Journal articles on the topic 'France – Foreign relations – Romania'
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1
Berna, Ioana-Bianca. "Diplomația culturală şi re-clasarea relațiilor culturale România-Franța / Cultural Diplomacy and the Re-shaping of the Romanian-France Cultural Relations." Hiperboreea A2, no. 3-6 (January 1, 2013): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.2.3-6.0054.
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Abstract Cultural diplomacy has lesser aspects of monolithical sustainability, but it can have stronger gist production. Romania and France have always rebounded their relations in the court of cultural relations. Throughout this article, we will try to emphasize the sequel and tenor of cultural diplomacy in foreign policy and the sorts and medium it can have for solidarity rendering. Further, we will use these explanations in order to accent its proper usability in contemporary France-Romanian relations. We contend that the relaunching of the strategic partneship between Romania and France, opens new chances of predisposition for the avenues of cultural diplomacy. We will commence with the timely nearness between Romania and France in the last century and then, proceed with the lines of approach of cultural diplomacy in Romanian-France contemporary foreign policy affairs.
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Buriak, K. M. "FEATURES OF CONFLICT-OF-LAWS REGULATION OF INTERNATIONAL WORK RELATIONS." Constitutional State, no. 41 (March 17, 2021): 103–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2411-2054.2021.41.225615.
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The article provides a comprehensive legal study of the basic principles of conflict-oflaws and legal regulation of work, complicated by a foreign element. It is determined that work relations complicated by a foreign element include: work of local citizens with foreign employers outside their country; foreign business trips of citizens to work abroad; work at enterprises owned by foreign entrepreneurs on the territory of their state; work of foreigners in the host state. It is noted that conflict-of-laws issues in the field of work relations complicated by a foreign element arise due to the specifics of the national legislation of each of the countries and the inconsistency of private international law in this area. The article analyzes the peculiarities of work of foreigners in Austria, Brazil, Canada, China, Romania, USA, Tunisia, Hungary, Ukraine, France, Germany, Czech Republic, Sweden, Switzerland, Japan. Based on the analysis it is concluded that the working conditions of emigrants are regulated by Public Law Regulations, which are mandatory and less humane in their content than the general conditions established by the general labor legislation and collective agreements. Foreign workers are directly dependent on entrepreneurs due to threats of expulsion, language difficulties, lack of professional training and other reasons. It is characterized by free overtime work, non-provision of vacations and sick leave. The article describes the conflict-of-laws bindings, which regulate work relations complicated by a foreign element, namely: the law of the autonomous will of the parties, the law of the place of performing of work, the law of the location of the employer, the law of the place of conclusion of an employment contract, the principle of the employer's personal law, the law of citizenship (domicile), the law of the flag, the principle of the closest connection. The features of the operation of conflict-of-laws bindings regulating work relations complicated by a foreign element in countries of different legal families are considered
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Gârdan, Daiana, and Emanuel Modoc. "Mapping Literature Through Quantitative Instruments. The Case of Current Romanian Literary Studies." Interlitteraria 25, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 52–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/il.2020.25.1.6.
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Following a two-pronged line of argumentation, our article seeks to analyze and evaluate the current state of quantitative approaches applied to Romanian literature within the context and framework of one of the most prominent emergent fields of literary studies: quantitative formalism. Thus, on the one hand, the paper will attempt to present the most well-known lexicographic instruments currently used in quantitative studies in Romania (The Chronological Dictionary of the Romanian Novel from its Origins to 1989, The Chronological Dictionary of Translated Novels in Romania from its Origins to 1989, and The Bibliography of the Relations between Romanian Literature and Foreign Literatures in Periodicals 1919–1944), and, on the other, to employ the emerging methods that make use of these instruments, alongside their inherent limitations and the pragmatic issues that concern them) as a starting point for a debate on the current state of theoretical and critical approaches to the study of literature in the Romanian academic field. A selective and detailed application of the quantitative methodologies in question, as they are theorized by scholars such as Franco Moretti (“distant reading”) or Matthew L. Jockers (“macroanalysis”) will be another focal point of our paper, as it will seek to further illustrate the manner in which a meta-reflection on the approach itself can encourage the further development of quantitative methods in the study of Romanian literature.
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Miloiu, Silviu-Marian. "Editorial foreword." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, no. 2 (December 15, 2010): 127–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i2_1.
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This issue of Revista Română pentru Studii Baltice şi Nordice [The Romanian Journal of Baltic and Nordic Studies, RRSBN] crowns a year of steady progress in terms of number and quality of the programs and actions run by The Romanian Association for Baltic and Nordic Studies (ARSBN). The highlights of this year have been the first international conference for Baltic and Nordic Studies in Romania entitled Romania and Lithuania in the Interwar International Relations: Bonds, Intersections and Encounters, the opening of the exhibition dedicated to the 90th anniversary of the establishment of the Romanian-Finnish diplomatic relations (exhibition which has travelled since its first opening about 850 miles) and of the first Lithuanian exhibition displayed in a Romanian art gallery and the awarding of the title of Doctor Honoris Causa of Valahia University to Dr. Vladimir Jarmolenko, the Ambassador of Lithuania to Bucharest and Honorary Chairman of our Association. Besides, the members of the Association have been involved in research whose results have been disseminated in books, international and national conferences, thus contributing to the spreading of knowledge and the encouragement of debates on subjects close to its aims. The second issue of RRSBN also brings a novelty in the meaning that 2010 is the first year when the journal is published biannually as it will appear henceforth. Having been projected at the end of 2008, its first volume was published in November 2009. The articles published in this issue bring forth new documentary evidences and fresh interpretations upon a variety of topics regarding the history, the history of international relations or the history of commercial bonds of Baltic and Nordic European nations, in some cases in connection to the developments in the Black Sea area. In spite of the array of topics, some sections can be however distinguished. The first one encompasses the two articles signed by Costel Coroban and Veniamin Ciobanu regarding the role of Sweden in the international relations at the beginning of the 18th and of the 19th centuries when this power had to cope with its declining role in the international relations. After its defeat in the Battle of Poltava, Sweden gradually came to be regarded as the minor actor in the international diplomatic game in comparison with its more powerful neighbors of Britain, Russia or Napoleon’s France. The first article describes how Sweden tried to rise again to the status of Great Power with the financial support of the Jacobites and what were the international implications of the plot in which Swedish emissaries have allowed themselves to be engaged in Britain. Integrating a number of nine important archival documents, the second article proves the wide interest of Sweden regarding the international circumstances leading to the downfall of Imperial France in its attempt to adopt a wise foreign policy to compensate through the annexation of Norway for the loss of Finland to Tsarist Russia in 1809. Thus, Sweden was also looking to the developments of the Eastern Question and to the policies of Britain, France and Russia with regard to the Ottoman Empire.
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Esaulov, Serhii. "Foreign Policy of Hungary Towards Ukraine or “European Menu à la Carte”." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 603–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-35.
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The author raises the issue of settling conflicts around the world and discusses modern attempts to establish law and order. Particular attention is paid to the intricate relations between Hungary and Ukraine. With Russia’s aggression against Ukraine there was ruined a system of international relations, which provided for the rule of law, the right to settle disputes without applying military tools, force or threats. Russia initiated a new precedent of impunity, insolent violation of the fundamental norms of international law, and demonstrated the world how the borders may be redrawn as one sees fit and “bring historical justice”. The author notes that one of the reasons for the escalation of the conflict between Hungary and Ukraine has become the language issue. Still, however pity it is, all attempts of the Ukrainian side to resolve conflict matters have appeared to be vane, since Budapest is reluctant to listen to and consider any arguments of Kyiv, being fully distracted by its demand. It is hard to imagine that in civilized “old” Europe, Germany, for instance, would express claims or even threaten France for the fact that pupils in schools of the French region of Alsace (until 1918, its territory formed part of Germany that attempted to annex it at times of the Second World War) are taught in the official language – French, not in the language of the neighbouring country, even though the Alsatian and German languages are equally spoken there. Unfortunately, Hungary seems not to be ready to follow the example of the Franco-German reconciliation in terms of relations with all neighbours, despite the philosophy of its membership in the EU and NATO. The revenge-seeking attitudes of the Hungarian political establishment regarding the revision of borders according to the Versailles and Yalta systems of international relations are constantly boosted in all directions in the neighbouring countries, where ethnic Hungarians live (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine). The so-called “formula of protecting interests of Russian citizens in Crimea and Donbas” adopted from Putin has apparently laid the foundation for the foreign policy strategy of V. Orban. First, as regards the appeal to make the region of ethnic Hungarians’ residence autonomous and subsequently – the appeal to hold a referendum on separation. The author summarizes that along with the political and diplomatic efforts, a substantial role in easing the tension in relations with Budapest should be played by non-governmental organizations and the expert community though holding forums and scientific conferences aiming at discussing the above-mentioned issues. Keywords: Hungary, conflict, Law on Language, geopolitics, strategies, foreign policy, Ukraine.
