to the specificity of Serbian media, the Chinese republic is also gaining many supporters among Serb citizens. The pro-government media coverage is supplemented by the government’s praise of the Chinese leadership. Regarding the Four Pillar Foreign Policy strategy introduced by the then President Boris Tadić, it appears that despite Serbia’s ongoing EU accession process, the People’s Republic of China appears to be the most significant ‘pillar’ in Serbia’s foreign policy during COVID-19 pandemic.In the opinion of many researchers, Sino-Serbian bilateral relations during the COVID-19 pandemic have hit an all-time high. The People’s Republic of China was the first country to aid Serbia in the face of internal problems within the European Union. The EU’s inconsistent policy during the global health crisis has enabled political and economic rapprochement of Belgrade with Beijing and Moscow. In addition, it seems that the political influence of the United States and the European Union on the domestic and foreign policy of Serbia is weakening. Due to the specificity of Serbian media, the Chinese republic is also gaining many supporters among Serb citizens. The pro-government media coverage is supplemented by the government’s praise of the Chinese leadership. Regarding the Four Pillar Foreign Policy strategy introduced by the then President Boris Tadić, it appears that despite Serbia’s ongoing EU accession process, the People’s Republic of China appears to be the most significant ‘pillar’ in Serbia’s foreign policy during COVID-19 pandemic.
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Saideman, Stephen M. "Explaining the International Relations of Secessionist Conflicts: Vulnerability Versus Ethnic Ties." International Organization 51, no. 4 (1997): 721–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081897550500.
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With the end of the Cold War, many observers expected that international conflict would be less likely to occur and easier to manage. Given the successful resolution of the Gulf War and the European Community's (EC) efforts to develop a common foreign policy, observers expected international cooperation to manage the few conflicts that might break out. Instead, the disintegration of Yugoslavia contradicted these expectations. Rather than developing a common foreign policy, European states were divided over how to deal with Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia. Germany pushed for relatively quick recognition of Croatia and Slovenia, whereas other members of the EC wanted to go slower. Some observers expected Russia to fall in line with the West because of its need for investment and trade, but instead it supported Serbia. It is puzzling that Europe failed to cooperate regardless of whether greater international cooperation could have managed this conflict. How can we make sense of the international relations of Yugoslavia's demise? Since secession is not a new phenomenon, we should study previous secessionist conflicts to determine if they share certain dynamics, and we should consider applying to Yugoslavia the arguments developed to understand such conflicts.
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Božić-Miljković, Ivana. "Geoeconomic aspects of the cooperation between the Republic of Serbia and the people's Republic of China: Situation and perspectives." Socioloski pregled 55, no. 2 (2021): 314–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socpreg55-31925.
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The subject of this paper is the economic relations between the Republic of Serbia and the People's Republic of China from the beginning of the century until today. The development of these economic relations and cooperation is based on the long tradition of their good political and diplomatic relations. The relationship of these two countries towards the transition and different strategies in the implementation of this process are determinants of their economic success and the position they have in the global economy. The aspects of the economic cooperation between Serbia and China are analyzed in two categories in which this cooperation is most visible and in which its effects can be precisely expressed quantitatively: the cooperation in the field of foreign trade and in the field of investments. The basic hypothesis is that the economic relations between Serbia and China have been growing rapidly since the beginning of the century and that such a trend will continue in the future at the bilateral level, but also within the program of various cooperation platforms initiated by China and signed by Serbia. China's position in international institutions enables the protection of Serbia's territorial integrity, which is another important dimension of their mutual relations.
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Baniak, Sandra. "Russia’s economic soft power: The case of Serbia." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 18, no. 3 (December 2020): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2020.3.5.
