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Albers, Martin. "The policies of Britain, France and West Germany towards the People's Republic of China, 1969-1982." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708129.
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Styan, David A. "Franco-Iraqi relations and Fifth Republic foreign policy, 1958-1990." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/15/.
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This study analyses the evolution of France's relations with Iraq since 1958. It seeks to understand the motivations behind French government, state and private sector interests in Iraq. This is done in the dual context of France's economic rivalry with other western powers in the Middle East, and the Iraqi state's attempts to follow an independent foreign policy while using its oil revenues to rapidly industrialise and arm itself. The text first charts France's rivalry with Britain in the ex-Ottoman empire and its fears of Anglo-American domination of oil supplies. It then demonstrates that while France's early links with Israel continued under President De Gaulle, by the mid sixties they had been eclipsed by the commercial importance of trade with Arab states. The core text then focuses on France's relationship with Iraq since 1958, the year in which new governments came to power in both states. Despite the 1972 nationalisation of the Iraq Petroleum company, in which France had a 25% stake, French politicians and businessmen nevertheless gained favourable access to oil supplies, greatly increasing their exports of defence and high technology products, including a nuclear reactor, to Iraq during the seventies. The Iran-Iraq war (1980-88) intensified both bilateral trade links and the indebtedness of Iraq to France. By the mid-eighties what become a de-facto alliance generated severe problems for France's middle eastern policies, particularly towards Iran. The central themes of the study are the processes of foreign policy formation in France, and the extent and impact of economic interests underlying policy making. The thesis argues that substantial state ownership in France's oil, defence and aeronautical industries, coupled with the common interests and interpretations of a relatively homogeneous and interconnected corps of businessmen, politicians and civil servants, helps explain the continuity of French policy in the region. This is seen to be true despite the change of government (from Gaullist to Socialist) in France in May 1981.
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Gale, Caitlin Maria. "Beyond Corsairs : the British-Barbary relationship during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1cdea6da-7ca9-4728-bef5-59e6850dbb73.
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The North African Barbary States are usually dismissed as an unimportant, though bothersome, pirate base of little consequence in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. This thesis challenges that idea by providing qualitative and quantitative evidence of Barbary's role in trade and diplomacy during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, especially as it affected Britain and how the British were able to carry out their military and political goals in the Mediterranean. The study is based on the correspondence between the British government and its military leaders in the region, the correspondence and reports generated by British consuls working in Barbary, import/export records, and a database tracking British shipping to and from North Africa during the conflict. To the British, Barbary was not an irritation but an asset. Britain was able to manage Barbary's trade and foreign policy over the course of the twenty-three-year conflict. This was accomplished in two key ways: as a source of supplies for British forces and through the diplomatic role provided by Britain's extensive consul network. Though the North African states were neutral for the majority of both wars, Britain worked strenuously to maintain and increase its trade and diplomacy with Barbary for the benefit of the British armed forces. British trade with Barbary, supported by the British-Barbary diplomatic relationship, directly contributed to British successes in the Mediterranean and Iberian Peninsula.
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Condren, John. "Louis XIV et le repos de l'Italie : French policy towards the duchies of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, 1659-1689." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8259.
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Between 1659 and 1689, northern Italy was generally at peace, having endured almost three decades of continuous war from the 1620s. The Peace of the Pyrenees of November 1659, between the French and Spanish crowns, seemed to offer the young Louis XIV an opportunity to gradually subvert Spanish influence over the small princely families of the Po valley. The Houses of Farnese, Este, and Gonzaga-Nevers, respective rulers of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, had all been allies of France at various points in the Franco-Spanish War (1635-1659), but had gained scant reward for their willingness to jeopardise their own relationships with the king of Spain and the Holy Roman Emperor, despite the promises of material and diplomatic support which Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin had extended to them. As a consequence, they were reluctant to agree to again participate in alliances with France. This thesis examines how Louis XIV gradually came to lose the friendship of these three ruling families, through his arrogant disregard of their interests and their ambitions, and also by his contempt for their capabilities and usefulness. This disregard was frequently born out of the French monarch's unwillingness to jeopardise or to undermine his own interests in Italy – in particular, the permanent retention of the fortress of Pinerolo, in Piedmont, as a porte onto the Po plain. But although the principi padani comprehended the reasons for Louis's unwillingness to act as a benevolent patron, they resented his all-too-palpable distrust of them; his entrenched belief that they were unreliable; and his obvious love of war. The rulers and élites of the Italian states believed that Louis would undoubtedly seek, at some point in his reign, to attack Spain's possessions in Italy, and dwelt in perpetual dread of that day. This thesis provides the account of French policy towards the small Italian states after 1659 which is still absent from the historiography of Louis XIV's foreign policies.
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Marks, Martha Staley. "United States policy toward Tunisian nationalism during World War II." PDXScholar, 1985. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3664.
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This thesis has attempted to describe the controversy between Robert Murphy and Hooker Doolittle over American policy toward the North Africans and French during World War II. The research was based primarily on material from State Department documents found in the National Archives supplemented by material from the French archives as well as memoirs, personal interviews, and histories of the period. In order for the reader to understand this particular dispute, the problem was developed in the context of the larger political scene as it evolved in North Africa. The controversy between de Gaulle and Giraud was described since it tended to dominate relations between the United States and France at that time. As a result of the research, it was obvious that Murphy's position prevailed, but not without raising important questions about the long term implications of this position.
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Rankin, Colleen A. "International Agendas Confront Domestic Interests: EU Enlargement, Russian Foreign Policy, and Eastern Europe." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1337888570.
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Vargo, Trina Y. "French and American foreign policies : concordances and discordances in the light of ideological differences 1981-1984." Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61971.
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Walsh, Sebastian John. "Britain, Morocco and the development of the Anglo-French entente." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610042.
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Van, Deusen Karl J. "U.S.-Portuguese relations and foreign base rights in Portugal." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 1990. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA237179.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 1990.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Bruneau, Thomas C. Second Reader: Yost, David S. "June 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on October 15, 2009. DTIC Identifier(s): Military Bases, Political Science, Theses, United States, Portugal, Azores, Security Assistance Program, France, West Germany, European Community, Western European Union, Madeira, Trade. Author(s) subject terms: Portugal, Azores, Lajes, Flores, Beja, Overseas Bases, Security Assistance, Slazar, Soares, Silva, Emigration, Emigrant's Remittances, Trade, Foreign Direct Investment, WEU, CFE. Includes bibliographical references (p. 180-185). Also available in print.
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Raphala, Mmapitsi Grateful. "A critique of the foreign policy of France towards Africa :case studies of Central African Republic and Ivory Coast, 2007-2014." Thesis, University of Limpopo, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/2010.
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Thesis (M. A. (International Politics)) --University of Limpopo, 2017<br>Many Western and Central African countries were colonised by France from the early 17th century until the early 1960s. However, Africa has continued to be the private hunting ground for France in the post-independence period. This is because France still needs African resources, particularly its oil. In fact, Africa holds a strategic position for French foreign policy. Therefore, when France gave independence to its African colonies, it did not really mean it was completely disengaging from Africa. In essence, a package was imposed on Francophone African countries which tied them to the revitalised African states to preserve French colonial status. Moreover, France‟s heavy involvement in African countries has earned it a perception of being a police officer of the continent. Within this premise, due to protracted conflicts in French African countries, Francophone Africans bank their hope on France to assist in offering just and lasting solutions to the complex challenges facing their countries. This should be understood within the context that France maintained a significant colonial empire in the continent for almost a century and a half. Nevertheless, France attempts to uphold hegemonic foothold in Francophone Africa through political, economic and cultural connections while the security of Africans is threatened. With this in mind, this study critiques the French foreign policy towards Africa and it uses Ivory Coast and Central African Republic as case studies. These two countries are chosen given their recent conflicts and their assistance in critiquing the French position in African complex challenges. This study also adopted the use of document review and interviews to generate data.
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LLORCA, Sébastien. "French and German foreign policy with regard to Israel-Palestine, 1998-2005." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10465.
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Defence date: 14 December 2007<br>Examining Board: Prof. Bertrand Badie, (IEP Paris and CERI) ; Prof. Martin Beck, (GIGA Institute of Middle East Studies) ; Prof. Friedrich Kratochwil, (EUI) ; Prof. Pascal Vennesson, (EUI)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>Palestine between 1998 and 2005. Special attention is also drawn to the period of Sharon’s mandate and the Al-Aqsa Intifada (2001-2005). The thesis has two main objectives. The first is to draw a clearer picture of the ways in which French and German foreign policy towards Israel- Palestine has been socially constructed. The second is to better understand the reasons why France and Germany, key powers at the heart of the EU, did not furnish the efforts required in order to broker a peace deal in the Middle East that lived up to their own - as well as the EU’s - rhetoric and official 'dedication' to the conflict. First, I consider the respective processes of foreign policy making in France and Germany. After examining bilateral relations between France, Germany, Israel and the Palestinian Authority, I shed some light on the evolution of French and German national ‘positions’ and identify those who have played an important role in shaping this process. Subsequently, I propose to evaluate how foreign policy makers and leaders eventually take decisions. I therefore highlight major domestic and external sources of influence, and study how foreign policy makers prioritise among conflicting interests and such influential factors. Finally, I suggest in what respect these actors gave, or failed to give, their national diplomacy a vision, a strategy and solid boundaries within which to work. At first sight, it might be said that the dominant role of the United States in the Middle East, combined with internal divisions in Europe, in large part explain the weakness of France, Germany and the EU in the Middle East diplomatic arena between 1998 and 2005. However, my research also specifically tests the hypothesis that the collective memory of the Holocaust, its contemporary use and its cultural domestic meaning, in both France and Germany, have been central and even decisive in the elaboration of their respective positions. The set of norms and values linked to collective memory and shared by key decision-makers has constituted a major paralysing factor. In other words, a sense of historical responsibility and of Israeli 'exceptionalism' has developed in France and Germany. This has shaped the perception of the conflict and prevented both countries, and the EU itself, from playing a more pro-active role in the peace negotiations. From a theoretical perspective, this research contributes to foreign policy analysis in the field of International Relations. In addition, the focus on the social construction of a particular foreign policy clearly places this research in the constructivist tradition. However, the thesis is not primarily designed as an argument in favour or against a particular approach. Neither is the conflict merely a ‘case-study’, aimed at highlighting the weaknesses of any pre-conceived theoretical concepts or tools. The objective is to demonstrate the ways in which a particular set of norms and values, both in France and in Germany, may exert a decisive influence at various stages of the foreign policy making process.
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Chipman, John. "France as an African power : history of an idea, and its post colonial practice." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670330.
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Rae, Michelle Frasher. "International monetary relations between the United States, France, and West Germany in the 1970s." Texas A&M University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1969/48.
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Gray, Rachael J. "U.S. foreign relations after the cold war : a unilateral approach, an isolationist strategy, a hegemonic goal." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2009. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1264.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.<br>Bachelors<br>Sciences<br>Political Science
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Baird, Clayton Ray. "Style and substance: Franklin D. Roosevelt and U.S.-French relations, 1938-1942." Texas A&M University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/1073.
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Historians of American diplomatic history during the Roosevelt administration have long debated whether President Roosevelt tricked Americans into the Second World War. Historians have looked at the personalities of Roosevelt and his key advisors to see if a hidden agenda was followed. U.S.-French relations highlight this divide. Did Roosevelt conspire in the fall of France, as the conspiratorialists claim, or did he simply react?