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Skyrda, Tetiana. "FORMATION OF ACADEMIC MOBILITY FOR FUTURE BACHELORS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: THE CONTEXT OF BOLOGNA'S REFORMS." Educational Discourse: collection of scientific papers, no. 17(10) (November 25, 2019): 54–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.33930/ed.2019.5007.17(10)-5.
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Among the peculiarities of the professional training of future bachelors in international relations in NAU are the following: a focus on a high level of fundamental and practical training; formation of general and specific competences of a future specialist in the field of international economic, legal and information activity; providing up-to-date knowledge of the basic principles and norms of international business and law; providing deep knowledge of the theory and practice of international relations, acquiring the skills to successful advancement into the world markets with the competitive national products, analysis of market conditions, formation of foreign language competence. Analysis of the documents of the Bologna process, including the Bologna Joint Declaration (Italy, 1999), the Copenhagen Declaration (Denmark, 2001), the Bergen Communiqué (Norway, 2005), the London Communiqué (United Kingdom, 2007), the Leuven Communiqué (Belgium, 2009), Budapest The Vienna Declaration (Hungary Austria, 2010), the materials of the Bucharest Conference and the Third Bologna Forum (Romania, 2012), the Paris Communiqué (France, 2018), indicate that mobility is one of its important goals and tools. The documents of the Bologna Process, as well as the legislative and legal support of Ukraine, create the basis for the formation of academic mobility of NAU students, including bachelors in international relations.
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Chikhachev, Aleksei. "The European Turn in France’s Arms Export." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 20, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran220218592.
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This article analyzes a new trend in the arms export policy of modern France – an increasing share of European countries in the geographical structure of sales. Based on statistics and examples, regional priorities of French export before Emmanuel Macron’s presidency are identified; the reasons for the turn towards Europe at present stage and its possible limits are studied. The author draws attention to the fact that until recently, the Middle East and Asia have been key partners of France, providing two thirds of international demand for the products of French defense industry. However, today their role is declining in favor of the EU countries: Belgium, Romania, Greece, etc., with which Paris has signed a series of major contracts in 2018–2021. This development primarily stems from a difficult foreign policy context forcing the EU members to allocate more funds for defense needs, as well as from temporary difficulties in France’s relations with Middle Eastern clients. The author concludes that the «Europeanization» of sales is likely to continue but it is too early to talk about a full reorientation of French exports towards Europe. A more realistic task Paris de facto solves is to balance its export structure by diversifying the range of customers.
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Zhytariuk, Mar’yan. "Ukraine-Czechoslovakian and Ukraine-Romanian Relations in the Interpretation of the Magazine “Dilo” (Lviv)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 37-38 (December 20, 2018): 198–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2018.37-38.198-207.
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The Lviv daily “Dilo”, as well as the Ukrainian press in Galicia, Bukovina, Volyn and Transcarpathia in the interwar period, could not keep a way from the numerous and systematic facts of Ukrainophobia and immediately responded to the form available to it, mainly as digest and translations of foreign publications about Ukrainians and Ukrainian ethnic land.
Thirties of the Twentieth century entered the Ukrainian history under the sign of Polish “pacification” in Eastern Galicia (there were also the petitions of Ukrainian and British representations to the League of Nations), artificially created famine and genocide in Soviet Ukraine, the Bolshevik terror (not only against the national Ukrainian intellectuals, but also against the Ukrainian leadership of the Communist Party of the Bolsheviks), the German propaganda concerning the prospects of independent Ukraine and other significant phenomena, which formed together the basis of the "Ukrainian problem". All this in general was reflected by the European press (Great Britain, Germany, France, Switzerland, Belgium, Austria, Italy) and the US press, Canada, Japan. At the same time, from the standpoint of advocacy and sympathy, there was hardly any publication in the press of Czechoslovakia, Poland, Romania (except for Ukrainian-language editions), in the Soviet periodicals, however the governments of these countries were interested in further weakening and leveling of Ukrainian ethnic, mental, religious, historical and other factors that could cement Ukrainians nationally.
Keywords: magazine “Dilo” (Lviv), interethnic relations, Bukovyna, Galychyna, interwar period
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Kalinkova, Sabrina. "Bulgarian economy as a producer of intermediate goods for the European Union." University Economic Bulletin, no. 48 (March 30, 2021): 97–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2306-546x-2021-48-97-102.
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Relevance of research topic. In conditions of globalization, the economic development of a country depends a lot on its relations with the rest of the world. When using economic indicators, including the "foreign trade balance" one, their correct interpretation is of particular importance. Formulation of the problem. The research interest should be focused not only on the volume of exports and imports in monetary terms, but also on its structure. It is a question of what production (goods and services) the Bulgarian economy exports (respectively imports), as well as where it exports (from where the Bulgarian economy imports). Setting the task, the purpose of the study. This report aims to present the Bulgarian economy in its role of producer and supplier of intermediate products for the countries of the European Union. Method or methodology for conducting research. The study is based on the use of the input-output model and in particular the symmetric input-output tables provided by the World Input-Output Database. Presentation of the main material (results of work). This report presents the results of the study of volume and structure of exports of the Bulgarian economy as a producer and supplier of intermediate goods, directed to the countries of the European Union. The interactions with the following countries were analyzed: Austria, Belgium, Germany, Denmark, Spain, France, Great Britain, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, and Romania. Some of the member states of the European Union are not included. The reason for this is the lack of interactions between them and the Bulgarian economy, based on the provision of intermediate products. Conclusions according to the article. The study presents only one aspect of the foreign economic relations that take place between Bulgaria and the European Union. For the most part, the relations between Bulgaria and the other economies in the European Union are based mainly on industries related to the supply of resources. Services and products with a final degree of readiness are provided to a much lesser extent.
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Varlamova, M. "Cross-cultural aspects of business negotiations." Galic'kij ekonomičnij visnik 72, no. 5 (2021): 103–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.33108/galicianvisnyk_tntu2021.05.103.
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The features of conducting business negotiations with foreign partners, taking into account the influence of cultural factors are investigated in this paper. The systematization of approaches to understanding business negotiations is performed and it is determined that business negotiations are bilateral or multilateral processes of communication, as a result of which a joint decision concerning business interests realization is made. Scientific approaches to the cultures grouping by certain features, particularly, E. Hall, G. Hofstede and R. Lewis, Florence Clachon and Fred Strodbeck, D. Pinto, R. Gesteland, F. Trompenaars and C. Hampden-Turner are considered. Analysis of the manifestation of certain cultural features in relation to the representatives of the countries with which Ukraine currently has the most developed trade and economic relations is carried out. Accordingly, the probability of the need to negotiate the foreign economic activity implementation is rather high. The following countries are selected among them according to 2020 statistics: China, Poland, India, Spain, Italy, Russia, Belarus, Egypt, the Netherlands, Germany, Romania, Turkey, Hungary, USA, Belgium, Israel, Indonesia, Iraq, Moldova, Saudi Arabia, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, France and the Czech Republic. Using Hert Hofstede's approach and his theory of cultural dimensions for the listed countries, the indicators characterizing the manifestation of the distance of power, individualism, masculinity, avoidance of uncertainty, long-term orientation and indulgence are analyzed. The countries which cultures are the closest to Ukraine’s one are identified according to the above mentioned methodology, and, consequently, the construction of communications with their representatives is more understandable and is characterized by lower probability of misunderstandings due to cultural factors. For other countries the cultural features similar and different from Ukraine ones are defined. Taking into account these features, recommendations for planning and conducting business negotiations with representatives of other countries, aimed at increasing the benefits and opportunities for Ukraine in the process of making joint decisions with partners are given.
