Academic literature on the topic 'France – Foreign relations – Romania'
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Journal articles on the topic "France – Foreign relations – Romania"
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Berna, Ioana-Bianca. "Diplomația culturală şi re-clasarea relațiilor culturale România-Franța / Cultural Diplomacy and the Re-shaping of the Romanian-France Cultural Relations." Hiperboreea A2, no. 3-6 (January 1, 2013): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.2.3-6.0054.
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Abstract Cultural diplomacy has lesser aspects of monolithical sustainability, but it can have stronger gist production. Romania and France have always rebounded their relations in the court of cultural relations. Throughout this article, we will try to emphasize the sequel and tenor of cultural diplomacy in foreign policy and the sorts and medium it can have for solidarity rendering. Further, we will use these explanations in order to accent its proper usability in contemporary France-Romanian relations. We contend that the relaunching of the strategic partneship between Romania and France, opens new chances of predisposition for the avenues of cultural diplomacy. We will commence with the timely nearness between Romania and France in the last century and then, proceed with the lines of approach of cultural diplomacy in Romanian-France contemporary foreign policy affairs.
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Buriak, K. M. "FEATURES OF CONFLICT-OF-LAWS REGULATION OF INTERNATIONAL WORK RELATIONS." Constitutional State, no. 41 (March 17, 2021): 103–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2411-2054.2021.41.225615.
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The article provides a comprehensive legal study of the basic principles of conflict-oflaws and legal regulation of work, complicated by a foreign element. It is determined that work relations complicated by a foreign element include: work of local citizens with foreign employers outside their country; foreign business trips of citizens to work abroad; work at enterprises owned by foreign entrepreneurs on the territory of their state; work of foreigners in the host state. It is noted that conflict-of-laws issues in the field of work relations complicated by a foreign element arise due to the specifics of the national legislation of each of the countries and the inconsistency of private international law in this area. The article analyzes the peculiarities of work of foreigners in Austria, Brazil, Canada, China, Romania, USA, Tunisia, Hungary, Ukraine, France, Germany, Czech Republic, Sweden, Switzerland, Japan. Based on the analysis it is concluded that the working conditions of emigrants are regulated by Public Law Regulations, which are mandatory and less humane in their content than the general conditions established by the general labor legislation and collective agreements. Foreign workers are directly dependent on entrepreneurs due to threats of expulsion, language difficulties, lack of professional training and other reasons. It is characterized by free overtime work, non-provision of vacations and sick leave. The article describes the conflict-of-laws bindings, which regulate work relations complicated by a foreign element, namely: the law of the autonomous will of the parties, the law of the place of performing of work, the law of the location of the employer, the law of the place of conclusion of an employment contract, the principle of the employer's personal law, the law of citizenship (domicile), the law of the flag, the principle of the closest connection. The features of the operation of conflict-of-laws bindings regulating work relations complicated by a foreign element in countries of different legal families are considered
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Gârdan, Daiana, and Emanuel Modoc. "Mapping Literature Through Quantitative Instruments. The Case of Current Romanian Literary Studies." Interlitteraria 25, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 52–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/il.2020.25.1.6.
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Following a two-pronged line of argumentation, our article seeks to analyze and evaluate the current state of quantitative approaches applied to Romanian literature within the context and framework of one of the most prominent emergent fields of literary studies: quantitative formalism. Thus, on the one hand, the paper will attempt to present the most well-known lexicographic instruments currently used in quantitative studies in Romania (The Chronological Dictionary of the Romanian Novel from its Origins to 1989, The Chronological Dictionary of Translated Novels in Romania from its Origins to 1989, and The Bibliography of the Relations between Romanian Literature and Foreign Literatures in Periodicals 1919–1944), and, on the other, to employ the emerging methods that make use of these instruments, alongside their inherent limitations and the pragmatic issues that concern them) as a starting point for a debate on the current state of theoretical and critical approaches to the study of literature in the Romanian academic field. A selective and detailed application of the quantitative methodologies in question, as they are theorized by scholars such as Franco Moretti (“distant reading”) or Matthew L. Jockers (“macroanalysis”) will be another focal point of our paper, as it will seek to further illustrate the manner in which a meta-reflection on the approach itself can encourage the further development of quantitative methods in the study of Romanian literature.
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Miloiu, Silviu-Marian. "Editorial foreword." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, no. 2 (December 15, 2010): 127–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i2_1.