With most historians focusing on Roosevelt himself, few have examined the systemic causes of America's failure to aid France. This study investigates how Roosevelt's style of governance and administration affected American foreign policy toward France. It concludes that the system of foreign-policy-making Roosevelt established made the outcome of American policy toward France-in particular the fall of France in 1940-nearly inevitable.
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Smolović, Ksenia. "Une "question serbe" en France ? : discours, représentations et usages politiques, 1804-1914." Thesis, Paris 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA01H095.
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Cette recherche vise à analyser l’évolution des représentations de la Serbie en France de 1804 (date des premières insurrections serbes face aux Ottomans) à 1914 pour mettre en lumière le système de représentations qui s’est mis en place autour des Serbes et de leur pays. À l’intérieur de ce système, la construction et l’évolution des stéréotypes sont particulièrement significatives et nous renseignent sur le « capital de représentations » des Français. Les différents types de représentations permettent de cerner les sentiments des acteurs français de l’époque, interrogeant notamment l’existence d’une « question serbe » dans les esprits français dans le contexte plus général de la question d’Orient. Ces questionnements reposent sur la résonnance des images dans les imaginaires mais aussi sur le rôle de la politique : ce travail cherche à comprendre les interactions entre les différentes sphères et leurs conséquences. Pour cela, il faut distinguer l’opinion publique, la sphère politique et le milieu diplomatique. Ainsi l’exemple franco-serbe permet-il d’interroger le mécanisme des cercles de réception français et de les confronter avec l’évolution du contexte européen du long XIXe siècle. À partir de ces observations, ce travail interroge aussi la spécificité politique des relations franco-serbes, tout en prenant le soin de déconstruire la dimension nationaliste de l’historiographie franco-serbe<br>The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze how the representations of Serbia in France evolved between 1804 (birth of the first Serbian insurrections against the Ottomans) and 1914, to highlight the system of representations that was set up around Serbia and its people. Within this system, the construction and the evolution of stereotypes are especially significant and tell us about the French pool of representations. The different types of representations make it possible to identify the state of mind of the French actors of the time, questioning the existence of a "Serbian question" in the French vocabulary in the more general context of the Eastern question. These questions are based on the resonance of images in the imaginations as well as on the role of politics: this thesis seeks to understand the interactions between different spheres and their consequences. To do this, the public opinion, the political sphere and the diplomatical relationships have to be distinguished. Thus the Franco-Serbian example allows us to interrogate the mechanism of the spheres of reception and to compare them with the evolution of the European context. From these observations, this work permits us to question the political particularity of the Franco-Serbian relations, while the nationalistic dimension of its historiography has to be studied as well
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Bukaitė, Vilma. "Political and diplomatic relations between the Republic of Lithuania and France in 1919–1940." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2013. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2013~D_20130701_092603-04021.
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The thesis deals with the dynamics of the political and diplomatic relations between Lithuania and France in 1919–1940. The influence of France on the process of the international recognition of Lithuania’s independence is reflected. The impact of France on solving the issue of Vilnius between 1920 and 1923 and the position of France on the relations between Lithuania and Poland are analysed. The relations of the Government of Lithuania and French administration in Klaipėda region between 1920 and 1923 are considered. The attitude of France as a signatory of Klaipėda Convention in defending the interests of the inhabitants of Klaipėda region between 1925 and 1939 is investigated. The impact of the political relations between Lithuania and the USSR on the relations with France is assessed. The influence of France on Lithuania’s participation in the projects of unification of the Baltic States is analysed. The attempts of the Government of Lithuania to strengthen the state’s security when joining the Eastern Pact in 1934–1935 are analysed. The attempts of the Lithuanian State to obtain a political support of France after Poland issued the ultimatum in 1938 and with Germany exerting pressure in 1934-1935 and 1938-1939 for Klaipėda region are examined. The position of France on Lithuania’s occupation and annexation is defined. Historical sources stored in the Lithuanian Central State Archives and the Centre for Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France were... [to full text]<br>Disertacijoje nagrinėjama Lietuvos ir Prancūzijos politinių bei diplomatinių santykių dinamika 1919–1940 m. Atspindima Prancūzijos įtaka Lietuvos nepriklausomybės tarptautinio pripažinimo procesui. Analizuojamas Prancūzijos poveikis Vilniaus klausimo sprendimui tarptautinėse institucijose 1920–1923 m. ir Prancūzijos pozicija dėl Lietuvos santykių su Lenkija. Tiriami Lietuvos vyriausybės santykiai su prancūzų administracija Klaipėdos krašte 1920–1923 m. Nagrinėjama Prancūzijos kaip Klaipėdos konvencijos signatarės laikysena ginant Klaipėdos krašto gyventojų interesus 1925–1939 m. Įvertinamas Lietuvos ir SSRS politinių ryšių poveikis santykiams su Prancūzija. Analizuojama Prancūzijos įtaka Lietuvos dalyvavimui Baltijos valstybių vienijimosi projektuose. Tiriamos Lietuvos vyriausybės pastangos sustiprinti valstybės saugumą, įsijungiant į Prancūzijos ir SSRS 1934–1935 m. kurtą Rytų paktą. Tiriamos Lietuvos valstybės pastangos gauti Prancūzijos politinę paramą, 1938 m. gavus Lenkijos ultimatumą ir 1934–1935 m. ir 1938–1939 m. pr. Vokietijai taikant spaudimą dėl Klaipėdos krašto. Apibrėžiamas Prancūzijos požiūris į Lietuvos okupaciją ir aneksiją. Disertacijos rengimui naudoti Lietuvos centriniame valstybės archyve, bibliotekų rankraštynuose, Prancūzijos užsienio reikalų ministerijos Diplomatinių archyvų centre saugomi ir publikuoti istoriniai šaltiniai.
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Bonner, Elizabeth Ann. "The first phase of the politique of Henri II in Scotland, its genesis and the nature of the "auld alliance", 1547-1554." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/18608.
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PATALAKH, ARTEM. "SOFT POWER REVISITED: HOW ATTRACTION WORKS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/579396.
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This thesis problematises the bases of soft power, that is, causal mechanisms connecting the agent (A) and the subject (B) of a power relationship. As the literature review reveals, their underspecification by neoliberal IR scholars, the leading proponents of the soft power concept, has caused a great deal of scholarly confusion over such questions as how to clearly differentiate between hard and soft power, how attraction (soft power’s primary mechanism) works and what roles structural and relational forces play in hard/soft power. In an effort to ascertain the bases, I address this issue not from the viewpoint of A’s policies or resources, like do IR neoliberal scholars, but in terms of B’s psychological perception of A. Employing social psychological accounts, I argue that attraction can be produced in three distinct ways, namely 1) through B’s identification with A (“emotional” attraction), 2) via B’s appreciation of A’s competence/knowledge in a particular field (“rational” attraction) and 3) by means of the activation of B’s
internalised values which contextually prescribe B to act in A’s favour (“social” attraction). Importantly, depending upon the way attraction is produced, it is peculiar in a number of characteristics, the main of which are power scope, weight and durability. Insights from social psychology also show that unlike soft power, hard power requires not only B’s relevant perception of the A-B relationship (as coercive or rewarding), but also A’s capability to actualise a threat of punishment and/or a promise of reward. I argue this difference can be fairly treated as definitional rather than empirical, which implies that coercion and reward necessarily have both relational and structural dimensions, whereas for attraction, a structural one alone suffices, while a relational one may or may not be present. Having explicated the soft power bases, I illustrate each of them using three “most likely” case studies, namely Serbia’s policies towards Russia (emotional attraction), Kazakhstan’s approach to relations with the EU (rational attraction) and Germany’s policies vis-à-vis Israel (social attraction).
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Talbott, Siobhan. "An alliance ended? : Franco-Scottish commercial relations, 1560-1713." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1999.
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This thesis explores the commercial links between Scotland and France in the long seventeenth century, with a focus on the Scottish mercantile presence in France’s Atlantic ports, particularly during periods of domestic and international upheaval. This study questions long-held assumptions regarding this relationship, asserting that the ‘Auld Alliance’ continued throughout the period, despite the widely held belief that it ended in 1560. Such assumptions have led scholars largely to ignore the continuing commercial relationship between Scotland and France in the long seventeenth century, focusing instead on the ‘golden age’ of the Auld Alliance or the British relationship with France in the eighteenth century. Such assumptions have been fostered by the methodological approaches used in the study of economic history to date. While I acknowledge the relevance of traditional quantitative approaches to economic history, such as those pioneered by T. C. Smout and which continue to be followed by historians such as Philipp Rössner, I follow alternative methods that have been recently employed by scholars such as Henriette de Bruyn Kops, Sheryllynne Haggerty, Xavier Lamikiz, Allan Macinnes and Steve Murdoch. These scholars have pioneered methodologies that prioritise private sources, allowing us to delve into the motivations and actions of the individuals who actually effected trade, be they merchants, factors, skippers or manufacturers. The core of my research has therefore entailed the discovery and use of previously untapped archival material including account books, letter books and correspondence, which illuminate the participation of these individuals in international trade. Such a study, while filling a specific gap in our understanding of Scotland’s overseas relations, applies a more social methodology to this topic, suggesting that scholars’ approaches need to be fundamentally altered if we are truly to understand the whole picture of Scotland’s, or indeed any nation’s, commercial relationships or wider economic position.
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Vercauteren, Pierre. "Des politiques européennes à l'égard de l'URSS: la France, la RFA et la Grande-Bretagne de 1969 à 1989." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211974.
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Pichonnier, Christopher. "La France et la Hongrie (1989-2004)." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017BOR30018/document.