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Peshkin, Vitalii Mikhailovich. "Foreign policy activities of the Visegrad Group in the period 2004-2014." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 6 (June 2022): 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2022.6.38076.
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The subject of the study is the historical conditions in which the process of designing and implementing the Eastern Partnership program began, which became the only significant foreign policy initiative of the Visegrad Four. The role of Poland, which positioned itself as a link between the EU and part of the post-Soviet space, is considered. The plans of France, Bulgaria and Romania in 2003-2004 for a number of post-Soviet countries, reflecting the ambitions of Paris, Sofia and Bucharest in the Black Sea and Mediterranean region, are presented. But under pressure from the European Commission, these initiatives were not further developed, and a decision was made to implement the Eastern Partnership project. The development tools used by V4 for the implementation of the Eastern Partnership project, due to the limited resource base of the Quartet countries, are considered. The criticism of the Eastern Partnership project is being studied, due to the lack of a common understanding among EU members of what prospects the new project can offer to "partner countries". The novelty of the scientific research in the framework of this article is expressed in the analysis of the "energy crises" and the change in the EU's approaches to the post-Soviet space in the late 2000s, which became the basis for the development and implementation by the Visegrad Group in 2004-2014 of the Eastern Partnership program. In this program, the "four" countries played the role of curators and a link between the EU and the post-Soviet space. The implementation of the project allowed V4 to gain political weight within the European Union. When developing relations with the "partner countries", the Visegrad Group tried to make maximum use of all available mechanisms and tools (for example, the potential and experience of implementing joint projects within the framework of the International Visegrad Foundation). At the same time, our own capabilities and resources (coupled with the ambiguous perception of the Eastern Partnership in the EU) did not allow us to fully implement all the stated strategic goals, which seriously affected the effectiveness of the project and the results obtained.
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DULCE, Cezara Ionela, and Ionel MUNTELE. "Student Mobility – Attractiveness and Premise of Improving the City Image. Case Study: Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iași." Journal of Settlements and Spatial Planning SI, no. 7 (May 12, 2021): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/jsspsi.2021.7.06.
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Nowadays, brand image dominates almost any field of activity and becomes a source of power, being much more efficient than a word. Our article aims to analyse the evolution of Erasmus+ mobility at Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iași between 2013 and 2019 and to highlight, by the increasing attractiveness, the important role of these internships in the improvement of the city image. Regarding the methodology, our descriptive study was based on statistical information provided by the International Relations Office of the university. The purpose of the analysis was to identify the dynamics and distribution of student mobility flows, following the expressed trends. The results revealed a series of transformations: on the Outgoing component, numerous Romanian students chose for study notorious university centres in France, Spain, Italy, Germany and Poland and destinations in Greece, Italy or Iceland for an internship and, on the Incoming component, the increasing number of foreign students arrived from France, Spain, Poland and Portugal. Together with the traditional cultural assets of Iași, the increasing number of students involved in Erasmus+ internships can improve the city image as an attractive urban centre.
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Dziubanovska, N. V., V. V. Maslii, Z. B. Lytvyn, and V. I. Bliask. "An Approach to the Analysis of the Intensity of the International Trade Dynamics on the Example of the European Union Countries." Statistics of Ukraine 97, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31767/su.2(97)2022.02.08.
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International trade is an important component of the national economy of any country in the world, as well as a leading form of international economic relations. Changes in the main indicators of foreign trade, such as exports, imports, trade balance, can cause significant imbalances in the parameters of economic growth of the subjects of such relations.The article proposes an approach to analyzing the intensity of dynamic changes in international trade in goods on the example of EU countries during 2004-2021 with using such methodological approaches as grouping, comparison, calculation and analysis of absolute and relative characteristics of dynamics. For this purpose, two groups of countries where distinguished: countries that were members of the EU before 2004 (Austria, Belgium, Great Britain, Denmark, Ireland, Germany, Spain, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, France, Greece, Portugal, Sweden and Finland) and countries that became members of the EU after 2004 (Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Cyprus. Bulgaria, Romania and Croatia). In carrying out the study, the cost indicators of trade transactions of the EU countries were used. With the help of such indicators as specific weight, chain and basic growth rates, coefficients of advance, the intensity of export and import dynamics in terms of selected groups where analyzed. The main trends and determinants of the development of export import activities, under the influence of which there were certain changes in the international trade of the EU countries during the period under study, were identified. These determinants include EU enlargement in 2004, the 2009 financial crisis and the COVID 2019 pandemic. Three periods of development of foreign trade of the member countries of this integration group are distinguished. The 5 largest exporter and importer countries, as well as the largest net exporters and net importers in terms of allocated groups, were identified. The results of the analysis also indicate that the countries that joined the EU after 2004 actively used their membership in the context of the development of foreign economic activity: they rapidly increased the volume of merchandise exports and imports. It has been proved that the proposed approach is effective for analyzing the nature of dynamic changes in international trade of any international organizations, integration associations, etc.
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Munteanu, Emilia. "Briser les barrières ou enseigner-apprendre le FLE par le jeu théâtral." Taikomoji kalbotyra, no. 11 (August 8, 2018): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/tk.2018.17245.
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A l’ère de la mondialisation, l’accès illimité à l’information modifie de plus en plus le rapport des jeunes gens mais surtout la vision des adultes du troisième âge à l’égard des barrières de l’apprentissage. De nos jours, de nombreuses institutions d’enseignement et des ONG proposent aux derniers une large panoplie d’activités dans le but de leur faire acquérir de nouvelles compétences et capacités linguistiques, culturelles, techniques, artistiques, etc. En tant que formateurs en FLE, nous avons cherché à briser les barrières qui séparent les générations et à favoriser la communication entre adultes au-delà des frontières géographiques, culturelles, linguistiques à travers un projet européen PLALE. Réunies autour du coordinateur italien de Pavie, cinq autres institutions partenaires se sont proposé de partager leur expérience dans l’enseignement-apprentissage des langues par le jeu théâtral. Pendant deux années, des professionnels et des apprentis de la langue provenant du système formel universitaire se sont servis de leurs compétences didactiques et de leur expérience liée à l’emploi du jeu théâtral pour transformer le contexte non formel de l’Ecole populaire d’arts et de métiers de Bacau en Roumanie en un laboratoire pour l’expérimentation de nouvelles techniques et méthodes d’acquisition par les adultes des connaissances en L2. Le déroulement du projet et la création d’un spectacle théâtral joué à Bacau par les apprenants par les apprenants adultes des six partenaires nous ont permis de faire l’apprentissage d’une pédagogie vivante mais aussi de l’andragogie et de prendre conscience du rôle des relations intergénérationnelles pour assurer la santé de la société actuelle.
Breaking barriers, or teaching and learning French by playing drama
In the era of globalization, due to unlimited access to information, the relationship and the attitude among the young people have increasingly modified. In addition, the adult’s point of view regarding traditional limits of learning has also changed. Nowadays, more and more institutions of teaching and NGOs are proposing to them a variety of activities which offer them a possibility to develop not only their computer skills but also linguistic, artistic and cultural abilities. As foreign language teachers, we have tried to create a connection between generations, so as to ease the communication between adults which would not have been possible without the existence of a European project. Entitled PLALE or Playing for Learning, it integrates five partners from France, Spain, Portugal, Germany and Romania coordinated by an Italian specialist from Pavia. The specialists’ purpose is to share their experience in the field of foreign language teaching and learning through drama.
Key words: European project; pedagogy; andragogy; language teaching and learning; theatre performance; relations between generations.
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Lalević-Vasić, Bosiljka M. "Th e 2nd Congress of the Pan-Slavic Association of Dermatovenereologists, belgrade 1931." Serbian Journal of Dermatology and Venerology 4, no. 3 (November 29, 2012): 130–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10249-012-0012-9.