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Serbia inherited Yugoslavia’s tendency to pursue its foreign policy in terms of “multi-vector” policy and balancing between the West and the East to achieve its own political goals and maintain the attention of other countries. Despite the desire to join the European Union, as officially declared by the state authorities, Serbia also strives to maintain a “strategic partnership” with Russia. This paper presents Russia’s interests in the policy towards Serbia in the economic sphere over the years, starting from 1999. It points to the complexity of Serbian-Russian economic relations and their relationship with political issues. Russia, as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, can significantly affect Serbia’s internal and foreign policy, making it dependent on guarding Serbia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and through the lack of recognition of Kosovo’s independence by pursuing its own interests, manifested by an increasing Russian presence in the energy sector.
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Pinter, Atila. "Development and main directions of Hungary's foreign policy since 1990." Napredak 1, no. 3 (2020): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak1-29798.
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This paper explores the three key priorities of Hungarian foreign policy after 1990: Euro-Atlantic integration, regional relations and relations with Hungarians living outside the borders of what is today Hungary. Also presented is a brief overview of recent events in Hungarian-Serbian relations. The paper describes the effects achieved, their political rationale and gives an assessment of the results achieved. The study concludes that Hungary was quickly and successfully integrated within the Euro-Atlantic alliance (NATO, EU), in the process developing new mechanisms for helping Hungarians living in other countries, which was achieved through improved cooperation with its neighbors. There are still areas where relations might be improved and cooperation and historical reconciliation with Serbia can be viewed as an exceptional example of this.
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Antic, Cedomir. "Crisis and armament economic relations between Great Britain and Serbia 1910-1912." Balcanica, no. 36 (2005): 151–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0536151a.
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On the eve of the 1914-18 war, Great Powers had competed for influence in the Balkans. While preparing for the war with the Ottoman Empire the Balkan states were ready to take huge war credits and to place big orders for weapons and military equipment. Foreign Office did not show any interest in involving British capital and industry in this competition. British diplomacy even discouraged investments in Serbian military programme before 1914.
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Jelisavac-Trosic, Sanja, and Stevan Rapaic. "Status and prospects of Serbia’s accession to the world trade organization." Medjunarodni problemi 67, no. 1 (2015): 128–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1501128j.
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For many years now Serbia is persistent in its attempt to become a full member of the World Trade Organization. Countries that are not yet members represent a tiny minority of the total world trade, and Serbia is one of them. Membership in the WTO is de facto requirement for accession to the European Union. This paper explains how far Serbia traveled in her way to this international organization, whose agreements are governing the global rules of trade between nations. Special attention was paid to the question why it is important that Serbia joins this organization, and what can be concluded from the accession experiences of countries in the region. The authors of this study will try to explain the importance of the WTO accession, and the manner in which membership in this organization will affect Serbia?s existing foreign trade relations.
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Keane, Rory. "The Solana process in Serbia and Montenegro: coherence in EU foreign policy." International Peacekeeping 11, no. 3 (August 2004): 491–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1353331042000249064.
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Prorokovic, Dusan. "Geopolitic determinants of the foreign policy positioning of Serbia at the beginning of the 21st century." Medjunarodni problemi 69, no. 4 (2017): 401–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1704401p.
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The foreign policy positioning of the state is a process influenced by at least three indicators: the geographical position, the structure of the world political system (character of the current international relations) and historical experiences. All three of these indicators are related to the phenomenon of spatial (geographical) distribution of the power of key actors of international politics, at the regional or global level, today or in the past. Therefore, we can consider them as geopolitical determinants, In this article, we will present and analyze the geopolitical determinants that are related to all three indicators. The article consists of five parts. The first introductory part is dedicated to explaining what foreign political positioning means and what foreign policy is. The second part deals with geopolitical determinants that affect the country's foreign policy. The third part is devoted to the analysis of geopolitical determinants related to three indicators of the foreign policy positioning of the Republic of Serbia. The fourth part describes the current foreign policy of the Republic of Serbia and compares it with the findings from the third part of the paper. The fifth part is the final conclusion. The theoretical framework of this research is neorealism.
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Berna, Ioana-Bianca. "Diplomația culturală şi re-clasarea relațiilor culturale România-Franța / Cultural Diplomacy and the Re-shaping of the Romanian-France Cultural Relations." Hiperboreea A2, no. 3-6 (January 1, 2013): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.2.3-6.0054.