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Les relations entre la France et la Hongrie ont été, au fil de l’histoire, placées à la fois sous le signe de la complexité et celui de l’ambiguïté, souvent marquées par une certaine distance et parfois empreintes de ressentiments. Au cours de l'époque de l'époque moderne, l'occupation turque, puis la longue association de la Hongrie aux Habsbourgs ont contribué à dresser, entre les deux pays, des barrières, et à freiner le développement de liens plus conséquents. De manière similaire, au cours du XXe siècle, alors que beaucoup de facteurs géographiques, culturels ou humains auraient du conduire la France à nouer avec la Hongrie les mêmes rapports de confiance et d'amitié qu'avec les autres capitales d'Europe centre-orientale, les deux Guerres mondiales – et les périodes révisionnistes et communistes qui les ont suivis en Hongrie –, mais aussi la profonde blessure infligée aux Hongrois par le traité du Trianon, ont constamment rejeté les deux États dans des camps opposés et contribué à créer, dans un pays dont l'intelligentsia était pourtant historiquement prompte à « tourner son regard vers Paris », le mythe d'un « amour sans retour » envers la France. Longtemps considérée comme une zone d'influence germanique exclusive, la Hongrie ne représenta ainsi jamais réellement un partenaire privilégié pour la France à l'est du continent et les relations entre les deux pays demeurèrent très largement irrégulières et dissymétriques. Dans ces conditions, les bouleversements des années 1989-1990, tout en offrant l'occasion de redessiner un nouveau paysage européen tourné vers l'avenir, ont autorisé la possibilité d'un nouveau départ des rapports entre les deux États. En se plaçant dans la lignée des recherches réalisées sur les relations entre la France et la Hongrie au cours du XXe siècle, ce travail offre une première analyse du resserrement global des liens entre les deux États dans un contexte nouveau. En partant du constat que les relations franco-hongroises changent de dimension à partir de 1989 – une transformation qui est exposée et analysée – ce travail cherche à comprendre si cette mutation représente la marque d’une modification de la nature réelle de la politique française en Hongrie, alors même que celle-ci n’avait été jusqu’alors traitée que comme une périphérie globalisée dans le cadre d’une « politique de l’Est » très large, et d'autre part si la période marque la fin des absences de Marianne en Hongrie et de plus de « 300 ans d’amour impossible » entre les deux pays. Au crépuscule de la guerre froide et à l'aube de l'élargissement de l'UE, face à l'ampleur des rattrapages à effectuer et à la pesanteur des stéréotypes à surpasser, les années 1989-2004 marquent-elles la fin des relations ambiguës et asymétriques entre la France et la Hongrie et le commencement d'une nouvelle ère des relations franco-hongroises ? Le travail se décompose en quatre parties : une mise en perspective générale du sujet et une première analyse de l'idée de « nouveau départ », une étude de l'évolution des relations culturelles entre les deux États, un développement sur le renforcement des liens économiques bilatéraux, et enfin une étude des relations entre les deux pays à la lumière de la question de l'élargissement euroatlantique<br>Throughout history, relations between France and Hungary have been complex and ambiguous, often characterized by a certain distance and sometimes marked by a genuine resentment. During the early modern period, the Turkish occupation and the long association of Hungary to the Habsburg Empire certainly contributed to building barriers between the two states and thus to slowing down the development of stronger ties. In a similar manner, during the 20th century, even though many factors – geographical, cultural, as well as societal – should have led France to develop a similar relationship of confidence and friendship with Hungary as those it had with other central European capitals, the two World Wars – and the revisionist and communist periods that followed in Hungary – as well as the deep “injury” inflicted on the Hungarians by the Treaty of Trianon have constantly pushed both states into opposing camps. In a country where the intelligentsia was historically quick to “look towards Paris”, these factors and events contributed to creating the myth of an “impossible love” between the two countries. Considered for a very long time as a German zone of influence, Hungary never really represented a favored partner for France in the eastern part of the continent, and the relations between the countries remained largely irregular and asymmetrical. Under these conditions, the major upheavals of the years 1989-1990, while offering an opportunity to redesign a new Europe, also allowed a chance for a new start in French-Hungarian relations. This thesis provides the first analysis of the overall strengthening of French-Hungarian relations in this new historical context. Starting with the observation that French-Hungarian relations undergo a change of dimension from 1989 – a transformation that will be discussed and analyzed – our work tries to understand on the one hand whether this mutation represents a modification of the real nature of French foreign policy towards Hungary, given that the country was mostly treated until then as part of the global periphery; and, on the other hand, whether this period marks the end of an absent France in Hungary. At the twilight of the Cold War and the dawn of the EU's enlargement, does the period from 1989 to 2004 mark the end of an ambiguous and asymmetrical relationship between France and Hungary and the start of a new era for French-Hungarian relations? The thesis is divided into four main parts : the first part provides a general overview of the topic and tests the idea of a “new beginning” of French-Hungarian relations. The second part delivers an analysis of the evolution of cultural relations between the two countries from 1989 to 2004. The third part is dedicated to the strengthening of economic ties between the two states. Finally, the last part studies the evolution of the relations between the two countries throughout the process of the EU and NATO's enlargement
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Haize, Daniel. "L'action culturelle et de coopération de la France à l'étranger : un réseau, des hommes." Thesis, Montpellier 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010MON10065.
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Les études réalisées sur la politique culturelle extérieure de la France, le soft power, appréhendent, pour l'essentiel, le sujet dans une perspective "d'en haut", en se concentrant sur la politique de l'Etat. L'analyse de la gouvernance de la politique culturelle extérieure de la France par le prisme du terrain, objet de cette recherche, montre que son centre de gravité est constitué par ses acteurs (le "réseau" à l'étranger ainsi que les hommes qui y exercent) plus que par l'administration centrale du ministère des Affaires étrangères. La politique culturelle extérieure est une politique publique dont il convient d'apprécier la substance à partir des initiatives locales au moins autant qu'au travers des discours et normes : elle peut être ainsi considérée comme la mise en scène de l'action culturelle conçue et menée par les agents du réseau culturel à l'étranger. Cette recherche s'est appuyée sur une analyse documentaire maniant à la fois la littérature grise (rapports internes, parlementaires, etc.), la presse écrite, la réalisation d'une enquête originale auprès des postes diplomatiques, ainsi que sur le bilan d'une expérience personnelle<br>Studies on French foreign cultural policy, the so-called "soft power", almost always treat the issue from a "top-down" viewpoint focusing on the State policy. The analysis of the governance of French foreign cultural policy through the prism of the field ("bottom-up analysis"), which is the purpose of this research, shows that its center is based on its actors (the "network" abroad and the men who work within it) rather than being formulated by the central Department of the Foreign Office. Foreign cultural policy is a public policy which substance should therefore be valued from local initiatives as well as from speeches and rules: it may then be seen as the setting of cultural activities designed and conducted by the agents of the cultural network abroad. This research is based on a documentary analysis which includes the “grey literature” (internal and parliamentary reports, etc), the press, a specific survey within diplomatic posts and the results of a personal experience
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Popescu, Ştefan. "L'Albanie dans la politique étrangère de la France (1919-juin 1940)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA010642/document.
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Entre 1919-1939/40, la France était prise dans un jeu délicat à l'égard de l'Albanie : elle reconnaissait la primauté des intérêts politiques et économiques italiens en Albanie mais, en même temps, la France était consciente que tout cela risquait de mettre en péril l'indépendance albanaise. L'intérêt de la France en Albanie était le maintien de l'indépendance de ce pays afin qu'il ne devient une arrière base de l'Italie contre la Yougoslavie. II y avait aussi un autre intérêt français, une volonté de «présence» en Albanie qui était générée par le statut de la France de grande puissance. C'est en vertu de cet aspect que la France entend être « présente » en Albanie par deux institutions visibles, un lycée et une mission archéologique, qui compensent assez bien le développement limité des relations politiques et économiques. De ce fait, malgré la proximité géographique et l'intensité des échanges politiques et économiques, l'Italie n'arrive pas s'imposer en Albanie comme puissance culturelle dominante. Dans l'entre-deux-guerres, la France et l'Albanie se redécouvrent réciproquement. C'est dans cet intervalle qu'on assiste à l'établissement des premières relations institutionnelles bilatérales et c'est à cette époque qu'on signe les premiers documents juridiques bilatéraux. C'est entre les deux guerres que se constitue une communauté d'albanais en France et que les premiers groupes organisés de touristes français arrivent en Albanie, que se nouent les premières relations économiques bilatérales<br>Between 1919-1939/40, France was caught in a tricky game towards Albania: it recognized the primacy of the Italian political and economic interests in Albania but, at the same time, France was aware that ail this might endanger the Albanian independence. The interest of France in Albania was the maintenance of the independence of this country to prevent it becoming a rear base of the Italy against Yugoslavia. There was also another French interest, a willingness of "présence" in Albania, generated by the France's great power status. It was under this aspect that France intends to be "présente" in Albania by two visible institutions, a high school and an archaeological mission, that offset for pretty much the limited development of political and economic relations. Thus, despite the geographical proximity and the intensity of the political and economic exchanges, Italy can't win in Albania as a dominant cultural power. .In the interwar period, France and Albania rediscover each other. It is in this interval that we are witnessing the establishment of the first bilateral institutional relations and it was at this lime that we sign the first bilateral treaties. lt is between the two wars that born a community of Albanians in France and the first organized groups of French tourists arrive in Albania, that bind the first bilateral economic relations
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Bouillon, Pierre-Hubert. "Entre partenaires et adversaires, une ouverture asymétrique et stratégique : la France face à la Roumanie et à la Hongrie (1968-1977)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA010690.
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La France, durant la détente, mena une politique étrangère qui mit à profit les déviations internes de la Hongrie et internationales de la Roumanie par rapport à l'URSS. La politique française poursuivit des objectifs à la fois bilatéraux et multilatéraux : elle inscrivit son action dans un cadre hérité du passé, mais aussi dans un processus mouvant, celui d'Helsinki. Cette époque s'avéra une transition d'un point de vue aussi bien international que national : de la crise tchécoslovaque en 1968 au regain de tensions dans la seconde moitié des années 1970, les vecteurs d'influence de la France dans l'ancienne Europe centrale et oriental évoluèrent et s'enrichirent. Un partenariat difficile fut mis en place avec la Roumanie, qui avait entretenu de liens politiques étroits avec la France avant sa satellisation par l'URSS. Quant à la Hongrie, un dialogue naquit avec elle. Les limites des relations culturelles et militaires furent à l'inverse patentes. Ces deux démocraties populaires furent en effet perçues en France à travers tout un spectre de représentations, qui allait de l'adversaire militaire et idéologique au partenaire diplomatique pouvant converger avec l'Ouest. A contrario, les rapports économiques acquirent une signification croissante et furent encadrés par l'État. Ils répondirent à la volonté politique de développer les industries de haute-technologie en France, de s'opposer l'hégémonie des États-Unis en la matière, et de mettre à profit l'asymétrie de développement entre l'Est et l'Ouest pour saper la domination de l'URSS sur son glacis. En dépit de divergences au sein de l'État l'ouverture française fut ainsi menée de manière globalement cohérente<br>France, during the "détente", led a foreign policy which took advantage of Hungary's and Romania' peculiarities compared to the USSR, Bucharest as for the international and Budapest as for the domestic policies. The French aims were both bilateral and multilateral. The French policy was developed in framework inherited from the past, but in a more fast-changing framework too, the Helsinki process. The period appeared to be a transition from the international and national points of view: from the Czechoslovak crisis in 1968 to the new tensions du ring the second half of the 1970s, the French way to influence former Central European countries changed and was enhanced. A difficult partnership was set up with Romania which country France had politically influenced before 1945, and a dialog created with Hungary. However concerning cultural and military relations, limitations were obvious. Indeed, these two people's democracies were seen in France through a whole spectrum of representations, from a military and ideological adversary to a diplomatic partner which was maybe able to converge with the West. On the contrary, economic relation became more and more important and were strongly supported by the government. Those relations were linked to a political determination to develop high-technology industries in France, to resist the United State hegemony in those fields and to undermine the Soviet rule on its empire by taking advantage of the asymmetrical level of development between the East and the West. Therefore, in spite of differences am on the state's administrations, the way the French relations were opened up to the East proved to be mostly consistent
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Heurtebize, Frédéric. "L'attitude de washington face à l'euro-communisme en france et en italie 1974-1981." Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030129.