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Abstract The Pan-Slavic Association of Dermatovenereologists (PSADVs) was founded in May 1928, and it included dermatologic associations of Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Poland and Yugoslavia. Its president was Prof. Krzysztalowicz from Poland. The 1st Congress of this association was held in Warsaw in 1929, and the 2nd Congress was organized by the Association of Dermatovenereologists of Yugoslavia (ADVY), in Belgrade in 1931. The president of the Organizing Committee was Prof. Đorđe Đorđevic, and the secretary Assoc. Prof. Milan Kićevac from the Clinic of Dermatovenereology in Belgrade. The Congress was attended by representatives of Slavic national associations, as well as by representatives of French, Romanian, Greek and Turkish dermatology. The number of participants amounted to 160 physicians and 60 members of their families. According to the report of Ilić S., 104 papers had been presented: 48 from Yugoslavia (37 from Serbia, 3 from Croatia, 3 from Macedonia, and 5 from Bosnia), 23 from Czechoslovakia, 18 from Poland, 8 from France, 5 from Romania, 1 from Turkey, and 1 from Greece. Most papers were from the area of sexually transmitted diseases: 43 papers (41.35% of the total number). Out of these, 27 papers were on syphilis, followed by gonorrhea with 9 papers. There were both research and experimental papers. The authors insisted on assessing diagnostic and therapeutic issues, as well as disease prevention. The second most frequent group of diseases accounted for eczema. The problem included the defi nition and pathogenesis of the disease. The third group of diseases was tuberculosis. The results of experiments on animals were studied pointing out the need for reclassifi cation of skin tuberculosis in relation to internal tuberculosis. A small number of papers were on other infections of the skin and genitals, as well as individual cases of various dermatoses. During the Congress, social events were also organized, as well as a banquet on the ship Alexander I cruising on the Danube and Sava. Optional travel tours to all parts of Yugoslavia were also offered. Soon after the Congress, foreign journals published reports on its high professional level and the entire organization.
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Aganson, Olga I. "The First World War and emerging of a new regional order in the Balkans: an augmentation of small states' role." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 1 (January 31, 2020): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2020-1-7-17.
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The First World War launched a tremendous restructuring of the international system. One of its major outcomes was a transformation of the small states of Central and South-Eastern Europe from objects to subjects of international relations. Having emerged or enlarged their territories in wake of multinational empires’ collapse, the small states became key players on the regional level. Reshaping of the Balkan regional order is of a particular interest to researchers as the Balkan instability triggered destruction of the previous international system. The purpose of the article is to understand how a world conflict, which had broken out in South-Eastern Europe, transformed the region. To do this the author dwells upon three sets of question. The first is the Balkan contribution in the origins of the First World War. The second is an interplay of factors which caused reshaping of the Balkan political space during the war years. The third is a new landscape of the postwar order in South-Eastern Europe. Methodological approaches applied here define new and actual character of this article. The author uses conceptual tools of the theory of international relations to analyze a process of region «building» which took place in circumstances of «tectonic» shifts within the international system in the early decades of the 20th century. Thus, the author applies the analytical model of the regional order as well as key definitions of the theory of international relations – great power, small state (the article focuses on Serbia, Romania, Bulgaria and Greece), principle of self-determination. It is concluded that the regional order emerged in the Balkans in wake of the First World War was a result of multi-dimensional interaction of factors. They are as follows: 1) the military, strategic and foreign policy planning of hostile coalitions of powers (the Entente and the bloc of the Central powers), seeking to win the loyalty of regional allies; 2) demonstrated by the small states understanding that the war had opened a «window of opportunity» to put into life their national interests and programs; 3) the decline of traditional multi-ethnic empires, which had formed political atmosphere in the Balkans. It is stated that a landscape of post-war regional order in the Balkans was determined with cooperation and competition of the local national states in the situation when the multi-ethnic empires had disappeared from the Balkan political space while the architects of the Versailles system – Great Britain and France seemed to be less interested in South-Eastern Europe in after war years. It meant that the new Balkan order enjoyed a relative autonomy compared to the previous one.
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Dragan, D. G. "Foreign policy strategy of the Romania. Evolution, principles, goals." Post-Soviet Issues 5, no. 2 (July 6, 2018): 140–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2018-5-2-140-148.
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In this article, the author attempts to determine the strategic directions of Romania’s foreign policy. Significant geopolitical events in Europe expose the need to clarify the priorities of the policy pursued by the country. Historically in foreign relations Romania has employed diplomatic strategies that allowed it, according to historians, to «anoeuvre» between the centres of power on the international arena. However, in the early 2000’s a departure from this tradition has become apparent, especially during the administration of Traian Basescu (2004–2014), which also coincided with the country’s joining NATO in 2004 and EU in 2007. After the collapse of the socialist bloc Romania set its priorities, firstly, in the direction of joining both NATO and EU and later bringing the country in accordance with their norms and standards was put high on the agenda. Having become a member of the Alliance and an EU-state, Romania has been determining its foreign policy from the point of view of synchronizing its strategic goals with those of NATO and EU. Along with this, the strategic partnership with the US and the attached to it significant importance for Romania dictate the one-sided political approach deprived of the traditional manoeuvre capability in foreign affairs. This is also proven by the fact that despite the declared and established privileged relations with a number of countries, the level of their “strategic” execution is very low in reality. That being said, the direction of the relations between Romania and the Russian Federation, whose views on many regional and international issues differ, are likely to be greatly influenced by the state of the Russia-West affairs. Having analyzed the historic and current aspects of Romania’s foreign policy, the author determines the preservation of the euroatlanticism course as the main direction of the development of the foreign policy of Romania.
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Stanciu, Cezar. "Scandinavian Perspectives. Overcoming the Cold War Pressures in Romania’s Policy towards Northern Europe." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 1, no. 1 (November 15, 2009): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v1i1_4.
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During the first years of the Cold War, Romania was isolated in terms of foreign policy, and forced to develop relations mainly with the USSR and other socialist states. During the de-Stalinization period, the East-West relations improved and Romania started to rebuilt its relations with the West, especially economic relations. This article briefly presents the re-establishment of Romania's relations with the Scandinavian states, in the context of the improved Romanian-West relations.
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Jackson, Peter. "France and the guarantee to Romania, April 1939." Intelligence and National Security 10, no. 2 (April 1995): 242–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684529508432298.
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Kirov, Vassil N., and Patrick Thill. "The impact of crisis and restructuring on employment relations in banking: The cases of France, Luxembourg and Romania." European Journal of Industrial Relations 24, no. 3 (January 9, 2018): 297–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680117752047.
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This article discusses the dynamics of collective bargaining in the management of restructuring, drawing on the example of the banking sector in France, Luxembourg and Romania. We show that the organized decentralization of the corporatist or statist models of France and Luxembourg helped sustain employment relations systems and cushion crisis effects. Bargaining outcomes included internal mobility and training. In Romania, by contrast, disorganized decentralization meant that solutions were left to the company level and to market forces.
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Prisacaru, Dan. "Romania and Poland – at the forefront of defending the Versailles security system in the years 1919-1932 Landmarks of political, diplomatic, and military relations." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 194, no. 4 (December 16, 2019): 684–716. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.6465.
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During the interwar period, the relations between Romania and Poland had, as a common factor, major interests to counter an unprovoked attack from Soviet Russia – USSR. Meanwhile, the rich medieval tradition, the cultural, political and spiritual interferences, assured the substance of mutual relations between the two countries. Romanian-Polish relations were supported and encouraged by France, which had the incentive to achieve and maintain a “sanitary cordon” against the danger of the Bolshevik/Soviet Union. Romania and Poland evolved into a complex and sensitive geopolitical space in Central and Eastern Europe which took political, diplomatic and military actions to build relationships based on the mutual recognition of borders and the support for the two major Western democracies, France and The United Kingdom. The Romanian-Polish relations bore the unmistakable imprint of political and diplomatic figures who succeeded to the leadership of the two countries, in Poland – Marshal Jozef Pilsudski and in Romania – King Ferdinand, Queen Mary and the scholar Nicolae Iorga.