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Abstract Cultural diplomacy has lesser aspects of monolithical sustainability, but it can have stronger gist production. Romania and France have always rebounded their relations in the court of cultural relations. Throughout this article, we will try to emphasize the sequel and tenor of cultural diplomacy in foreign policy and the sorts and medium it can have for solidarity rendering. Further, we will use these explanations in order to accent its proper usability in contemporary France-Romanian relations. We contend that the relaunching of the strategic partneship between Romania and France, opens new chances of predisposition for the avenues of cultural diplomacy. We will commence with the timely nearness between Romania and France in the last century and then, proceed with the lines of approach of cultural diplomacy in Romanian-France contemporary foreign policy affairs.
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Lefebvre, Bruno. "Posted workers in France." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 12, no. 2 (May 2006): 197–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890601200207.
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This contribution presents ongoing research that sets out to assess for the first time the situation of the foreign workers, from Europe and beyond, who work in France, in various economic sectors, as a result of the operation of networks of subcontractors. It appears that neither the legal framework nor the obligations of the foreign firms employing these workers are clear, in terms either of relations with government departments or of the legal arguments that may legitimately be invoked for the settlement of disputes. Trade unions, citizens' associations, locally elected officials and civil servants alike are strikingly ill-prepared to deal with this new phenomenon of the movement of workers in Europe.
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Gray, Christine. "II. Legality Of Use Of Force (Serbia And Montenegro v Belgium) (Serbia And Montenegro v Canada) (Serbia And Montenegro v France) (Serbia And Montenegro v Germany) (Serbia And Montenegro v Italy) (Serbia And Montenegro v Netherlands) (Serbia And Montenegro v Portugal) (Serbia And Montenegro v United Kingdom): Preliminary Objections. Judgment Of 15 December 20041." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 54, no. 3 (July 2005): 787–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei030.
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This is a surprising-and disquieting-judgment which raises serious questions about the role of the Court. The Legality of Use of Force cases began in 1999 when the Federal Republic ofYugoslavia (FRY)2 first brought an action against ten NATOStates for their use of force in Kosovo.3 In December 2004 the Court decided unanimously that it had no jurisdiction to decide the cases. However, this unanimity masked a fundamental disagreement between the judges: it is apparent from the Joint Declaration of Judges Ranjeva, Guillaume, Higgins, Kooijmans, Al-Khasawneh, Buergenthal and Elaraby that the judges were strongly divided, by eight to seven, on the reasoning which led them to agree that there was no jurisdiction.
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Jelisavac-Trosic, Sanja. "The world trade organization accession as one of the Serbian foreign policy goals." Medjunarodni problemi 70, no. 1 (2018): 28–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1801028j.
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Accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO), among other things, can be viewed as one of Serbia's foreign policy goals. Observed in this way, the successful completion of the accession process will bring easier market access to the all WTO member countries, but also fulfills one of the key conditions in the negotiations for Serbia's accession to the European Union (Chapter 30). Serbia is an import-dependent country and therefore has a high foreign trade deficit. Our country trades mostly with those countries with which has been signed some kind of trade agreement (EU, CEFTA, Russia, Turkey). That indicates that its entry into the WTO would be beneficial and would facilitate the establishment of trade flows with new partners. Accession would also be useful for an export-oriented model of economic growth. The World Trade Organization is the only global international organization dealing with trade rules between countries. The WTO is the result of multiannual international negotiations aimed at liberalizing international trade. Multilateral negotiations under the WTO umbrella offer the potential to maintain long-term growth, stimulate trade and investment and sustainable economic development. Serbia with its capacities, as a small country, is not in a position to independently create, develop and maintain economic relations with many countries in the world. Therefore, the WTO membership will enable domestic companies and businessmen to export under much more favorable conditions to countries with which Serbia has not yet concluded trade agreements. Serbia started accession to the WTO in 2005 but has not yet completed this process. Taking into account the results of Serbia so far in this process, as well as defining the remaining open issues and problems, we point to the many obstacles our country has encountered, but also on the ways in which the goal can be successfully achieved.