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Principalement représentée par les partis communistes italien et français, quoiqu'à des degrés divers, la mouvance eurocommuniste entendait mettre en œuvre un socialisme compatible avec le système politique occidental. Cette volonté se traduisait par un engagement en faveur des libertés et du pluralisme politique, par une prise de distance avec le modèle soviétique et par la volonté de former des alliances. En 1972, en France, socialistes et communistes scellent l’Union de la gauche tandis qu’en Italie, en 1973, le PC appelle à un compromis historique avec la Démocratie chrétienne. Quoique différente à maints égards, la situation dans les deux pays fait renaître outre-Atlantique une crainte qu’on croyait écartée : l’arrivée au pouvoir de PC en Europe de l’Ouest. Cette étude s’attache à examiner l’attitude des États-Unis – notamment l’exécutif et son appareil diplomatique – face à cette menace. La période à l’étude (1974-81) couvre l’émergence, l’apogée et le déclin de l’eurocommunisme et correspond aux présidences Ford (1974-77) et Carter (1977-81). Cette thèse se fonde principalement sur l’examen des archives américaines (présidence, département d’État et CIA) ainsi que sur de nombreux entretiens. L’administration Ford, et Henry Kissinger en particulier, se montra plus inquiète que l’administration Carter. Par ailleurs, quels que furent les dirigeants au pouvoir, la situation italienne suscita plus de craintes que la situation française, à tel point que, sous Carter, le Parti socialiste jouit d’un capital de sympathie élevé au sein de l’administration. Cette étude souligne aussi des différences significatives d’appréciations entre l’exécutif, d’un côté, et les ambassades, les différents services d’analyse et de renseignement américains de l’autre. Pour ces derniers, la participation de ministres communistes dans des gouvernements d’Europe occidentale eût certes causé de réelles difficultés, mais des difficultés surmontables<br>Eurocommunism refers to a trend among West European communist parties that aimed at promoting a communism compatible with Western-style democracy. It entailed embracing democratic "bourgeois" values, criticizing the Soviet model and fostering political coalitions with long-despised parties. French communists and socialists thus formed the Union of the Left in 1972 while the Italian CP called for a "historic compromise" with the Christian Democrats one year later. The period under study (1974-81) spans the birth, climax and decline of that trend but also the presidencies of Gerald Ford (1974-77) and Jimmy Carter (1977-81).Though different in many respects, the political situation in both countries – however sincere, or not, those CPs were in Washington’s view – exacerbated one long-gone fear: the coming to power of communists in Western Europe. This dissertation examines how the US – mainly the White House and its diplomatic and intelligence bureaucracy – regarded that threat. It draws substantially from American archival material (White House, State Department and CIA) and from numerous interviews with former actors and witnesses of that period. This dissertation argues that the Ford administration, whose diplomacy was led by Henry Kissinger, was more concerned about Eurocommunism than the Carter administration. It also argues that the Italian situation caused more concern than the French situation, so much so that members of the Carter team had sympathies for the French socialists. Finally, this study reveals significant differences in judgment – between, on the one hand, the executive branch, and, on the other hand, the embassies and the analytical and intelligence services – as to how threatening Eurocommunism was to American and Western interests. Throughout the decade, overall, the latter proved more relaxed than American leaders about the possible consequences of the CPs’ coming to power
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Bamba, Abou. "Dubbing Modernization: The United States, France, and the Politics of Development in the Ivory Coast, 1946-1968." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2008. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_diss/18.
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I argue that competing visions of development guided the interventions of the United States and France in the West African country of Ivory Coast during the late colonial and early independence periods from 1946 through the 1960s. Indeed, the postwar arrival of American modernity provided an opportunity for nationalist leaders to triangulate the relationship between metropolitan France and colonial Ivory Coast. The ensuing politics of triangulation forced French colonial officials, diplomats, and development experts to “dub” modernization in order to bolster (neo)colonial ties between France and the Ivory Coast. By dubbing I mean the effort to translate and adapt for French purposes development concepts and techniques first elaborated in the United States. I explore these issues in case histories of the port of Abidjan, Kossou dam, and San Pedro development projects. I highlight the discursive as well as institutional frameworks that shaped the development of Ivory Coast. In the early twentieth century, French colonialism’s mission civilisatrice and mise en valeur posited that the colonizers were rational and productive, while the colonized were backward and incompetent to exploit their natural resources. After the Second World War, the ascendant American modernization paradigm added a new level of valuation to colonialism’s moral economy. It proposed a dynamic and progressive teleology in which the colonized could become modernized and actually “work by themselves” to reproduce hegemonic U.S. technological, economic, and political norms. Modernization was a civilizing project as well, but in contrast French (neo)colonialism now appeared static and paternalistic. French attempts to recuperate their position in the Ivory Coast deployed the epistemic memories of decades of work in the colony but ironically involved promoting forms of regional planning pioneered by the Tennessee Valley Authority. To reach these insights, I have used an interdisciplinary historical methodology that is multiarchival and multisited. My dissertation is based on research in numerous French and American archives as well as oral histories with French and American actors who participated in the (post)colonial development drive in the Ivory Coast.
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Heuser, Beatrice. "Yugoslavia in Western Cold War policies, 1948-1953." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fabf0ed5-37c7-44ba-8908-863fdc824763.
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When Yugoslavia was expelled from the Cominform in 1948, the Western Powers (Britain, the USA, France) were taking action to counter a perceived Soviet threat. This included the policy of liberating Eastern Europe from Communist domination. Tito's expulsion was misinterpreted by the Western Powers: assuming that Tito had initiated it, the Western Powers hoped for similar "defections" by other Communis regimes. The sowing of discord between the Satellite leaders (including Mao) and Stalin became a new facet of the Liberation policy. Yugoslavia was treated as show-case to demonstrate to Satellite leaders that they could obtain aid from the West if they ceased to support Stalin. In the case of the European Satellite leaders, this policy was a miscalculation: they had no intention of breaking with Stalin and the alternative of obtaining help from the Western Powers had little credibility in view of their anti-Communist propaganda and subversive secret operations. The Americans for other reasons failed to encourage existing emancipatory trends among the Chinese Communist leaders. British recognition of Mao's regime was not enough to draw Mao away from Stalin. Yugoslavia's other role was strategic and it gained particular importance for the West in the context of increased defensive measures after the outbreak of the Korean War. The Western Powers gave Yugoslavia arms and economic aid to strengthen her as a shield for the defence of NATO territory. Yet Yugoslavia was discouraged from committing herself to the West by Western reluctance to give away NATO information. Italo- Yugoslav defence co-ordination would have been necessary but was made impossible by disagreements about Trieste, also involving the Western Powers. The Trieste crisis of late 1953 set back Western-Yugoslav relations significantly, perhaps irretrievably. The ephemeral Balkan defence pact of 1954 between Yugoslavia, Greece and Turkey was no substitute, and with the waning of the Soviet threat for Yugoslavia after Stalin's death in 1953 Tito became less interested in defence-cooperation with the Western Powers.
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Hamizi, Maamar. "La crise algérienne dans les stratégies des puissances occidentales : France - Etats-Unis." Paris 3, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA030089.
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A l’ère de la globalisation où les interdépendances sont fortes, une crise nationale apparaît comme une affaire internationale, ce qui entraîne l’implication d’Etats tiers qui deviennent ainsi, par leurs politiques étrangères, des éléments déterminants dans l’évolution et l’issu de cette crise. Pour illustrer cela, nous nous intéressons à la crise algérienne dans les stratégies des puissances occidentales, à travers l’analyse de la politique algérienne de la France et des Etats-Unis dans les domaines politique, économique, et sécuritaire<br>In the epoch of the globalization where interrelationship is strong, a national crisis appears as an international affair, what draws away the involvement of third States which become so, by their foreign policies of the decisive elements in evolution and existent of this crisis. To illustrate it, we are interested in Algerian crisis in strategies of western potency, across the analysis of the Algerian policies of France and the United States in political, economic and security domains
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Pépin, Guilhem. "The relationship between the kings of England and their role as dukes of Aquitaine and their Gascon subjects : forms, processes and substance of a dialogue (1275-1453)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670166.
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Zanifi, Karima. "Les politiques de communication extérieure de la France de 2003 à 2009." Thesis, Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020003.
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Dans un monde globalisé où compétitivité et concurrence façonnent en partie la scène politique etéconomique internationale, la construction d’une image voire d’une identité via la communication extérieuredevient un outil de puissance. Ces implications se retrouvent de la même manière dans les relations entre unÉtat, la France, et les opinions publiques nationales et étrangères.Cette thèse de doctorat complète le questionnement de la place de la France dans le monde.L’étude de la production de la communication extérieure par l’État, personnifiant la Nation, prend formedans un contexte géopolitique mouvant, caractérisé par une évolution technologique et médiatiquedifficilement prévisible. Elle propose une synthèse de la communication extérieure marquée par les structuresde la Ve République et par la politique étrangère menée par le Ministère des Affaires étrangères et impulséepar le chef de l’État. Les freins psychologiques, le refus de la communication comme outil de visibilité et depouvoir ainsi que les problématiques intérieures pèsent sur l’élaboration de politiques pensées et crédibles.Cette recherche interroge également la légitimité de l’échelle de la communication extérieure de la Francelorsque l’attractivité économique se dispute au niveau régional et que la compétition politique se livre à unniveau supra – national.Ce travail fait état de l’existant afin de proposer la correction de travers nationaux qui compliquent lespolitiques de communication supposées porter la voix de la France dans le monde<br>In a globalized world partly shaped by competition between nations, building a strong identity andimage is becoming an increasing tool of power.Producing such a good image and appearance is similarly important when it comes to relationshipsbetween states as to relationships between France and its own public opinion or foreign publicopinion. That’s where foreign communication and public diplomacy counts.This PhD thesis aims at providing another point of view and an answer to the French questioningabout France’s place in the world nowadays.Mainly managed by the French foreign office, foreign communication policies represent the will ofthe government and express its directions more than a French identity.The characteristics of the French tradition of diplomacy and international relations are marked by thespecificity of the Vth Republic. The governments’ foreign policies between 2003 and 2009 follow thenew strategy of France as a member of the international community building and preserving peace.Ambitions for France as an independent and important nation have to find a foundation in its actionsas well as a translation in the medias.The skills and means devoted to the foreign communicationpolicies appear to miss some points.We looked at the current situation to reveal the lacks and strengths of the process. Our work alsointend to suggest ways of imagining, building and managing operational policies and campaignsthroughout the world this next years.Psychological pressures from domestical tradition of rejecting communication refrains the population in itsself-representation and so far the country from entering the cognitive war this new century brought in
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Balint, Robert. "The ecclesiastical policy of King Henry III of England : episcopal appointments, 1226-1272." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/16347.
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Vittot, Aurélie. "La politique française d'intervention extérieure de 2007 à 2017 : sociologie d'un overachievement." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018IEPP0041.
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Cette thèse s’articule en trois parties. La première vise à comprendre les facteurs contribuant à la continuité de la politique française d’intervention extérieure. Elle met l’accent sur la notion de puissance moyenne, la culture française des droits de l’homme et le lien particulier qui unit Paris à l’Afrique. La seconde partie détaille l’évolution des normes internationales et de la pratique onusienne et cherche à apprécier le rôle joué par le Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies dans la mise en place de la politique étrangère française. Cette partie intègre une dimension comparative puisqu’elle évoque successivement les politiques américaine, européenne, russe et celles des pays émergents en matière d’intervention extérieure. Ceci permet d’appréhender les spécificités françaises, tant en termes institutionnels qu’en termes de capacités de projection des forces. La dernière partie s’intéresse aux différents terrains d’intervention de l’armée française et permet de qualifier l’action de l’Hexagone de politique d’intervention à géographie variable. Sur le continent africain, les opérations sont généralement conduites unilatéralement, les troupes africaines prenant ensuite progressivement le relai. Au Moyen-Orient, les interventions militaires françaises s’inscrivent au sein de coalitions internationales menées par les Etats-Unis. L’opération Harmattan en Libye fait l’objet d’un chapitre à part. Elle a été initiée par la France et le Royaume-Uni mais conduite dans le cadre de l’OTAN. Cette thèse de doctorat analyse donc une décennie d’engagement de l’armée française à l’étranger et permet de décrypter l’actualité en matière de gestion de crise et de conflictualité<br>This thesis is divided into three main parts. The first one underlines the different factors which contribute to the continuity of French politics of military intervention, stressing the notion of middle power, French culture of human rights and the very special link which still unites nowadays Paris to the African continent. The second part examines the evolution of international norms and UN practice and tries to appreciate the part of the Security Council in the establishment of the French foreign policy. This section includes a comparative dimension as it deals with American, European, Russian and emerging countries politics in terms of military interventions. That focus enables to grasp French specific features, both institutional and in terms of military capacities. The last part of this work aims at analyzing the different military fields of the French army during the last decade. In Africa, military operations are often led unilaterally, African troops then taking over gradually. In the Middle East, French military interventions are mostly part of international coalitions led by the United States. "Opération Harmattan" in Libya is addressed in a proper section as it is in between the classical military interventions in Africa and the one we use to observe in the Middle East. Initiated by France and the UK but conducted under NATO leadership, this intervention constitutes a paradigm shift in French, European and Transatlantic security. This thesis thus analyzes a decade of French military engagement and enables to interpret the current events regarding crisis management and conflicts
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Taylor, Craig David. "'La querelle Anglaise' : diplomatic and legal debate during the Hundred Years War, with an edition of the polemical treatise 'Pour ce que plusieurs' (1464)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:39d8aa2a-182a-44ec-afb4-cc922b6b8305.