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Bitkova, T. "Romania’s Interests in South-Eastern Europe and Cooperation with Turkey." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 3 (2022): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-3-57-68.
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The article deals with Romania’s foreign policy vectors in South-Eastern Europe regarding its membership in NATO and in the European Union. It is noted that the main foreign policy vector of Bucharest in the region is an alignment with the Republic of Moldova and a prospect of these two states uniting. The role of Romania is presented in a platform for negotiations which is the South-Eastern European Cooperation Process (SEECP), in the Three Seas Initiative, the Bucharest Nine Initiative and in the Romania –Poland– Turkey trilateral dialogue. The place of the Black Sea region in ambitions of the Romanian leadership and its significance in a strategic partnership between Romania and the Republic of Turkey are revealed. The author notes that the Balkans are not a priority vector of Romanian foreign policy, but the Western Balkan states are always present in Bucharest’s objects of attention, since here, as well as in the Black Sea region, global players are present, including Russia, a country Romania’s relations with has been in a critical condition for many years. In regards to the Romania’s relations with the Western Balkan countries, cooperation between Romania and Serbia stands out. Despite the pressure from Brussels, Romania supports Serbia in not wanting to tolerate the self-declared independence of Kosovo. Different approaches to policies of the Russian Federation are the reason behind the inconsistencies in the Romanian-Serbian relations. Romania does not possess enough recourses to lead an independent activity in the Balkans region and it mainly integrates in the policy of the European Union and the USA. Turkey pursues a policy of increasing its influence in the Balkans, with the cultural strategy of reconstruction of the Turkic world being one of the evident manifestations of the policy. The Romanian leadership abstains from any comment on this topic. Having not the same weight in world politics, Romania and Turkey на декларативном уровне demonstrate complete trust in one another and mutual understanding on a declarative level, but, according to the analysis of foreign policy platforms and partners’ particular political acts, their relations develop in the context of varying and sometimes even opposite approaches to a list of crucial international events.
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Ayvazyan, D. S. "Black Sea Region in the Security Policy of Romania: Evaluation of Approaches." Post-Soviet Issues 8, no. 2 (August 19, 2021): 207–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2021-8-2-207-218.
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The paper is dedicated to the role of the Black Sea region in the security policy of Romania. Approaches, patterns and results of this area of the foreign policy of Romania are studied since the period after the collapse of the USSR in 1991. The concepts and strategies of the national security and the strategies of national defense of Romania, adopted since 1994 are analysed. The key patterns and results of the security policy pursued by Romania in the Black Sea region are defined. The author concludes that this direction of Romania's policy is consistently based on the strategic partnership with the United States and solidarity with the approaches of the NATO and EU in the Black Sea region. The policy leads to the imbalance in the relations with the littoral states for which euro-atlanticism has not become an ideological basis for their foreign policy (Russia and Turkey). Amidst the absence of the search for a new model of relations with the littoral states, Romania's policy leads to the growth of the potential for confliction in the Black Sea region.
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Denca, Sorin Stefan. "Europeanization of Foreign Policy: Empirical Findings From Hungary, Romania and Slovakia." Journal of Contemporary European Research 5, no. 3 (November 6, 2009): 389–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v5i3.132.
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This article discusses the influence of the process of European integration on the foreign policy-making in the new member states from Central and Eastern Europe, using as case-studies Hungary, Romania and Slovakia. The impact of the integration process is examined from an institutionalist perspective. The paper is especially interested in the institutional change of the coordination of foreign policy-making at both national and European levels, and on the process of learning and socialization of national representatives participating and interacting with the EU system of foreign policy. The impact of European integration is contrasted with the role of domestic factors in shaping institutions and process. The limits of Europeanization of foreign policy-making are identified.
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Riabchinska, A. О. "FIDUCIARY OWNERSHIP FOR SECURITY PURPOSES IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES: THE EXPERIENCE OF FRANCE AND ROMANIA." Scientific notes of Taurida National V.I. Vernadsky University. Series: Juridical Sciences 30(69), no. 3 (2019): 51–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.32838/1606-3716/2019.3/09.
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Lovin, Daniel, Alexandru Căpățînă, and Denis Bernardeau Moreau. "Adaptation, integration and acculturation of foreign athletes in sports organizations in Romania and France." Quality in Sport 7, no. 2 (June 7, 2021): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/qs.2021.007.
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We live in an increasingly globalized and culturally diverse society, in which individuals with different cultural backgrounds, different education, different personalities and different values must work together and achieve optimal results. Moreover, these cultural differences are noticeable even within a group of people of the same nationality. At the same time, lately there are more and more bicultural individuals, who belong simultaneously to different cultures. Nowadays, sport has an enormous impact on society, being an extremely popular phenomenon on a global scale and which has become a business in which huge sums are spent. Sport can have both a unifying effect, bringing together different individuals, but at the same time it can emphasize cultural differences and deep ethnic differences. All these arguments justify the increased interest in multiculturalism in general, and in multiculturalism in sport in particular. Using SPSS software, this study proposes a quantitative comparative analysis of how the country in which athletes evolve, namely Romania and France, influences adaptation, self-confidence, team integration and market share of athletes.
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Lisanin, Mladen. "Regional position of Serbia in light of foreign policy relations with its “old neighbors”." Medjunarodni problemi 69, no. 4 (2017): 483–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1704483l.
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Due to turbulent circumstances and controversial heritage in regard to the breakup of ex-Yugoslavia, regional position of Serbia is, within academic as well as the wider public, most often observed in the context of its relations with the ?new? neighbors - the states that have emerged from the breakup of the former common country. This is in part because of constant tensions in the relations with ex-Yugoslav states, but also due to the political agenda of Western actors, which sets the framework for regional integration processes through the concept of ?Western Balkans?. Foreign policy relations of Serbia with its ?old? neighbors (most notably, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria, given that Albania has a distinct status as a de facto interested party in the dispute regarding the status of Kosovo and Metohija), nonetheless, remain at least just as important element of Serbia?s regional position. It is the author?s intention to point towards determinants of the foreign policy of Serbia, as factors that work, or are visible, through relations with Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria. This will be observed in the context of bilateral and multilateral, formal and informal foreign policy connections and relations. The conclusion, in the form of a recommendation, is that international political dynamics in the ?Western Balkans? should not completely avert research attention away from Serbian relations with its non-Yugoslav neighbors.
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Nani, L. "Principles of Regulation of Tax Relations in Romania." Russian Journal of Legal Studies 5, no. 4 (December 15, 2018): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/rjls18448.
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The maintenance of a balance between the proper execution of a state’s functions and individual interests is secured by the principles of regulation of tax relations. Such principles are defined by the constitutions and the tax legislations of foreign countries. The modern interpretation of the principles of regulation of tax relations is revealed by the relevant jurisprudence. The present article addresses matters of interest for Russia of the application of principles of regulation of tax relations in Romania. Such regulation is based, particularly, on the principles of legality, certainty and specificity, as well as bona fide of the taxpayer. The principles of proportionality and effectiveness of the EU apply in addition to the national level of legal regulation. The guarantor of the observance of such principles is the court: the biggest part of decisions on tax disputes are in favour of the taxpayer. The article represents an attempt to systematize the distinctive features of the realization of the aforementioned principles in the context of the analysis of the relevant jurisprudence of national courts of Romania (the appeal courts, the High court of cassation and justice and the Constitutional court), as well as of the European Court of Justice and the European Court of Human Rights. The identified distinctive features relate to the following matters: compliance with the constitutionally stipulated procedure of enacting tax laws and elimination of contradictions between secondary legislation and tax laws, inadmissibility of the retroactivity of the law, application of legal methods of ascertaining the risk of taxpayers who are to be verified, as well as compliance with tax secrecy requirements. The article contains examples of jurisprudence in the matter of accountability of a state in civil procedure for the illegal appropriation of funds from the taxpayer in the practice of national courts and of the European Court of Justice.
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Alenius, Kari. "Finnish efforts to promote cultural relations with Romania during the Second World War." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 6, no. 2 (December 15, 2014): 169–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v16i2_12.