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Simić, Milica, Antoaneta Vassileva, and Anđelka Aničić. "Economic aspects of the integration processes of the Republic of Serbia." Oditor 7, no. 2 (2021): 83–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/oditor2102083s.
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Exchange of goods and services is the most important domain of economic cooperation between the Republic of Serbia with the world and is crucial for faster growth of gross domestic product (and thus expected economic growth rates and faster social development and rising living standards) in the coming period. Due to this, paper analyses the degree of involvement of the Republic of Serbia in total world exports, its most important foreign trade partners, the degree of openness of the economy and the share of exports in gross domestic product, analyzing the period from 2008 to 2017. The aim of this paper is to study specific relations between the Republic of Serbia and its most important foreign trade partners and their interdependence with the integration processes through multilateral and bilateral cooperation with the European Union, Eurasian Economic Union, World Trade Organization and Central European Free Trade Agreement. Based on the updated statistical research and analysis of the content of the basic determinants of bilateral agreements, recommendations were given for the future development of integration processes within the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union.
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Bo, Čen. "The foreign policy of China." Napredak 1, no. 2 (2020): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2001009b.
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This paper presents a brief outline of the foreign policy aims of the People's Republic of China. Brought into focus is the principle of multilateralism, the basic guiding principle of China, which is aware of the effects of globalization. The principle needs to be applied to the response to the COVID-19 epidemic. Stressed in the paper are the principles that China follows in its relations with the USA, the EU and Serbia, and the importance of the Belt and Road initiative and Cooperation 17+1. The paper states that the question of Kosovo and Metohija should be resolved within the framework of Resolution 1244 passed by the UN Security Council. Hongkong is an integral part of China and the questions regarding this matter are to be resolved by China. Hongkong is a territory with a large degree of autonomy and the recent legislation aims to protect the security of China and Hongkong and do not contradict the policy "One Country - Two Systems", but rather confirm it. The paper also presents new data on the economic development of China and progress made in its economic relations with the EU and the countries participating in the Cooperation 17+1 program.
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Radulović, Marija, and Milan Kostić. "Are EU Members’ Economies an “Engine” of the EU Candidates’ Economies?" Folia Oeconomica Stetinensia 21, no. 2 (November 26, 2021): 97–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/foli-2021-0018.
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Abstract Research background: Economic relations between countries members of the EU and EU candidates are very strong. Germany and France have the leading economies of the EU, are in the top ten economies worldwide, and drivers of EU development. Serbia has strong economic relations with Germany and France, especially with Germany. Therefore, it is necessary to examine whether Germany and France impact the development of Serbia. Purpose: The purpose of the study is to determine if there is a positive influence of a developed country on a developing country. The aim of the paper is to determine whether there is a long- and short-term positive relationship between Germany and France (EU members) and the Serbian economy (EU candidate). Research methodology: A Vector Error Correction Model is used to analyze quarterly data from 2002Q2 to 2018Q2. Results: The results showed a statistically significant long-term relationship between Germany and France and Serbia’s real GDPs, so EU members have a long-term positive impact on the economy of EU candidates. In the case of the French, there is a short-run positive impact on the Serbian economy. For Germany, it is not the case. Novelty: This paper fills the literature gap about the influence of a developed country on a developing country. Recommendations for policymakers in EU candidates could be that if they want to motivate people to accept the process of access to the EU, they must provide them with more information about long-run economic benefits from the association to the EU.
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Ostojić, Siniša, and Željka Unković. "Insurance and Management of Political Risk Exposure in Developed Economies and Serbia." South East European Journal of Economics and Business 6, no. 2 (November 1, 2011): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10033-011-0018-7.