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This dissertation offers a study of the fifteenth century French polemical treatises written by authors such as Jean de Montreuil, Jean Juvénal des Ursins, Noël de Fribois and Robert Blondel, together with an edition of perhaps the most important of these works, Pour ce que plusieurs (1464). This treatise may have been written by Guillaume Cousinot II, who had been personally involved in the events surrounding the attack upon Fougères in 1449, a subject addressed in highly partial terms by this text; moreover, Cousinot had visited the Lancastrians in exile in Scotland, which might explain how Sir John Fortescue was able to learn of Jean Juvénal's Tres crestien, tres hault, tres puissant roy (1446), and how Pource que plusieurs in turn drew upon the pamphlets of Fortescue. The polemical texts went beyond moral and chivalric discussion of the war, to address the complex legal and historical issues underpinning the conflict. In response to the English claim to the French throne, Jean de Montreuil adopted the Salic Law, a highly dubious and problematic authority, but one that achieved great fame particularly through the influence of Pour ce que plusieurs. Similarly, the polemical writers rejected English demands for Aquitaine and Normandy in full sovereignty by arguing that no French king could alienate the sovereign rights of the crown. In the sixteenth century, both of these principles were elevated to the status of Fundamental Laws. These texts were not intended to serve as propaganda, but were generally produced by royal officials to serve as manuals for their fellow administrators and diplomats, and perhaps also for the king and other members of the court involved in negotiations with the English. Only in exceptional circumstances were such works disseminated beyond the narrow circles of the government and court, though royal officials did draw upon them when speaking at public assemblies.
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Angelo, Ariane d'. "Discrète ténacité : l'entreprise de communication politique des gouvernements ouest-allemands à l'étranger à l'exemple de la France (1958-1969)." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040177.
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La présente étude est consacrée au développement spécifique du secteur ouest-allemand de la communication d'État à l'étranger, dans le contexte des initiatives menées en France entre 1958 et 1969. L'élaboration d'une doctrine de l'information conforme à la doxa démocratique de la République fédérale d'Allemagne constitue le point de référence d'une analyse où affleurent les analogies avec la République de Weimar et les continuités dans le domaine du personnel et de l'appareil institutionnel. L'accession de la communication politique à l'étranger, domaine distinct de la diplomatie culturelle, au rang d'instrument indispensable de la politique extérieure est préalablement examinée à l'aune des efforts accomplis par le chancelier Konrad Adenauer pour conquérir une marge de manoeuvre internationale dans les premières années d'existence de la République fédérale ; l'ultimatum soviétique sur Berlin, en novembre 1958, est mis en évidence comme l'élément déclencheur de l'assentiment donné par le Parlement fédéral à la mise en oeuvre de mesures renforcées dans le domaine de l'information politique à l'étranger. La concurrence avec la RDA et l'importance de la distanciation avec la notion de propagande s'établissent comme deux critères d'analyse de l'action menée en France par la diplomatie ouest-allemande en coordination avec l'Office de presse et d'information du gouvernement fédéral. À rebours de la thèse de la « retenue », souvent utilisée pour désigner l'attitude officielle ouest-allemande à l'étranger, les procédés révèlent plutôt une action tenace, le plus souvent attentive à rester discrète, et dont les présupposés contredisent les tentatives de faire table rase du passé<br>This dissertation explores the specific way in which West German governments have developed strategies in international public relations and it discusses more particularly their implementation in France between 1958 and 1969. A cornerstone of this study is the creation by the Federal Republic of Germany of an official information doctrine that was intended to reflect the democratic orthodoxy of the newly created state. Its analysis not only reveals the many continuities between the Weimar Republic and post-war West Germany, but it also points out the permanence of political staff and institutional structures. The rise of international public relations as an essential tool in the country’s foreign policy is first examined in the light of Chancellor Konrad Adenauer’s efforts to make the FRG regain international leeway in its early first few years. Secondly, this study demonstrates that the Soviets’ Berlin ultimatum in November 1958 led the West German Parliament to agree with the reinforcement of the country’s international public relations policy. Competition with the German Democratic Republic as well as the West German governments’ need to stay well away from propaganda are the two criteria which inform the analysis of the action carried out in France by West German diplomatic services in cooperation with the Federal Press and Information Office. Whereas West Germany’s official attitude overseas has frequently been described as “non-assertive”, this dissertation contends that it should more justly be reassessed as a form of relentless, albeit it carefully discreet, action. The way it operated went against the official claim that West Germany was doing away with its past
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Martin-Paneda, Pablo. "D’un incommode voisin. Les remodelages de l’appareil diplomatique français face à la réintégration de l’Espagne en Occident, 25 février 1957- 5 février 1979." Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040082.
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La politique espagnole de la France de 1957 à 1979 est abordée autour de trois périodes aux temporalités marquées. Trois étapes, trois étages : observation (1957-1963), marchandages commerciaux (1963-1970), engagements politiques et prise de risques (1970-1979). Face aux mutations du franquisme puis de la démocratie, Paris se repositionne sans cesse. La diplomatie espagnole s’avère très incisive : l’Espagne est un voisin instable et pugnace. Néanmoins, le Quai d’Orsay perçoit un atout pour la quête de grandeur gaullienne. Pays de haute croissance économique, l’Espagne reste un débouché propice aux exportations françaises. Pays méditerranéen, l’Espagne est susceptible de modifier le centre de gravité de l’Europe communautaire au profit d’une France dont le rôle de carrefour serait renforcé. Pays latin, l’Espagne est un relais des ambitions françaises en Amérique du Sud. Pays en développement, l’Espagne apporte un appui aux élans tiers-mondistes de la politique française. Sous l’angle bilatéral, cette thèse recentrer et d’actualiser des travaux qui balisent l’étude. Par ailleurs, il ne serait pas judicieux d’ignorer les griefs ou les attentes des Espagnols à l’égard de la France. Dans le domaine multilatéral : parrainage européen fourni par la France ; tactique espagnole de surenchères attisées entre Washington, Bonn, et Paris ; désirs d’une coopération méditerranéenne articulée autour de Madrid, Rome et Paris. Aussi cette recherche s’insère-t-elle dans trois champs historiographiques : l’histoire des relations franco-espagnoles, l’histoire politique de l’Espagne, l’histoire des représentations parmi les élites françaises<br>France's Spanish policy from 1957 to 1979 is approached through three very distinct periods. Three steps, three levels : observation (1957-1963), trading negociations (1963-1970 ), political commitments and daring relationships (1970-1979). Confronted with the evolutions of Franco's dictature and then democracy, the French government is constantly adapting. The Spanish foreign policy turns out to be sharp: Spain is a restless and pugnacious neighbour. Yet the French Foreign Affairs Department considers this situation as an opportunity to enhance the prestige of de Gaulle's policy. With a high economic potential, Spain offers many opportunities for French exports. As a Mediterranean country, Spain is likely to change the centre of gravity of the European Community in favour of France, whose role of platform would be reinforced. As a Latin country, Spain represents a link between an ambitious France and South America. As a developing country, Spain provides a support for the French attempt to deal with the Third World. From both perspectives - Spanish and French - this PhD gathers and updates previous works which were used to build this study. Besides, one should not ignore Spanish grievances or expectations regarding France. From a larger perspective : France provides a European partnership, Spain tries to outbid between Washington, Bonn and Paris, while a Mediterranean cooperation structured around Madrid, Rome and Paris is highly wished for. This study is carried out into the frame of three different historiographic schools: the history of Franco-Spanish relationships, the political history of Spain and the history of representations among French elites
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Coudray, Pierre Louis. "Mourir à la guerre, survivre à la paix : les militaires irlandais au service de la France au XVIIIe siècle, une reconstruction historique." Thesis, Lille 3, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LIL3H010/document.
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Cette thèse est une étude chronologique de la présence militaire irlandaise en France sous l’Ancien Régime associé à une analyse du mythe de la Brigade Irlandaise au XVIIIe siècle. En s’appuyant sur des sources primaires, dont certaines sont inédites, les quatre premiers chapitres proposent un cadre historique de la communauté militaire irlandaise et de l’acculturation progressive, mais parfois difficile, de ses membres. Le premier chapitre se concentre sur les écrits de l’élite française et de la littérature populaire d’Angleterre face aux Irlandais lors de la « Guerre des trois rois », tandis que le deuxième se penche sur l’image des soldats irlandais dans la presse des deux côtés de la Manche à la même période. Le troisième explique comment ces hommes sont devenus au fil du temps une troupe reconnue par ses pairs dans l’armée royale, tandis que le quatrième explore les stratégies mises en place par les militaires irlandais et leurs familles pour intégrer la société d’accueil. Ces deux chapitres montrent également le déclin de la présence effective d’Irlandais dans la Brigade. La question de la mémoire de la bataille de Fontenoy est au coeur du cinquième et du sixième chapitre qui étudient minutieusement la part des Irlandais dans la journée du 11 mai 1745 et le rôle des écrits du XIXe siècle dans la naissance d’une identité militaire proprement irlandaise. L’étude se focalise sur des sources contemporaines des faits pour le premier et des documents anglais, français et irlandais datant du XIXe siècle pour le second<br>This PhD is a chronological study of the military presence of Irishmen in Franceunder the Ancien Regime linked to an analysis of the myth surrounding the Irish Brigade in the18th century. Based on primary sources, some of which have been hitherto unpublished, the firstfour chapters propose an historical framework of the Irish military community and thesometimes difficult but progressive acculturation of its members. The first chapter focuses onthe writings of the French elite as well as popular literature from England about the Irish in the“War of the three kings”, while the second one is about the image of the Irish soldiers in thepress on both sides of the Channel during the same period. The third one explains how thesemen came to be recognised by their peers as a valuable unit in the French royal army and thefourth one explores the tactics used by Irish militarymen and their families to integrate intoFrench society. These two chapters also show the gradual decline of the actual presence ofIrishmen within the ranks of the Brigade. The question of the memory attached to the battle ofFontenoy is at the very core of the fifth and sixth chapters where the part played by Irishmenon the 11th of May 1745 is minutely studied. The birth of a distinct Irish military identity in19th century writings is also discussed. The study focuses on 18th century sources for the fifthchapter and 19th century sources from France, England and Ireland for the sixth
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Doibani, Maria. "Processus de bureaucratisation et disqualification humaine : le cas des agents du bureau des étrangers sous le regard croisé de la sociologie et psychosociologie." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCC060.