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This issue of Revista Română pentru Studii Baltice şi Nordice [The Romanian Journal of Baltic and Nordic Studies, RRSBN] crowns a year of steady progress in terms of number and quality of the programs and actions run by The Romanian Association for Baltic and Nordic Studies (ARSBN). The highlights of this year have been the first international conference for Baltic and Nordic Studies in Romania entitled Romania and Lithuania in the Interwar International Relations: Bonds, Intersections and Encounters, the opening of the exhibition dedicated to the 90th anniversary of the establishment of the Romanian-Finnish diplomatic relations (exhibition which has travelled since its first opening about 850 miles) and of the first Lithuanian exhibition displayed in a Romanian art gallery and the awarding of the title of Doctor Honoris Causa of Valahia University to Dr. Vladimir Jarmolenko, the Ambassador of Lithuania to Bucharest and Honorary Chairman of our Association. Besides, the members of the Association have been involved in research whose results have been disseminated in books, international and national conferences, thus contributing to the spreading of knowledge and the encouragement of debates on subjects close to its aims. The second issue of RRSBN also brings a novelty in the meaning that 2010 is the first year when the journal is published biannually as it will appear henceforth. Having been projected at the end of 2008, its first volume was published in November 2009. The articles published in this issue bring forth new documentary evidences and fresh interpretations upon a variety of topics regarding the history, the history of international relations or the history of commercial bonds of Baltic and Nordic European nations, in some cases in connection to the developments in the Black Sea area. In spite of the array of topics, some sections can be however distinguished. The first one encompasses the two articles signed by Costel Coroban and Veniamin Ciobanu regarding the role of Sweden in the international relations at the beginning of the 18th and of the 19th centuries when this power had to cope with its declining role in the international relations. After its defeat in the Battle of Poltava, Sweden gradually came to be regarded as the minor actor in the international diplomatic game in comparison with its more powerful neighbors of Britain, Russia or Napoleon’s France. The first article describes how Sweden tried to rise again to the status of Great Power with the financial support of the Jacobites and what were the international implications of the plot in which Swedish emissaries have allowed themselves to be engaged in Britain. Integrating a number of nine important archival documents, the second article proves the wide interest of Sweden regarding the international circumstances leading to the downfall of Imperial France in its attempt to adopt a wise foreign policy to compensate through the annexation of Norway for the loss of Finland to Tsarist Russia in 1809. Thus, Sweden was also looking to the developments of the Eastern Question and to the policies of Britain, France and Russia with regard to the Ottoman Empire.
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Esaulov, Serhii. "Foreign Policy of Hungary Towards Ukraine or “European Menu à la Carte”." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 603–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-35.
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The author raises the issue of settling conflicts around the world and discusses modern attempts to establish law and order. Particular attention is paid to the intricate relations between Hungary and Ukraine. With Russia’s aggression against Ukraine there was ruined a system of international relations, which provided for the rule of law, the right to settle disputes without applying military tools, force or threats. Russia initiated a new precedent of impunity, insolent violation of the fundamental norms of international law, and demonstrated the world how the borders may be redrawn as one sees fit and “bring historical justice”. The author notes that one of the reasons for the escalation of the conflict between Hungary and Ukraine has become the language issue. Still, however pity it is, all attempts of the Ukrainian side to resolve conflict matters have appeared to be vane, since Budapest is reluctant to listen to and consider any arguments of Kyiv, being fully distracted by its demand. It is hard to imagine that in civilized “old” Europe, Germany, for instance, would express claims or even threaten France for the fact that pupils in schools of the French region of Alsace (until 1918, its territory formed part of Germany that attempted to annex it at times of the Second World War) are taught in the official language – French, not in the language of the neighbouring country, even though the Alsatian and German languages are equally spoken there. Unfortunately, Hungary seems not to be ready to follow the example of the Franco-German reconciliation in terms of relations with all neighbours, despite the philosophy of its membership in the EU and NATO. The revenge-seeking attitudes of the Hungarian political establishment regarding the revision of borders according to the Versailles and Yalta systems of international relations are constantly boosted in all directions in the neighbouring countries, where ethnic Hungarians live (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine). The so-called “formula of protecting interests of Russian citizens in Crimea and Donbas” adopted from Putin has apparently laid the foundation for the foreign policy strategy of V. Orban. First, as regards the appeal to make the region of ethnic Hungarians’ residence autonomous and subsequently – the appeal to hold a referendum on separation. The author summarizes that along with the political and diplomatic efforts, a substantial role in easing the tension in relations with Budapest should be played by non-governmental organizations and the expert community though holding forums and scientific conferences aiming at discussing the above-mentioned issues. Keywords: Hungary, conflict, Law on Language, geopolitics, strategies, foreign policy, Ukraine.