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This paper analyzes intercultural relations between Finland and Romania during the Second World War. The main focus is on the Finnish viewpoints. The aim of the analysis is to explain why the Finnish activities at this field of life were of a certain kind.Intercultural relations between Finland and Romania do not form a separate field of study, but are closely intertwined with the two countries’ mutual relationship on the whole. At the same time, this interrelation was dependent on the overall situation in World War II, with its shifting strategies. Existing Finnish archive material on cultural cooperation clearly indicates that, in terms of advancing this relationship, Romania was clearly the more active party throughout. In Finland, the group of activists favouring Romania was smaller and more heterogeneous, and the government’s stance in particular was hesitant.The explanation for this Finnish restraint lies in Finland’s special relationship with Hungary.The Finns hesitated to implement Romanian initiatives in the field of culture, fearing that they would jeopardise relations with Hungary. Despite the Finnish government’s hesitation regarding the development of cultural relations with Romania, there were also advocates of closer cultural ties. A key figure in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was envoy Eduard Hjalmar Palin. Another significant player was the Finnish-Romanian Association, which commenced activities in January 1943 and continued until the summer of 1944.
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Popescu Ljungholm, Doina. "POSSIBLE LEGAL REGULATIONS ON REGIONALIZATION IN ROMANIA." Polish Law Review 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2016): 86–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/24509841.1230282.
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In the present study I have in view the fulfillment of the regionalizing process by retrospection to the four processes in the European Union, but also on the regionalization made by France and Poland, from which Romania could take some important outlines so as to legislate, implicitly by reforming the Constitution, the most preformat possible regional system for the country, in the present social and economic context, as a normal consequence of democratic devotion. I suggested the defining of the new regional local authorities, their responsibilities, the relations that will be stated in the relations with the existing local authorities, in relation with the central ones, their number, so as to lead to the unitary development, as much as possible, of all the regions. The dedication of decentralization as a constitutional principle comes to show our vocation and affiliation to the European culture values and the standards foreseen by the Local Autonomy Charta.
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POPESCU, Alba-Iulia Catrinel. "THE EVOLUTION OF ECONOMIC RELATIONS BETWEEN ROMANIA AND THE SUB-SAHARAN STATES BEFORE DECEMBER 1989 AND IN THE FIRST TWO DECADES OF TRANSITION." Strategic Impact 80, no. 3 (February 2, 2022): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/1841-5784-21-19.
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The decolonization of sub-Saharan Africa was an opportunity intelligently speculated by the communist regime in Bucharest. Unlike the other communist states, regimented to the ideological current imposed by Moscow, Romania promoted an independent foreign policy and sought to establish economic relations with all developing states, regardless of their political orientation. But the events of December 1989 radically changed Romania’s policy towards sub-Saharan states. This article proposes an analysis of the way in which the economic relations between Romania and the sub-Saharan states evolved before the events of December 1989 and in the first two decades of the transition to a market economy.
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Ciobanu, Alina Mihaela. "The Impact of FDI on Economic Growth in Case of Romania." International Journal of Economics and Finance 12, no. 12 (November 25, 2020): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijef.v12n12p81.
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Foreign direct investment flows had increased worldwide over the last decades and many specialists think that there is a strong correlation among trade, FDI, labor force, and economic growth in the receiving countries. Based on available statistical data, we will examine the effects of FDI on GDP growth and the causality relations between GDP, trade openness, labor force, and FDI in case of Romania for the last decades. The ARDL bound testing approach is used to study the existence of a long-run relationship between FDI, trade, labor, and economic growth. Then the error-correction based Granger causality test is used to test the direction of causality between the variables. The results revealed that there is cointegration among the variables when real GDP and foreign direct investment are the dependent variables. Foreign direct investment, trade openness, and labor force are the main determinants of economic growth in the long run in Romania. In addition, the increase of gross domestic product, exports, imports and labor force promote foreign direct investment in the long run.
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Lefebvre, Bruno. "Posted workers in France." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 12, no. 2 (May 2006): 197–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890601200207.
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This contribution presents ongoing research that sets out to assess for the first time the situation of the foreign workers, from Europe and beyond, who work in France, in various economic sectors, as a result of the operation of networks of subcontractors. It appears that neither the legal framework nor the obligations of the foreign firms employing these workers are clear, in terms either of relations with government departments or of the legal arguments that may legitimately be invoked for the settlement of disputes. Trade unions, citizens' associations, locally elected officials and civil servants alike are strikingly ill-prepared to deal with this new phenomenon of the movement of workers in Europe.
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BOUILLON, Pierre. "La politique commerciale commune européenne, les tensions mondiales des années 1970 et la détente française en Roumanie: des dynamiques aux effets contradictoires?" Journal of European Integration History 26, no. 1 (2020): 139–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2020-1-139.
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The policy of trade liberalization led by the EEC and by France towards a state-trading country like Romania proved to be a specific issue with regard to the implementation of the European common trade policy. It was all the more complicated than the economic environment worsened from 1973 onwards and that protectionist measures became a more and more accurate danger. As a consequence, the goals of Romania, those of the European Commission and those of France interacted with each other in a complicated way. Moreover, that interaction evolved over the years as the French policy itself evolved regarding the processes it supported, namely the European construction in the West and the Détente towards the East. French diplomacy changed indeed in accordance with the new frame that was put in place inside the EEC. It was however confronted with several discrepancies between those two processes it wanted to link together.
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Zidaru, Marian. "The Position of NATO and Great Britain on the Crisis in Soviet-Romanian Relations During the Autumn 1968 As Reflected in British Documents." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 25, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 184–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2019-0030.
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Abstract During September-November 1968 there was a crisis situation in the Romanian-Soviet relations, generated by the criticism that the Romanian government formulated for the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia on August 23, 1968. This crisis came to the attention of decision-makers in the United Kingdom and Allied bodies within NATO. Both the British Cabinet and the representatives of the North Atlantic Alliance member countries held several meetings in which the issue of Romania and Yugoslavia was discussed in the context of Soviet threats. The Secretary of State of the Foreign Office visited Romania and discussed with Nicolae Ceauşescu, Ion Gheorghe Maurer and Corneliu Mănescu. This article aims to present debates within the NATO and the UK bodies on the political crisis in the Romanian-Soviet relations from the autumn of 1968 and the position adopted by them against a possible Soviet invasion in Romania and Yugoslavia.
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Senchenko, Mykola. "National bibliography in foreign countries." Вісник Книжкової палати, no. 8 (August 27, 2020): 3–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.36273/2076-9555.2020.8(289).3-11.
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In № 7 Bulletin of the Book Chamber the article "National bibliography today and tomorrow" was published, which focused on the current state and ways of development of the national bibliography (NB). The Book Chamber of Ukraine as a center of the national bibliography deals with the history and prospects of its development in the digital space of scientific knowledge, the formation and publication of chronicles of the current national bibliography. The article focuses on the history of the formation of the national bibliography in different countries, including Great Britain, USA, France, Germany, Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, Romania, the Czech Republic, Yugoslavia and others. It is noted that the current level of development of the National Library in the countries of this region is due to many factors, including the widespread introduction of information technology and computer technology in publishing and library activities, which necessitates the adaptation of bibliographic technologies to information needs. The result of automation of library and bibliographic processes was a computer bibliography based on the use of modern information technologies in bibliographic work. The relevance of her research is due to the fact that today it represents the highest level of development of bibliographic technologies.
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Sezer, Şerife, and Mahmut Masca. "An Analysis of Intra-Industry Trade with Some Selected European Union Countries in the Turkish Manufacturing Industry." Bulgarian Journal of International Economics and Politics 1, no. 2 (June 20, 2022): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.37075/bjiep.2021.2.03.