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La thèse analyse les conséquences de processus de bureaucratisation à l’œuvre au sein d’institutions publiques telles les préfectures. L’enquête a été menée auprès d’agents d’État du « Bureau des Étrangers », qui accueillent et se confrontent aux demandes administratives des usagers (les étrangers). Comment ces agents investissent-ils l’organisation bureaucratique ? Quelles sont les dynamiques de la rencontre avec l’altérité ? Sous une perspective pluridisciplinaire qui privilégie l’approche sociologique et psychosociologique, la thèse a cherché à élucider l’expérience des agents à partir de leur vécu et de leurs propos. Il apparaît que les agents vivent les contradictions institutionnelles entre rapports de domination et désinvestissement affectif. Autre résultat de la recherche, la mise au jour de la disqualification sociale et humaine à l’œuvre sous l’emprise des processus de bureaucratisation étudiés<br>The thesis analyzes the consequences of bureaucratic processes at work in public institutions such as ‘’prefectures’’. The survey was conducted with the State agents of the "Foreign office", who welcome and face administrative requests from users (foreigners). How do these agents invest the bureaucratic organization? What are the dynamics of the encounter with alterity? From a multidisciplinary perspective that privileges the sociological and psychosociological approach, the thesis sought to elucidate the experience of the agents based on their personal experiences and their words. It appears that agents live institutional contradictions between relations of domination and affective disinvestment. Another result of the research is the discovery of social and human disqualification at work under the influence of the bureaucratization processes that are studied
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Bruley, Yves. "Le Quai d’Orsay sous le Second Empire." Thesis, Paris 4, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA040165.
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Cette thèse n’est pas une histoire de la politique extérieure de Napoléon III, mais du Ministère des Affaires étrangères et de l’action diplomatique. La première partie montre que la continuité des structures, du personnel, des modes de vie révèle l’attachement à un modèle classique. La deuxième partie montre que le rôle du Quai d’Orsay a été plus important qu’on ne l’a cru. Impliqués dans la politique qui conduit au Congrès de Paris (1856), les diplomates font preuve d’initiative. La politique italienne puis la question allemande suscitent un profond clivage au Quai d’Orsay, sans altérer les certitudes quant à la puissance de la France. La troisième partie décrit une diplomatie ouverte à la modernité : le Quai d’Orsay est actif dans l’extension de l’influence française dans le monde et dans l’essor de la diplomatie économique. Mais il souffre des dysfonctionnements politiques des dernières années du règne, tandis que Bismarck remet en cause les fondements de la diplomatie classique<br>This doctoral thesis is not a history of Napoleon III’s foreign policy. It concerns the history of the French Foreign Office, including its diplomatic action. The first part shows how continuity in structure, staff and way of life reflect the predominance of the classical model. In the second section, the role undertaken by the Quai d’Orsay is analysed : it was more important than has usually been alleged. The Diplomats implicated in Policy that lead to the Congrès de Paris (1856) demonstrate initiative, drive and vision. The Italian file and then German affairs deeply divide the diplomatic staff, but does not undermine their unfaltering opinion concerning the importance of French power. The third part describes how this classical diplomacy is opened to modernity, through the endeavour to develop French influence around the world and the expansion of economic diplomacy. However in the last years of Napoleon III’s reign, the Quai d’Orsay is suffering from political problems – whereas Bismarck is calling into question the principles of classical diplomacy
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Sitzenstuhl, Charles. "Jacques Chirac, Nicolas Sarkozy et l'adhésion de la Turquie à l'Union européenne : pour une approche psychologique de la décision." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0026.
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La thèse analyse la politique de la France vis-à-vis de l’adhésion de la Turquie à l’Union européenne entre 1995 et 2012 en se concentrant sur l’influence des personnalités des présidents Jacques Chirac et Nicolas Sarkozy sur cette politique. Cette recherche de psychologie politique s’inspire de la théorie sociocognitive de la personnalité d’Albert Bandura. Après des développements appelant à une meilleure prise en compte des décideurs individuels en science politique, la thèse montre que la politique française vis-à-vis de l’adhésion turque se distingue par un processus de décision centralisé autour de la personne du président de la République. Le soutien de la France à l’adhésion turque entre 1995 et 2007, à rebours de l’opinion publique, s’explique par la personnalité de Jacques Chirac : son système de croyance, sa détermination, son indépendance d’esprit. L’élection de Nicolas Sarkozy en 2007 est une rupture dans la position française envers la Turquie. En raison d’un calcul de politique intérieure qui correspond à son système de croyance, le nouveau président prend la décision de ne plus soutenir l’adhésion turque, bien que la France ne mette pas de veto à la poursuite des négociations entre l’UE et la Turquie. Malgré ce compromis initial, Paris et Ankara connaissent une sévère détérioration de leurs relations bilatérales entre 2007 et 2012 en raison de la personnalité de Nicolas Sarkozy. Ce dernier mène une politique de rejet de la Turquie sur plusieurs dossiers (Union pour la Méditerranée, Saison de la Turquie en France, intervention en Libye). Aussi, son tempérament désinhibé irrite les autorités turques<br>The thesis analyzes the policy of France towards Turkey’s accession to the European Union between 1995 and 2012 by concentrating on the influence of Presidents Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy’s personalities on this policy. This political psychology research is inspired by Albert Bandura’s social cognitive theory of personality. After developments calling for a better consideration of the individual decision-makers in political science, the thesis shows that French policy towards Turkish accession distinguishes itself through a centralized decision-making process around the President of the Republic. The support of France for Turkish accession between 1995 and 2007, against the public opinion, is explained by the personality of Jacques Chirac: his belief system, his determination, and his independence of mind. The election of Nicolas Sarkozy in 2007 is a rupture in the French position towards Turkey. Because of a domestic politics calculation corresponding to his belief system, the new President decides not to support Turkish accession anymore, even though France does not veto the pursuit of negotiations between the European Union and Turkey. In spite of this initial compromise, Paris-Ankara relations are severely damaged between 2007 and 2012, a situation that can be explained by the personality of Nicolas Sarkozy. The latter has a policy of rejection of Turkey on several topics (the Union for the Mediterranean, the Season of Turkey in France, the intervention in Libya). What is more, his uninhibited temperament irritates the Turkish authorities
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Depoortere, Rolande A. "La Belgique et les réparations allemandes après la première Guerre mondiale, 1919-1925." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212662.
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Bukaitė, Vilma. "Lietuvos Respublikos politiniai ir diplomatiniai santykiai su Prancūzija 1919–1940 m." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2013. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2013~D_20130701_092454-22884.
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Disertacijoje nagrinėjama Lietuvos ir Prancūzijos politinių bei diplomatinių santykių dinamika 1919–1940 m. Atspindima Prancūzijos įtaka Lietuvos nepriklausomybės tarptautinio pripažinimo procesui. Analizuojamas Prancūzijos poveikis Vilniaus klausimo sprendimui tarptautinėse institucijose 1920–1923 m. ir Prancūzijos pozicija dėl Lietuvos santykių su Lenkija. Tiriami Lietuvos vyriausybės santykiai su prancūzų administracija Klaipėdos krašte 1920–1923 m. Nagrinėjama Prancūzijos kaip Klaipėdos konvencijos signatarės laikysena ginant Klaipėdos krašto gyventojų interesus 1925–1939 m. Įvertinamas Lietuvos ir SSRS politinių ryšių poveikis santykiams su Prancūzija. Analizuojama Prancūzijos įtaka Lietuvos dalyvavimui Baltijos valstybių vienijimosi projektuose. Tiriamos Lietuvos vyriausybės pastangos sustiprinti valstybės saugumą, įsijungiant į Prancūzijos ir SSRS 1934–1935 m. kurtą Rytų paktą. Tiriamos Lietuvos valstybės pastangos gauti Prancūzijos politinę paramą, 1938 m. gavus Lenkijos ultimatumą ir 1934–1935 m. ir 1938–1939 m. pr. Vokietijai taikant spaudimą dėl Klaipėdos krašto. Apibrėžiamas Prancūzijos požiūris į Lietuvos okupaciją ir aneksiją. Disertacijos rengimui naudoti Lietuvos centriniame valstybės archyve, bibliotekų rankraštynuose, Prancūzijos užsienio reikalų ministerijos Diplomatinių archyvų centre saugomi ir publikuoti istoriniai šaltiniai.<br>The thesis deals with the dynamics of the political and diplomatic relations between Lithuania and France in 1919–1940. The influence of France on the process of the international recognition of Lithuania’s independence is reflected. The impact of France on solving the issue of Vilnius between 1920 and 1923 and the position of France on the relations between Lithuania and Poland are analysed. The relations of the Government of Lithuania and French administration in Klaipėda region between 1920 and 1923 are considered. The attitude of France as a signatory of Klaipėda Convention in defending the interests of the inhabitants of Klaipėda region between 1925 and 1939 is investigated. The impact of the political relations between Lithuania and the USSR on the relations with France is assessed. The influence of France on Lithuania’s participation in the projects of unification of the Baltic States is analysed. The attempts of the Government of Lithuania to strengthen the state’s security when joining the Eastern Pact in 1934–1935 are analysed. The attempts of the Lithuanian State to obtain a political support of France after Poland issued the ultimatum in 1938 and with Germany exerting pressure in 1934-1935 and 1938-1939 for Klaipėda region are examined. The position of France on Lithuania’s occupation and annexation is defined. Historical sources stored in the Lithuanian Central State Archives and the Centre for Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France were... [to full text]
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Mulier, Thibaud. "Les relations extérieures de l'État en droit constitutionnel français." Thesis, Paris 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA01D026.
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L’étude proposée soutient que le droit constitutionnel offre un cadre privilégié pour observer les relations extérieures de l’État. L’approche envisage de les appréhender à la fois au prisme de l’État lui-même, qu’à travers l’action des organes compétents organisés dans l’État. Cette étude entend ainsi mettre en lumière les spécificités institutionnelles et normatives des relations extérieures de l’État. Lorsque celui-ci établit des rapports à l’extérieur de ses frontières au moyen de ses outils diplomatique et militaire, il assume un rôle singulier en comparaison des autres unités politiques non étatiques. En effet, il remplit une fonction-fin, au sens de Charles EISENMANN, propre à la matière des relations extérieures. Cette fonction politique est assurée par l’État afin de répondre à un besoin de la collectivité souveraine, à savoir nouer de «bons rapports» au-dehors de son territoire – sans préjuger si la relation en cause est conflictuelle ou coopérative.En raison de l’imbrication du droit et du politique, la fonction des relations extérieures de l’État, si elle ne préjuge pas de la répartition des compétences au sein de celui-ci, n’est pas sans influencer les choix du constituant et la pratique des organes habilités. Placée à l’interface entre le dedans et le dehors de l’État, l’analyse constitutionnelle permet alors de réinterroger plusieurs éléments souvent présentés comme relevant de l’évidence. L’étude conduit autant à les examiner, qu’à en observer les effets. Ainsi est-il possible, par exemple, de relativiser le monopole étatique des relations extérieures ou encore de tempérer, au regard de l’histoire, la concentration gouvernementale de la direction des affaires extérieures<br>This study presents constitutional law as an ideal framework to analyze the foreign relations of the State. Through a double standpoint, it examines these relations from the State’s perspective and through the action of the empowered organs of the State. In this way, the study aims to highlight the institutional and normative specificities of State’s foreign relations. When the State establishes diplomatic and military relations at the outer-limits of its borders, it assumes a singular role compared to other political non-state unities. It performs a political function (fonction-fin), as defined by Charles EISENMANN, which belongs to the field of foreign relations. This political function is hold by the State in order to fulfill one basic need of the sovereign collectivity : to establish and to maintain “good relations” outside its boundaries – irrespective of the conflictual or cooperative nature of these relations. Because law and politics are intertwined, the function of foreign relations do not pre-define the distribution of powers within the State. Nevertheless, it exerts some influence on the constituent’s choices and on the practices of the empowered organs. At the interface between the State’s interior and exterior, constitutional analysis enables therefore to reexamine many elements usually taken as evident. This study assesses them and observe its effects. For example, it is possible to nuance the State’s monopoly on foreign relations and, through a historical perspective, to moderate the governmental concentration of the direction of foreign affairs
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Dupetit, Magali. "Les usages de l'environnement en politique étrangère : le cas de la coopération franco-chinoise (1997-2013)." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0045.