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Insurance and Management of Political Risk Exposure in Developed Economies and SerbiaThe paper explores the risks, associated with government actions, which reduce the value of the company, in other words, a political risk. The purpose of this research is to determine the theoretical, institutional, regulatory management and implemented activities of political risks in different countries (the USA, the UK, France, Japan and Germany). The aim of this paper is the analysis of the characteristics of political risks, the analysis and the characteristics of the risk of the insurance policy from the standpoint of global, regional and state agencies and private insurers as well, determining the interdependence of political risks and country risks. The analysis begins by reviewing different ways of entering foreign markets (exports, foreign direct investment, contractual agreements and establishment of subsidiaries), all of which imply exposure to political risk. After that, political risk and exposure of its basic elements are defined, as well as methods that are applied in the assessment and the management of political risks. This paper concludes with an overview of political risk insurance coverage and sums insured in selected countries, and how political risk is underwritten and priced.
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Mrdaković, Sanela, and Miloš Todorović. "South Korea’s Economic Development and Trade Relations with Serbia: Trends and Perspectives." Economic Themes 59, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ethemes-2021-0012.
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Abstract The spectacular economic development of South Korea in recent decades has continuously intrigued economists, academic community and general public. Whether such a development model be applied to other, less developed countries is one of the topics often explored in a number of studies and debates. Therefore, the principles of South Korean development model and the economic parameters of its foreign trade today, are some of the research aims of this paper. The research focuses on economic relations between South Korea and Serbia, current trends and prospects for future economic cooperation through the analysis of comparative advantage of the most prominent export products and industries, using the RCA index. The analysis shows that Serbia has a potential to further improve cooperation with South Korea in several export sectors, and coupled with investments in human resources and infrastructure, as well as the active promotion of Serbian market to South Korean companies, it may be one of the vectors of their future cooperation.
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Dimitrijević, Duško. "Chinese Investments in Serbia—A Joint Pledge for the Future of the New Silk Road." Baltic Journal of European Studies 7, no. 1 (June 27, 2017): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2017-0005.
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Abstract Following the political changes in 2000, Serbia has rapidly started to catch up with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe in various aspects of the transition process. One of these very important aspects were foreign investments, both ‘direct’ and ‘portfolio’ ones, that had a significant impact on the development of Serbian economy by recovering economic structure and raising competitiveness in world markets, followed by improving the balance of payments and technological, scientific and managerial base. Foreign investments as an “economic engine” enable accelerated realization of national economic goals which include re-industrialization and renewal of industrial capacity. The openness of the Serbian market and the lack of financial resources allow China and other states concerned under favourable conditions invest in the development of Serbian economy. In this way, Chinese investments have become a driving force for the promotion of economic and other relations between the two countries. On the other hand, however, Chinese investments have proven to be an ideal test for the realization of the objectives of the development strategy of the ‘New Silk Road’ which among other things include the improvement of China’s position on world markets, including the EU market. For the proper understanding of Sino-Serbian relations, this study first gives a short explanation of the Chinese strategy of the New Silk Road. Then, it includes an analysis of Serbia’s position towards China. Analysis of the development of Serbian-Chinese economic relations, especially in the field of foreign investment and within the framework of multilateral cooperation mechanism ‘16+1’, occupies the central part of the study. The study concludes with an evaluation of comparative advantages and certain disadvantages for the Chinese foreign investment in Serbian economy, which in itself has certain significance for the realization of the New Silk Road strategy.
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Jagiełło-Szostak, Anna. "Links between foreign and security policy and historical memory: the case of Serbia – Kosovo relations." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 18, no. 2 (December 2020): 59–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2020.2.3.
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The article aims to analyse the impact of historical memory on foreign and security policy using the example of the Serbia – Kosovo relations in the period of 2014-2019. Historical memory is a burden, challenge and opportunity for foreign and security policy, and has a considerable impact on bilateral relations between countries which used to be in conflict. Historical memory generates numerous research questions – who is the architect of memory? what are the actors? what are the mechanisms, tools and instruments of its creation? how is it used to maintain power and what are its effects? – to name but a few. In the example analysed, leaders use historical memory to create separate identities and gain power, whereas NGOs do it to commemorate victims. Historical memory is present in celebrating important dates, historical places, monuments and events, and creating national heroes. It also draws attention to the stereotypes in school textbooks and to transitional justice. The most important space for historical memory in the analysis is Kosovo and the role of an international organisation – the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Historical memory has an important function in the process of regional reconciliation, which is an essential condition for cooperation and security in the Western Balkans.