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This study aims to analyse intra-industry trade in the manufacturing industry sector with the EU countries, where Turkey has the most trade. The period of the study is 2000-2020. The countries examined are Germany, France, Netherlands, Italy, Spain, Poland, Belgium-Luxembourg, Sweden, Romania, Bulgaria, Greece, the Czech Republic, Portugal, Austria, Ireland, Denmark, and the UK. In the analysis, the Grubel Lloyd index was used, which is one of the widely applied static measurement methods in the literature. The study discusses intra-industry trade of manufacturing industry products according to the 3rd revision of the Standard International Trade Classification. According to the analysis results, when Turkey’s foreign trade is evaluated on a sectoral basis, it has been observed that high intra-industry trade is realized in product groups with low added value. Another result obtained is that intra-industry trade with the UK, Germany, France, Poland, Bulgaria and Romania reached high values. Keywords: Intra-industry Trade, Manufacturing Industry, Grubel Lloyd Index JEL: B17, F0, F5, F11, F14
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Dragišić, Olivera. "The Soviet Union, Allies and the beginning of “Sovietization” of Romania, 1944–1945." Tokovi istorije 30, no. 3 (December 31, 2022): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2022.3.dra.75-92.
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The article analyzes the beginning of the establishment of the socialist system in Romania, focusing on the Soviet and Allied role in setting up the people’s democratic system in this Eastern European country. In addition, the paper examines the dependence of Romanian communism on relations within the victorious, anti-fascist coalition. Th e aims at analyzing the basic processes and actors in the first months of the establishment of socialism in Romania. Regardless of the fact that in Romanian historiography the topic is solidly researched, in domestic historiography it can be considered necessary for understanding the development of Yugoslav socialism. The work is mainly based on the documents of Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS) series.
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Bohatyrets, Valentyna, Liubov Melnychuk, and Yaroslav Zoriy. "Thematic Priorities For Sustainable Development of Ukraine-Romania Cross-Border Cooperation (The Case Study of Chernivtsi Region)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 41 (June 26, 2020): 205–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2020.41.205-219.
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This paper seeks to investigate sustainable cross-border cooperation (CBC) as a distinctive model of interstate collaboration, embedded in the neighboring borderland regions of two or more countries. The focus of the research revolves around the establishment and further development of geostrategic, economic, cultural and scientific capacity of the Ukrainian-Romanian partnership as a fundamental construct in ensuring and strengthening the stability, security and cooperation in Europe. This research highlights Ukraine’s aspirations to establish, develop and diversify bilateral good-neighborly relations with Romania both regionally and internationally. The main objective is to elucidate Ukraine-Romania cross-border cooperation initiatives, inasmuch Ukraine-Romania CBC has been stirring up considerable interest in terms of its inexhaustible historical, cultural and spiritual ties. Furthermore, the similarity of the neighboring states’ strategic orientations grounds the basis for development and enhancement of Ukraine-Romania cooperation. The authors used desk research and quantitative research to conclude that Ukraine-Romania CBC has the impact not only on the EU and on Ukraine multi-vector foreign policy, but it also has the longer-term global consequences. In the light of the current reality, the idea of introducing and reinforcing the importance of Cross-Border Cooperation (CBC) sounds quite topical and relevant. This research considers a number of explanations for Ukraine-Romania Cross-Border Cooperation as a key element of the EU policy towards its neighbors. Besides, the subject of the research is considered from different perspectives in order to show the diversity and complexity of the Ukraine-Romania relations in view of the fact that sharing common borders we are presumed to find common solutions. As the research has demonstrated, the Ukraine-Romania cross border cooperation is a pivotal factor of boosting geostrategic, economic, political and cultural development for each participant country, largely depending on the neighboring countries’ cohesion and convergence. Significantly, there is an even stronger emphasis on the fact that while sharing the same borders, the countries share common interests and aspirations for economic thriving, cultural exchange, diplomatic ties and security, guaranteed by a legal framework. The findings of this study have a number of important implications for further development and enhancement of Ukraine-Romania cooperation. Accordingly, the research shows how imperative are the benefits of Romania as a strategic partner for outlining top priorities of Ukraine’s foreign policy.
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Bitkova, T. G. "Germany and Romania: historical, political and economic aspects of interaction." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2022): 235–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.02.13.
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Political and economic aspects of relations between Romania and Germany in the XXI century considered in the context of historical retrospective, including from the perspective of the dramatic events of the XX century. Brief information about the history of the emergence of the German community on the territory of Romania, its important role in the cultural and economic development of the regions of residence is presented. The latter contributes to the creation of a special atmosphere of today’s bilateral contacts, behind which is the policy of the Federal Republic of Germany to keep the German community in its current place of residence, which creates an additional incentive for trade and investment of German capital in Romania. A brief overview of cultural and humanitarian programs of the FRG, designed to promote not only the rallying of the German ethnic minority, but also the promotion of German culture in Romania, is given. Data are provided on the number and position of the vast community of Romanian labor migrants in Germany. The article notes that political contacts between countries are not limited to the EU and NATO, but are also developing on a bilateral basis. Particular attention is paid to the difference in the foreign policy approaches of the two countries on a number of issues. The causes and circumstances of the lack of complete mutual understanding are identified, among which pro-Americanism and the anti-Russian orientation of Romania’s foreign policy stand out, clearly manifested in connection with the problem of putting the Nord Stream-2 into operation. At the same time, attention is drawn to the strengthening of bilateral military cooperation in recent years within the framework of PESCO. The conclusion is made about the ambiguous nature of the Romanian-German relations against the background of the interest of the FRG in expanding its presence in Romania.
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Shokirov, Oybek. "LABOR DISPUTES AND THE PROCEDURE FOR THEIR RESOLUTION: FOREIGN EXPERIENCE." JOURNAL OF LAW RESEARCH 6, no. 9 (September 30, 2021): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9130-2021-9-5.
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The article discusses labor disputes and the procedure for their resolution in the sections of such countries as the USA, Canada, Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia, Romania and Croatia, France. In addition, using the comparative legal method, the labor legislation of the Republic of Uzbekistan was studied. In the course of the analysis, it was concluded that the Labor Code does not contain any limitation on the total number of employees included in the commission, now a labor dispute commission can be created at any, even a very small enterprise, the commission includes an equal number employee and employer representatives. In the context of the study of the category of collective labor disputes, the international experience of the ILO regarding collective bargaining practice was studied.Keywords:labor contract, ILO, UN, commission, labor dispute, employee, court, arbitration
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Munteanu, Mircea. "When the Levee Breaks: The Impact of the Sino-Soviet Split and the Invasion of Czechoslovakia on Romanian-Soviet Relations, 1967–1970." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 1 (January 2010): 43–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2010.12.1.43.
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Romania's position regarding the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968 was the culmination of almost a decade of increasingly autonomous moves vis-à-vis Moscow. Based on new evidence from the Romanian archives, this article paints a more complete picture of Nicolae Ceauşescu's reaction to the invasion of Czechoslovakia, placing it in the context of the international system and especially the Sino-Soviet split. Following the invasion, Romania remained just as committed as before to the goal of ensuring its maneuverability on the world scene, especially with regard to sovereignty and independence. Although Romanian leaders tried not to provoke the Soviet Union outright, they did not back down on important issues concerning Sino-Romanian relations and did not embrace Moscow's call for a common Warsaw Pact foreign policy. Romania did agree to certain compromises, but only because Ceauşescu believed that Romania would remain largely unaffected by them.
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GABOR, Gabriel. "US-ROMANIAN RELATIONS – STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP." INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONFERINCE "STRATEGIESXXI" 18, no. 1 (December 6, 2022): 229–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2971-8813-22-27.
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In this paper, we aim to analyze the evolution of the Strategic Partnership between Romania and the United States of America. Launched on 11 July 1997, the partnership was a political and diplomatic platform for cooperation between the two countries. The novelty of this article is the SWOT analysis of the Strategic Partnership but also it's deepening. We propose that the Strategic Partnership be institutionalized and instrumentalized in the form of a new format for cooperation and collaboration. One of the three pillars of our country's foreign policy is the privileged relationship with the United States of America, which must be deepened and developed. The Strategic Partnership concluded between Romania and the United States of America is the only certitude for our country to survive as a state, and to preserve its entire territory. This year we celebrate 25 years since this partnership emerged on the stage of History. Now, as we experience uncertain times marked by fierce geopolitical competition, it is high time we developed and formalized our Strategic Partnership. Not that we want to minimize NATO’s role, but the Alliance without the United States does not have the strength to oppose multiple challenges at international level. The Strategic Partnership strengthens our country’s profile, while being the certitude of our country’s preserving its territorial integrity, and full sovereignty. The bilateral relationship has become a model of diplomatic cooperation and has manifested itself in various domains, political, military, economic, informational, environmental, social, and cultural.