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En 1997, la France signe un accord de coopération dans le domaine de l’environnement avec la Chine. Cet accord entraîne le développement de plusieurs programmes et projets d’assistance technique dans ce domaine. Coordonnées par l’Agence De l’Environnement et de la Maîtrise de l’Energie et par l’Agence Française de Développement, ces actions révèlent les modes de traitement relatifs à l’environnement dans le cadre de la politique chinoise de la France. La thèse montre alors que l’insertion de l’environnement dans cette politique n’entraîne pas automatiquement des innovations mais davantage des dynamiques d’agrégation des pratiques entre plusieurs registres d’action publique (politique environnementale, politique d’aide au développement, politique chinoise de la France). En 2013, ces pratiques entrent dans une phase de routinisation qui marque la fin de la période de construction de la coopération<br>In 1997, France and China signed a bilateral agreement on environmental cooperation. This agreement led to many technical assistance programs and projects managed by Agence De l’Environnement et de la Maîtrise de l’Energie and by Agence Française de Développement in China. The thesis presents this introduction of environment in French chinese policy and analyse the phenomenon as a dynamic of agregation and adaptation of practices from different sources of public policies (environmental policy, development policy and French chinese policy). In 2013, those practices become part of a routine and show the end of the construction period of environmental cooperation between France and China
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Tannous, Manon-Nour. "Un bilatéralisme de levier : les relations franco-syriennes sous les deux mandats de Jacques Chirac (1995-2007)." Thesis, Paris 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA020030.
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Le présent travail vise, par une documentation renouvelée, à comprendre la relation entre une puissance moyenne mondiale, puissance agissante au Moyen-Orient, et une puissance moyenne arabe. L’arrivée au pouvoir de Jacques Chirac en 1995 correspond à la mise en oeuvre d’une nouvelle politique envers Damas. Hafez Al-Assad perçoit l’opportunité de cette ouverture. Les rapports entre les deux pays permettent de nombreuses réalisations : imposition d’une vision commune sur la scène régionale face à la volonté américaine, modération de la politique de nuisance syrienne, ou encore mise en place d’une coopération pour une réforme administrative en Syrie. Mais ils sont également confrontés à plusieurs défis : le changement de président en Syrie, les tensions libanaises ou encore la guerre en Irak. Ainsi, à partir de la fin de l’année 2003, les relations franco-syriennes glissent sur un terrain nouveau. Faisant le constat de résultats insuffisants, notamment sur le terrain libanais, et de l’incapacité syrienne à prendre en compte la nouvelle configuration née de l’intervention américaine en Irak, la France utilise le cadre multilatéral onusien pour faire pression sur Damas. Un bilatéral minimal et conflictuel se cristallise alors autour de l’intérêt qu’ont les deux pays pour le Liban. Après l’assassinat de Rafic Hariri en 2015, ce bilatéral se judiciarise. Ces fluctuations des relations franco-syriennes nous ont conduits à réinterroger la notion de bilatéral. Nous avons proposé le concept de « bilatéralisme de levier » : il s’agit de l’instrumentalisation de la relation entre deux pays pour des objectifs indirects. En nourrissant des relations bilatérales et en mettant en place une habitude de traiter avec l’autre, la France et la Syrie cherchent en réalité à obtenir des gains et une position sur la scène régionale ou internationale. Ce détournement de la relation bilatérale explique qu’elle n’ait pas pu s’inscrire dans le temps long<br>The objective of the present thesis is, through the use of renewed documentation, to understand the relationship between a medium-sized, global power, active in the Middle-East, and a medium-sized Arab power. The beginning of Jacques Chirac’s presidency in 1995 corresponded to the implementation of a new policy towards Damascus. Hafez Al-Asad understood the opportunity which this opening-up afforded. Relations between the two countries thus allowed for many realizations : the imposition of a common vision on the regional scene in the face of American will, a moderation of Syrian trouble-making policies, or the implementation of cooperation in the area of Syrian administrative reform. France and Syria were however also confronted with several challenges, such as the changing of presidents in Syria, Lebanese tensions or war in Iraq. As a result, by the end of 2003, Franco-Syrian relations entered a new phase. Taking stock of insufficient results, in particular concerning Lebanon as well as Syria’s incapacity to take into account the new configuration born out of American intervention in Iraq, France used the multilateral framework of the United Nations to put pressure on Damascus. A minimal and fraught bilateral relationship crystallized around the interest which both countries had in Lebanon. In the wake of the assassination of Rafiq Hariri in 2015, this bilateral relationship acquired a judicial dimension. These fluctuations in Franco-Syrian relations have led me to reconsider the notion of bilateralism. I thus propose the concept of “leveraged bilateralism”, which refers to the using of the relationship between two countries for indirect objectives. By nourishing bilateral relations and by establishing a habit of interaction with one another, France and Syria sought in reality to obtain gains and a position on the regional or international scene. This hijacking of the bilateral relationship is the reason why the latter was not able to establish itself over the long run
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Varlan, Olivier. "Armand-Louis de Caulaincourt, duc de Vicenze (1773-1827). Étude d’une carrière diplomatique sous le Premier Empire, de la cour de Napoléon au ministère des Relations extérieures." Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040252.
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Officier de cavalerie originaire de la noblesse picarde, Armand de Caulaincourt (1773-1827) gravit rapidement tous les échelons de la cour consulaire puis impériale, devenant en 1804 grand-écuyer de l’Empire. Mais, malgré l’importance de ses fonctions curiales, Napoléon le destine à une carrière de diplomate. Après différentes missions, il le nomme ambassadeur de France en Russie, à la fin de l’année 1807. Fervent partisan de l’alliance de Tilsit, Caulaincourt participe à toutes les grandes négociations franco-russes mais doit assister à la lente dégradation des relations entre les deux empires. À son retour à Paris en 1811, son bilan politique est maigre. Sa défense opiniâtre du tsar Alexandre, mais surtout son opposition à la campagne militaire qui se prépare, irritent Napoléon. Elles lui permettent toutefois d’acquérir une nouvelle stature après le désastre de Russie : pour ses contemporains Caulaincourt devient l’« homme de la paix ». Une image que Napoléon réutilise lorsqu’il le charge de le représenter aux congrès de Prague (1813) et de Châtillon (1814). Le duc de Vicence, devenu ministre des Relations extérieures, ne parvient pas à faire accepter la paix ; il lui faut finalement négocier l’abdication de Napoléon et renoncer, après les Cent-Jours, à toute carrière politique. Cette étude, qui s’appuie sur les archives personnelles de Caulaincourt et ses célèbres Mémoires, entend redonner toute son importance à cette figure majeure du Premier Empire, en insistant sur son action et sa pensée dans le domaine de la diplomatie. L’exemple de ce parcours devant permettre de contribuer à reconsidérer et réévaluer le rôle du personnel diplomatique napoléonien<br>A cavalry officer born into Picardy's landed gentry, Armand de Caulaincourt rose rapidly through the ranks of the consular, and later the imperial court, to become in 1804 Grand Squire of the Empire. However, notwithstanding the importance of his curial functions, Napoleon destined him to a diplomatic career. After several missions, he was appointed as Ambassador of France to Russia (1807). Caulaincourt took part in all the major negotiations between France and Russia, but was forced to witness a slow breakdown in relations between the two Empires. At the time of his return to Paris in 1811, his political accomplishments were unimpressive. His stalwart defense of Tsar Alexander, and especially his opposition to the upcoming military campaign, were an irritation to Napoleon. Nevertheless, these stances allowed him to gain new stature after the disaster in Russia : in the eyes of his contemporaries, he became the “Peacemaker”, an image Napoleon used to his advantage by appointing him his representative at the congresses in Prague (1813) and in Châtillon (1814). The Duke of Vicenza, now Minister for Foreign Affairs, could not, however, broker an agreement in favour of peace : he was forced to negotiate Napoleon's abdication and to give up any hope of political career after the Hundred Days. This study, based on Caulaincourt's personal records and famous Memoirs, aims at restoring a major figure of the First French Empire to his due importance, while focusing on his action and thought in the field of diplomacy. The exemplary value of his career should also allow historians to reconsider and reevaluate the role of Napoleon's diplomatic personnel
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Desenclos, Camille. "Les mots du pouvoir : la communication politique de la France dans le Saint-Empire au début de la Guerre de Trente Ans (1617-1624)." Thesis, Paris, Ecole nationale des chartes, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014ENCP0002/document.
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La notion de communication politique reçoit des définitions diverses qui paraissent irréconciliables : définition de politologue fondée sur une organisation contemporaine de la politique poussant le concept dans le domaine de la propagande, définition de médiéviste mettant l'accent sur l'oralité et la symbolique des images. Amorcé en Allemagne dans les années 1990, un mouvement historiographique tend à se développer en France, mais sans pour autant offrir une définition applicable à l'ensemble de la modernité.En revenant au sens premier de la communication politique, soit à l’histoire politique et plus particulièrement diplomatique, il s'agit ici d’étudier la politique extérieure de la France et ses moyens (réseaux de communication et d'information, correspondances, production imprimée, etc.) et ainsi de retrouver le sens de l’action diplomatique française. Au-Delà de la simple étude fonctionnelle, seule une étude approfondie de la communication peut permettre de voir si et comment un État peut maîtriser un tel outil et dans quel(s) espace(s).Pour ce faire, le Saint-Empire au début de la guerre de Trente Ans fait office de terrain d'étude. La mise en place des différents acteurs et le déroulement des premiers affrontements en font un élément d'observation riche. L'étude se place également dans une période bien définie de l'histoire politique française : l'exercice personnel par Pierre Brulart, vicomte de Puisieux, de la charge de secrétaire d'État aux Affaires étrangères entre avril 1617 et février 1624<br>The concept of political communication is confronted to various definitions which seem incompatible. The political one is based onto a contemporary management of the politics which pulls the concept to the field of propaganda. The medievalist one emphasizes the orality and the symbolic of images. Some studies have been led in Germany since the 1990's and intend to grow up in France but they do not offer a definition which could apply the modern era.We would come back to the initial meaning of the political communication, i.e. to the political and diplomatic history, in order to study the foreign politics of France and its means (communication and information networks, correspondences, printed documents, etc.) and find the direction of the diplomatic action of France. In addition to a classic functional study, a thorough study of communication should allow to observe if and how a State can control such tool and in which space(s).The Holy Roman Empire at the beginning of the Thirty Years War has been chosen as object for this study. The establishment of the various protagonists and the first confrontations turn it to a rich observation field. The study focuses too on a well defined period of the french politic history: the personal practice by Pierre Brulart, viscount of Puisieux, of the office of secretary of State for Foreign Affairs between april 1617 and february 1624
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Zora, Gülnihal. "Les relations franco-turques à l'epoque du Général De Gaulle (1958-1969)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCA087/document.