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DÉVAVÁRI, ZOLTÁN. "HUNGARIAN DIPLOMACY AND THE DISINTEGRATION OF YUGOSLAVIA 1990–1991." ISTRAŽIVANJA, Јournal of Historical Researches, no. 33 (December 22, 2022): 174–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2022.33.174-190.
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This study aims to explore Hungarian–Yugoslav diplomatic relations in the first phase of the disintegration of the second Yugoslav state through relevant documents from the Hungarian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and accounts from the contemporary Hungarian press. The study mainly focuses on relations between the Hungarian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Except for Serbia, diplomatic relations between Hungary and the other Yugoslav republics were not taken into consideration due to length constraints. The study also examines Budapest’s diplomatic activities with the great powers regarding the Yugoslav question. The documents used this study can be found in XIX-J-1-j records at the Department of Political Government and Party Authorities of the Hungarian National Archives after 1945 (Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár Országos Levéltára 1945 utáni Politikai Kormányszervek és Pártiratok Főosztálya, MNL OL).
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Ejdus, Filip. "Serbia's Military Neutrality: Origins, effects and challenges." Croatian International Relations Review 20, no. 71 (October 1, 2014): 43–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cirr-2014-0008.
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Abstract Serbia is the only state in the Western Balkans that is not seeking NATO membership. In December 2007, Serbia declared military neutrality and in spite of its EU membership aspirations, developed very close relations with Moscow. The objective of this paper is threefold. First, I argue that in order to understand why Serbia declared military neutrality, one has to look both at the discursive terrain and domestic power struggles. The key narrative that was strategically used by mnemonic entrepreneurs, most importantly by the former Prime Minister Vojislav Koštunica, to legitimize military neutrality was the trauma of NATO intervention in 1999 and the ensuing secession of Kosovo. In the second part of the paper, I discuss the operational consequences of the military neutrality policy for Serbia's relations with NATO and Russia, as well as for military reform and EU accession. Finally, I spell out the challenges ahead in Serbia's neutrality policy and argue that its decision makers will increasingly be caught between pragmatic foreign policy requirements on the one hand and deeply entrenched traumatic memories on the other.
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Martin, Guy. "Continuity and Change in Franco-African Relations." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 1 (March 1995): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020826.
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While noticeable signs of change in relations between France and her former colonies in Africa began to appear in the post-cold war era, particularly since 1990, elements of continuity include their enduring historical and cultural ties; their informal, intimate, and secretive politico-diplomatic relations, typified by the bi-annual franco-African summit meetings; and the fact that when all is said and done, the contintent remains of great economic importance to France. As for the gradual process of democratisation which has swept throughout francophone Africa in recent years, there is evidence that this has been selectively supported by France according to criteria pertaining more to her core foreign-policy interests in Africa than to ideological, legalistic, or humanitarian considerations.
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Toropygin, A. V. "Economic and Political Aspects of the Serbia — EAEU Free Trade Area." EURASIAN INTEGRATION: economics, law, politics 14, no. 2 (July 9, 2021): 120–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-2929-2021-02-120-131.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the Serbia — EAEU relations development through the prism of the Agreement on the Free Trade Area (FTA) — between the integration association and the separate economy / country. The purpose of this study is to identify the prospects of the FTA taking into account Serbia’s desire to integrate into the European Union. The author come to the conclusion that intensive interaction, primarily between Serbia and Russia through the FTA between Serbia and the EAEU, is explained, on the one hand, by Serbia’s multi-vector foreign policy, and, on the other hand, by Russia’s attentive attitude to the course of the conflict over Kosovo. Russia has economic interests in this region, as well as the region is people-related value for Russia within which it has used and will intensively utilize of soft power mechanisms.