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Martin, Guy. "Continuity and Change in Franco-African Relations." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 1 (March 1995): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020826.
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While noticeable signs of change in relations between France and her former colonies in Africa began to appear in the post-cold war era, particularly since 1990, elements of continuity include their enduring historical and cultural ties; their informal, intimate, and secretive politico-diplomatic relations, typified by the bi-annual franco-African summit meetings; and the fact that when all is said and done, the contintent remains of great economic importance to France. As for the gradual process of democratisation which has swept throughout francophone Africa in recent years, there is evidence that this has been selectively supported by France according to criteria pertaining more to her core foreign-policy interests in Africa than to ideological, legalistic, or humanitarian considerations.
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Viciu, Tania Georgia, Larisa Mihoreanu, and Carmen Costea. "AN ESSAY ON THE APPLICABILITY OF THE LINDER HYPOTHESIS IN DETERMINING THE PATTERNS OF THE ROMANIAN INTERNATIONAL TRADE." Journal of Economic Development, Environment and People 5, no. 1 (March 28, 2016): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.26458/jedep.v5i1.130.
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The paper tries to shed light on the effectiveness of a previously proposed and wide accepted trade model and its consistency in developing economies such as Romania. The structure and evolution of the exports and imports of Romania in the last years have indicated an increase in the intra-industry trade, and concurrently, a shift towards the commerce in predominantly capital-intensive commodities. While the Linder theorem provides useful insight into the patters of international trade formation, the hypothesis that trade is proportionate with the demand and market similarities expressed by GDP per capita, does not test out for the data available for Romania and its main economic and commercial partners.The political and economic restrictions and opportunities generated by foreign relations in the region can be attributed with the role of trade-creating forces, rather than income similarities on the markets.
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Bourmaud, Daniel. "France in Africa: African Politics and French Foreign Policy." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, no. 2 (1995): 58–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502054.
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French policy in Africa is at a crossroads. Forced to consider among choices that appeared entrenched in the past, France now hesitates to implement essential reforms. The reluctance to carve out a new conception of French-African relations is in part tied to the magnitude of the changes which have affected African states south of the Sahara since 1989, but it is also tied to the generalized failure of French aid policies since the Second World War. The result has been a conceptual vacuum in French policy towards Africa, reflected in the oscillation between the old practices, including very controversial ones, and the structural adjustments in which France is little more than an interested observer.
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Cojocaru, Gheorghe. "The disarmament conference in Moscow from December 1922 and Romania." Revista de istorie a Moldovei, no. 3-4(131-132) (November 2022): 42–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.58187/rim.131-132.03.
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In the conditions of the international isolation of the Russian Government, at the initiative of the Soviet diplomacy in December 1922, a „disarmament conference” was held in Moscow, in which the states bordering Russia participated. Although it was invited, Romania did not respond to the invitation, because the Soviets refused to recognize the border on the Dniester. The tribune of the Moscow conference was used by Russian diplomacy for propaganda purposes. At the conference, the Romanian Government aimed to explore, through its ally Poland, the possibility of normalizing relations with the Russian Government, on the condition of recognizing its eastern border and the intention to give up the treasure seized in Moscow. During an exchange of views with Poland’s representative at the conference, Prince Radziwill, Deputy Commissar for Foreign Affairs M. M. Litvinov warned that Russia would demand a plebiscite in Bessarabia. A century later, a question remains, however, whether or not the Moscow conference was an occasion for a beginning of normalization of Russian-Romanian relations.
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Gmurczyk-Wrońska, Małgorzata. "France in International Relations of the Second Half of the 20th Century and the Early 21st Century – Priorities in Foreign Policy." Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 4, no. 44 (December 31, 2014): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2014.44.03.
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After the Second World War France lost temporarily her position as a decision-maker in international relations. Soon enough, though, her diplomacy adapted to a bipolar system. Her foreign policy was to manoeuvre between the USSR, the United States and Great Britain, and to jointly create the structures of future European Union. It was in the EU that France has found the place to strengthen her role of mediator and arbiter. Nowadays, the foreign policy of France has numerous continuities originating from the 19th century and the years of 1918 – 1939, but also some modifications related to new directions in French foreign policy and to the adaptation of its tactics to main purposes in order to secure France’s security, her strong position in the EU and in the world.
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ISBĂȘOIU, Iulian, and Nicoleta STANCA. "Grigore Nandriș. Bridging the East and the West through the History of Language, Culture, Religion." DIALOGO 8, no. 1 (November 2021): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.51917/dialogo.2021.8.1.11.
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In a recent context in which Romania is confronted with the problem of emigration, this article portrays the life and works of Grigore Nandriș (1895-1968), university professor and patriot, who offers an example of devotion to his profession and country that could be set as a standard for all the following generations. He defended Romania in the war, as a soldier, and then at home in the academia, at the University of Chernivtsi and abroad, in France, at the Romanian School at Fontenay-aux-Roses, and in England, at the School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University of London. Brilliant linguist, speaking 14 foreign languages, he left a considerable amount of books, articles, reviews, conferences on linguistics, folklore, religion, and culture, being mainly interested in establishing links between language and place and culture and neighbouring nations. And above all, Grigore Nandriș’s personality remains a landmark among scholars in his field and colleagues, friends, students, and followers, who admired his devotedness to the Romanian cause abroad.
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Boiechko, Vasyl. "From Scientific Work to Practical Diplomacy." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 169–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-8.
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Ukrainian-Romanian relations have in fact become the main subject of my professional life. I started as a historian during the Soviet Union times and later as a diplomat of Independent Ukraine from December of 1992. For almost 14 years out of 24 of my diplomatic service I worked first as political adviser at the Embassy of Ukraine in Romania (1994–1999), and then twice as Consul General of Ukraine in Romanian city of Suceava in 2001-2005 and in 2010–2014. I had the honour to open the Ukrainian consular office in Romania in 2001, which was unfortunately closed in 2014! It was a combination of pleasant moments with sad feelings. Due to a certain aggravation of relations between Ukraine and Romania in the middle of 1994, in particular the Transnistrian crisis, I was urgently appointed as a Counsellor at our Embassy in Bucharest. Thus, after a year and a half of joining the staff of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in July 1994 I left for a long-term diplomatic appointment to Romania. After the end of this assignment in November 1999, I was appointed as a deputy Head of the Secretariat of the new Minister for Foreign Affairs Borys I. Tarasiuk. In December 2001 I was appointed as the first Consul General of Ukraine in Suceava city. At that time, the Ukrainian-Romanian political relations were rather complicated. Occasionally, the Romanian side officially accused Ukraine of “non-fulfilment” of the basic bi-lateral political agreement, especially with regard to ensuring the cultural and educational rights of the Romanian minority in Ukraine, although the real situation was completely different. The first Consulate General of Ukraine in Romania which I had the honour to open, performed all the functions stipulated by our national Consular Statute. Our first concern was the provision of necessary support to citizens of Ukraine who visited Romania or lived in this country. My first Consular mission to Romania ended in 2005 and from September 2010 to November of 2014 I again represented Ukraine in Suceava. However, this time my working mood was not so uplifted. Then I remembered an advice of B. I. Tarasiuk, then already the deputy at our Verkhovna Rada, who said to me, “You have to serve Ukraine”. The distinctive thing about consular work is that its main aim is to protect the rights of Ukrainian citizens living or temporarily staying in the territory of a country of one’s appointment. Therefore, I paid special attention to this working direction. After returning from Romania, I worked for some time again as the Ambassador at large and reaching the retirement age in January 2016 I discontinued my diplomatic service by my own will, as I believed that young Ukrainian diplomats should have “space” for their career and professional growth. Keywords: Embassy of Ukraine in Romania, Consulate General of Ukraine in the Romanian city of Suceava, reminiscences, biography, diplomatic service of Ukraine.