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Les rapports entre les deux pays sont l’une des plus longues relations diplomatiques de l’histoire française. C’est avec René Massigli, un personnage diplomatique, que ces relations ont été réanimées. Son court séjour entre 1939-1940, juste avant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, témoigne d’une période charnière. Il a été nommé ambassadeur à Ankara, la nouvelle capitale de la Turquie moderne tout juste fondée par Atatürk. La visite officielle de de Gaulle en 1968 représente également une date importante dans les relations des deux pays.Peut-on parler d’un rapprochement stratégique des deux pays pendant la période gaullienne ? Quels étaient les divers facteurs et limites de ce rapprochement ? Peut-on parler de la montée de l’anti-américanisme, à partir du milieu des années 1960, dans les deux pays comme un de ces facteurs de leur rapprochement ? Est-ce que les Etats-Unis avaient un rôle catalyseur dans les relations bilatérales franco-turques ? Que pensait de Gaulle de la Turquie d’Atatürk? Est-ce que les situations respectives de la France et de la Turquie leurs offraient les meilleurs raisons de rapprocher leurs politiques au cours de la période de 1958 à 1969 ? Comment de Gaulle, qui jugeait que le système des blocs hégémonies divisant l’Europe et s’étendant sur l’Orient devait faire place à la détente, l’entente et la coopération internationale, considérait-il la Turquie par rapport à l’Europe ? À travers ces questions, notre problématique se cristallise par : comment la vision gaullienne a-t-elle influencé les rapports franco-turcs ?Le prolongement de cette vision gaullienne jusqu’à nos jours est une des plus importantes conséquences de cette période. « La saison de la Turquie » de 2011 en France à l’initiative du président Chirac, qualifié de vrai gaullien, dont l’objectif était de permettre à la Turquie d’être mieux connue par les Français à travers des événements culturels, économiques et intellectuels sur l’ensemble du pays, témoigne d’un certain effet de cet héritage gaullien dont la vision vis-à-vis de la Turquie était de la rapprocher de l’Europe. Que signifient les autres conséquences de cette vision sur la politique extérieure française et plus spécifiquement sur les relations franco-turques ?<br>The relationship between France and Turkey are one of the longest diplomatic relations of French and Turkish history. By a diplomatic character, René Massigli, these relationships were revived. His short stay in Ankara between 1939-1940, during the first two years of Second World War, constitutes a transition period. He was appointed ambassador to Ankara, which is the capital of the newly created modern Turkey by Atatürk. Also, the official visit of De Gaulle to Turkey in 1968, is a milestone in the relations between two countries.Can we speak of a rapprochement between the two countries in the de Gaulle era? What is the opinion of De Gaulle on Atatürk's Turkey? Did their respective situations provide them an opportunity to converge their foreign policies in the 1940-1968 period? How did De Gaulle in whose opinion international blocks formed around hegemonies divided Europe and spanned towards the East should give way to détente, understanding and international cooperation see Turkey?The most important issue in this context is that the consequences of this Gaullist vision still survives today. The Season of Turkey in France in 2011, initiated by a decision of President Chirac who has regarded as a true Gaullist, is one of the most tangible results. What other consequences of this vision on the French foreign policy, and especially on the Franco-Turkish relations can be seen today?<br>Türkiye-Fransa diplomatik ilişkileri, Fransız tarihinin en uzun ilişkileridir. İki ülke arasındaki bu ilişkiler, Diplomatik bir karakter olan René Massigli sayesinde canlanmıştır. Hemen İkinci Dünya Savaşı öncesindeki kısa sureli kalışı bu önemli dönemin dönüm noktası olmuştur. Atatürk tarafından kurulan modern Türkiye’nin yeni başkenti Ankara’ya Büyükelçi olarak atanmıştır. Buna benzer şekilde, 1968 yılında General de Gaulle tarafından Türkiye’ye gerçekleştirilen resmi ziyaret de bu ilke ilişkileri açısından bir başka önemli donum noktasıdır.Charles de Gaulle döneminde iki ülkenin stratejik yakınlaşmasından bahsedebilir miyiz? Bu yakınlaşmanın çeşitleri faktörleri ve sınırları nelerdir? 1960li yılların ortasından itibaren her iki ülkede de yükselişe geçen Amerikan karşıtlığı bu stratejik yakınlaşmada bir faktör olabilir mi? Avrupa’yı ikiye bölen ve Doğu’ya da uzanan iki kutuplu dünyanın yerini yumuşama, anlaşma ve uluslararası işbirliğine bırakması gerektiğini düşünen General de Gaulle, Türkiye’nin Avrupalılığı hakkında ne düşünüyordu? Bu sorular ışığında sorunsalımız şu şekilde somutlaşıyor: General de Gaulle’ün dünya görüşü Türkiye-Fransa ilişkilerini nasıl etkiledi?Bu görüşün sonuçlarının günümüze kadar uzanması, General de Gaulle döneminin ve vizyonunun Türkiye Fransa ilişkileri açısından en önemli sonuçlarından birisidir. 2011 yılında, gerçek bir gaullist olarak nitelendirilen Fransa Cumhurbaşkanı Chirac öncülüğünde gerçekleştirilen, gerçek amacının Türkiye’nin Fransızlar tarafından kültürel ve ekonomik faaliyetler aracılığı ile daha iyi tanınması olan “Türkiye sezonu”, General de Gaulle’ün günümüze kadar uzanan mirasıdır. Bu vizyonun, Fransız dış politikası ve özellikle Fransa-Türkiye ilişkileri üzerindeki diğer sonuçları ne ifade etmektedir?
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Bruce, Benjamin. "Governing islam abroad : the Turkish and Moroccan Muslim fields in France and Germany." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015IEPP0001.
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Au cours des cinquante dernières années, les communautés turques et marocaines sont devenues les deux groupes diasporiques les plus importants en Europe occidentale, notamment en Allemagne et en France. Les États d’origine de ces populations ont développé de nombreuses politiques envers leurs ressortissants à l’étranger, parmi lesquelles l’islam occupe un lieu privilégié. Depuis des décennies, les instances étatiques officielles chargées de la gouvernance du religieux en Turquie et au Maroc, à savoir la Présidence des Affaires Religieuses (Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı) et le Ministère des Habous et des Affaires Islamiques (MHAI), soutiennent des groupes musulmans en France et en Allemagne par le biais de divers moyens, allant de l’envoi d’imams à des financements de mosquées.Comment et pourquoi la Turquie et le Maroc réussissent-ils à gouverner l’islam au-delà de leurs frontières nationales, et quelles en sont les conséquences pour le développement des champs religieux musulmans de France et d’Allemagne ? Cette étude conclut qu’à la différence de la France et de l’Allemagne, la Turquie et le Maroc conçoivent la gouvernance du religieux comme un domaine distinct de la politique publique, et ce même à l’étranger. Grâce à la coopération diplomatique et à la convergence d’intérêts interétatiques, ces deux États ont étendu leur rayonnement dans le champ religieux transnational. Ceci se manifeste par le soutien d’un modèle d’autorité religieuse légale-rationnelle et une forme d’islam national, afin de renforcer la position des instances de gouvernance du religieux des États d’origine ainsi que les frontières ethno-nationales dans les champs religieux musulmans à l’étranger<br>Over the last fifty years, Turks and Moroccans have come to form the two largest diaspora groups in Western Europe, with the largest numbers in Germany and France respectively. The states of origin of these populations have developed a wide variety of policies aimed at their citizens abroad, amongst which Islam has figured prominently. For decades, the official institutions of state religious governance in Turkey and Morocco, the Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı) and the Ministry of Habous and Islamic Affairs, have actively engaged in providing support to Muslim groups in France and Germany, from sending imams to directly financing mosques and the associations that run them. This doctoral thesis seeks to respond to the following questions: how and why are Turkey and Morocco able to govern Islam outside of their national boundaries, and what are the consequences for the development of Muslim fields in France and Germany? Based on over one hundred interviews carried out with diplomats, state religious officials, and non-state religious actors in all four countries, this study argues that in contrast to France and Germany, the Turkish and Moroccan states consider religious governance as a distinct domain of public policy. Thanks to diplomatic cooperation and converging interstate interests, both home states have been able to expand their religious activities within transnational Muslim fields. In particular, Turkey and Morocco seek to promote a legal-rational model of religious authority and a national form of Islam, ultimately reinforcing both the position of home state religious institutions and ethno-national boundaries in religious fields abroad
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Coujard, Virgile. "La politique étrangère de la France dans les crises internationales, du Golfe à l’Irak : Jeu gouvernemental, jeu diplomatique, système international." Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010268.
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Cette thèse a pour objet la politique étrangère de la France dans la crise du Golfe (1990-1991) et la crise irakienne (2002-2003). Afin d'expliquer les variations du comportement français la participation à la guerre du Golfe, l'opposition à la guerre d'Irak, trois approches, trois niveaux d'analyse, sont mobilisés. Le jeu gouvernemental met au jour la construction interne de la politique étrangère, retraçant les marchandages au sommet de l'État et révélant les biais par lesquels le champ politique national et les administrations influent sur la politique menée. Le jeu diplomatique, en restituant la complexité des processus d'interaction et de négociation interétatiques, montre comment les enjeux et objectifs tactiques se construisent dans les crises, sont sensibles à la configuration du jeu et aux prises de positions des autres diplomaties. L'analyse structurale souligne le poids de la structure du système international- son état comme sa tendance - et de la position d'un État en son sein sur la politique étrangère. Dévoiler les mécanismes par lesquels ces pressions structurelles agissent nécessite de mettre en relation la structure du système, l'ordre international, les perceptions des dirigeants et les comportements des États. C'est au final un mode d'articulation des niveaux d'analyse et des facteurs de détermination de la politique étrangère en temps de crise internationale qui est proposé - un mode qui puisse éclairer l'interpénétration, les combinaisons et interactions entre ces trois niveaux<br>Analyzing the differing French policy during the Gulf and Iraq wars - military participation to the former, diplomatic opposition to the latter, requires a multi-level approach to foreign policy. Graham Allison's governmental game paradigm shows that foreign policy is the resultant of bargainings among central players. It is also capable of revealing the ways in which domestic and bureaucratic polities interfere in the decision-making process. The diplomatic game approach put forward in this work focuses on the interstate interactions. It underlines how much foreign policy stakes and goals are defined and constructed in the process of diplomatic negociation, influenced by other diplomacies' stances. Waltzian structural theory concentrates on the systemic determinants of foreign policy. A State's position within the system, and the structure of the system - its current state as well as its trend - strongly determine and shape foreign policy. Connecting and articulating structure of the system, international order, decision-makers' perceptions and States' behavior appears to be a fruitful way to understand the mechanisms through which structural constraints and incentives act and impact on foreign policy. Afterall, this research attempts to combine infra-state, inter-state and systemic levels of analysis in a novel way, in order to explain the complexity of foreign policy in international cri sis