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Golubovic, Milica. "Judicial Professional Associations: Fostering Judicial Reform Through Civil Society Development." Southeastern Europe 33, no. 1 (2009): 48–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633309x421157.
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AbstractThis article documents the history of judicial professional associations (the Judges' Association of Serbia, Prosecutors' Association of Serbia, and Magistrates' Association of Serbia) in Serbia from their early development in the mid-1990s through the present day. With a close focus on the associations' relationship with USAID implementing partner American Bar Association/Central Europe and Eurasian Law Initiative (ABA/CEELI), the article identifies the challenges to establishing sustainable judicial professional associations. These challenges include a lack of secure funding, low organizational and administrative capacity, a high turnover rate of volunteers and employees, reliance on foreign-generated 'copy-and-paste' activities that do not take local needs into account, and uneasy relationships with the local and central governments. Successes of the fledgling judicial professional associations are also noted, including the implementation of continuing legal education (CLE) seminars.
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Ahmetaj, Prof AS Dr Lavdosh. "DURRES CONGRESS EXPRESSION OF ALBANIA'S POLITICAL MATURITY." EPH - International Journal of Humanities and Social Science 4, no. 1 (February 10, 2019): 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.53555/eijhss.v4i1.73.
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The paper reflects the political sense of the Albanians who realized that in the conditions of the end of World War I needed political alliances that could not be realized without the formation of a government and the Albanian state on legal and legal grounds, so that to be represented with the proper sovereignty not only in the face of the Great Powers, which would gather at the Peace Conference in Paris in the beginning of 19119, but it was the best opportunity to avoid any representation which did not have the sovereignty of Albanians.
Whereas, the preparatory stages internally for the organization of the Durrës Congress were accompanied by the initiative for the gathering of a congress in the city of Shkodra. This meeting was held in Lezha on December 9, 1918, organized by Catholic clerics and the mayor of Mirdita Bayribs, Preng Bib Doda as a movement, which included only North Albania, had not found extensive support. Another attempt was that of the city of Tirana, which took place on December 19-20, in which only representatives from some parts of Central Albania participated. These political movements gradually fused to the Durrës Congress, the organizers of the who had previously received Italy's political approval.
The Durrës Congress opened on 25 December 1918 with the participation of 53 delegates, who were accompanied by the mandate of the province they represented, although these provinces were under the control of the Italian army. But delegates from the city of Vlora did not attend the congress because the Italian authorities had received instructions from Rome not to be allowed to be delegates from this city. The representatives of the provinces under the Serbian occupation, Peshkopia and Luma, and even those who were under French occupation, such as the city of Korca, were also missing. The delegates initially expressed political trust in the winners of the war, associating this with a special greeting against President Wilson, who had declared the principles of the selfdetermination of peoples.
The Congress also discussed about the policy that should be followed in relations with Italy and the possibility of supporting it, which, from a strategic point of view, could have an interest in supporting Albania's territorial requirements. Through archival sources, it emerges that the most prominent politician of the Albanians, Mehmet Konica, at the Durrës Congress, had presented the Italian proposal for the formation of an "Enforcement Committee", which would try to send an Albanian delegation to the Peace Conference and acted to ensure the national and political life of the Albanian people. But, in turn, the sources reflect the political will of another part of the decalogue, which they expressed, for the creation of a provisional government, which should politically accept Roma as well. Seeking that, before this was announced, a response from Rome was taken, in the hope that it would accept its formation. While some other delegates stated that the government was a wish of the Albanian people and it did not matter whether it would be accepted by Italy. The Government, based on the minutes of the Senate parliamentary work, had two tasks: First, to send an Albanian delegation to the Peace Conference, and second, to ensure the national political life of the Albanian people. While the formation of a council or a committee would no longer be a helpless institution, leaving at the same time a free path to foreign intrigues and create free ground for antagonistic opponent Esad Toptani.
The analysis also reflects the other side of the discussions, which concerned the view that the Albanian people did not have that degree of maturity to act independently, which would lead Albania to the collapse of relations with the only friend Albania had, which was considered Italy.
So the development of discussions in Congress had naturally reflected the formation of two pillar groups, which were different: first, a group of congressmen was of prominent Orienteering who declared that for the decision of the formation of the government the interim was notified and Rome through the Italian command and expected its response; second, while the other group stated that they had not come to the congress to be presented as "puppets" to judge and act upon the orders of others, but to think about the will and political will of the people, who was looking for one sounds self-restraint.
In fact, the critical spirit of the delegates to the London Underground Treaty of 1915 is considerable in material through three fundamental issues related to Albania. First, on the political plane, through the creation of the government, they were opposed to the Italian protectorate of the Albanian state through the representation of this state from Italy in relations with the world, as envisaged in paragraph VII of the Secret Treaty of London on 26 April 1915. This treaty was also struck from a principled point of view. Congress through the majority managed to consider the decisions of 1913 untouched, coupled with the full independence of the Albanian state already formed. Secondly, Congress could not bypass those decisions of the Treaty of London that heavily affected the territory of Albania. The delegates expressed their sternness about the VIth paragraph of the Treaty through which Italy was recognized sovereignty over Vlora, as well as for Point VII, according to which Italy would not object to the passage of southern Albania to Greece and to the north of Serbia and Montenegro Black, under the conditions that this would require other Treaty firms, such as France and England. Thirdly, Congress reiterated its critical stance on Vth of the Treaty of London, which expressed the existence of a "Muslim" Albanian state in Middle East.
While reflecting on the criticism of Italy's attitude to the obstacles it had created for the representation of Vlora in Congress, which made it possible to sensitize even the question of the city of Vlora, which according to the Secret Treaty of London was in the protectorate of Italy.
By the time the material was refreshed on the morning of December 26th, the main representatives of Congress presented a reminder to Italy's political representative, bringing arguments on the formation of the government to devalue the possible efforts of France and the Balkan states to call delegates of Esad Toptani at the Peace Conference.
The analysis also raises the issue of the Albanian state's legal status and political affiliation to one or the other winning power, for which there were disagreements, they acted silently and in a compromise with each other. While the essence of the subject we are presenting is the political program that underpinned: First, the rights of the Peace Conference by the Government of Durres; Second, the search for Albania's ethnic boundaries; thirdly, maintaining public order and peace in the Albanian political territory.
The material also includes the political support that Albanian Diaspora organizations provided to the congressional work as "Vatra", which saw political compromise with Italy over the formation of the Government of Durres an essential point because it envisioned the anatonomic diversity of the Albanian political streams that would to be presented at the Peace Conference in Paris. But by making a careful study of the period in which this agreement was reached, this attitude seems to be fair. This agreement came about as a result of the change of Albania's historical circumstances at the end of the war, such as: the collapse of political balances in the Balkans as a result of the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the loss of war from it.
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Mladenovic, Maja. "Russia-Serbia relations in the context of the activities of pro-western and pro-Russian NGOs." Мировая политика, no. 1 (January 2021): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2021.1.34630.
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The purpose of the article is to analyze the most active western and pro-Russian non-governmental organizations working in Serbia. In the Mass Media and non-governmental sphere, the influence of Russia is rudimentary, and is often hampered by the supporters of the Euro-Atlantic ideas. The maintenance and development of a positive image in the face of information war led by Western countries against Russia, requires constant attention of Russia’s foreign policy agencies in their work with Serbian government and social structures. The active work of the government and civil society is needed for mutual promotion of cultural achievements in Russian and Serbian cultural space. The research methodology is based on the comparative approach. The author arrives at the conclusion that Western NGOs have huge financial capacities to influence the society of Serbia. They create, promote and develop their own NGOs through local contractors, whilst pro-Russian NGOs are authentic projects of pro-Russian Serbs which typically lack money and wide public action and whose projects don’t get wide information or financial support. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the fact that it is one of the first attempts to comprehensively analyze and assess the work of non-governmental organizations in modern Serbia.