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Skyrda, Tetiana. "FORMATION OF ACADEMIC MOBILITY FOR FUTURE BACHELORS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: THE CONTEXT OF BOLOGNA'S REFORMS." Educational Discourse: collection of scientific papers, no. 17(10) (November 25, 2019): 54–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.33930/ed.2019.5007.17(10)-5.
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Among the peculiarities of the professional training of future bachelors in international relations in NAU are the following: a focus on a high level of fundamental and practical training; formation of general and specific competences of a future specialist in the field of international economic, legal and information activity; providing up-to-date knowledge of the basic principles and norms of international business and law; providing deep knowledge of the theory and practice of international relations, acquiring the skills to successful advancement into the world markets with the competitive national products, analysis of market conditions, formation of foreign language competence. Analysis of the documents of the Bologna process, including the Bologna Joint Declaration (Italy, 1999), the Copenhagen Declaration (Denmark, 2001), the Bergen Communiqué (Norway, 2005), the London Communiqué (United Kingdom, 2007), the Leuven Communiqué (Belgium, 2009), Budapest The Vienna Declaration (Hungary Austria, 2010), the materials of the Bucharest Conference and the Third Bologna Forum (Romania, 2012), the Paris Communiqué (France, 2018), indicate that mobility is one of its important goals and tools. The documents of the Bologna Process, as well as the legislative and legal support of Ukraine, create the basis for the formation of academic mobility of NAU students, including bachelors in international relations.
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Chikhachev, Aleksei. "The European Turn in France’s Arms Export." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 20, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran220218592.
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This article analyzes a new trend in the arms export policy of modern France – an increasing share of European countries in the geographical structure of sales. Based on statistics and examples, regional priorities of French export before Emmanuel Macron’s presidency are identified; the reasons for the turn towards Europe at present stage and its possible limits are studied. The author draws attention to the fact that until recently, the Middle East and Asia have been key partners of France, providing two thirds of international demand for the products of French defense industry. However, today their role is declining in favor of the EU countries: Belgium, Romania, Greece, etc., with which Paris has signed a series of major contracts in 2018–2021. This development primarily stems from a difficult foreign policy context forcing the EU members to allocate more funds for defense needs, as well as from temporary difficulties in France’s relations with Middle Eastern clients. The author concludes that the «Europeanization» of sales is likely to continue but it is too early to talk about a full reorientation of French exports towards Europe. A more realistic task Paris de facto solves is to balance its export structure by diversifying the range of customers.
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Zhytariuk, Mar’yan. "Ukraine-Czechoslovakian and Ukraine-Romanian Relations in the Interpretation of the Magazine “Dilo” (Lviv)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 37-38 (December 20, 2018): 198–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2018.37-38.198-207.
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The Lviv daily “Dilo”, as well as the Ukrainian press in Galicia, Bukovina, Volyn and Transcarpathia in the interwar period, could not keep a way from the numerous and systematic facts of Ukrainophobia and immediately responded to the form available to it, mainly as digest and translations of foreign publications about Ukrainians and Ukrainian ethnic land.
Thirties of the Twentieth century entered the Ukrainian history under the sign of Polish “pacification” in Eastern Galicia (there were also the petitions of Ukrainian and British representations to the League of Nations), artificially created famine and genocide in Soviet Ukraine, the Bolshevik terror (not only against the national Ukrainian intellectuals, but also against the Ukrainian leadership of the Communist Party of the Bolsheviks), the German propaganda concerning the prospects of independent Ukraine and other significant phenomena, which formed together the basis of the "Ukrainian problem". All this in general was reflected by the European press (Great Britain, Germany, France, Switzerland, Belgium, Austria, Italy) and the US press, Canada, Japan. At the same time, from the standpoint of advocacy and sympathy, there was hardly any publication in the press of Czechoslovakia, Poland, Romania (except for Ukrainian-language editions), in the Soviet periodicals, however the governments of these countries were interested in further weakening and leveling of Ukrainian ethnic, mental, religious, historical and other factors that could cement Ukrainians nationally.
Keywords: magazine “Dilo” (Lviv), interethnic relations, Bukovyna, Galychyna, interwar period
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Kalinkova, Sabrina. "Bulgarian economy as a producer of intermediate goods for the European Union." University Economic Bulletin, no. 48 (March 30, 2021): 97–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2306-546x-2021-48-97-102.
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Relevance of research topic. In conditions of globalization, the economic development of a country depends a lot on its relations with the rest of the world. When using economic indicators, including the "foreign trade balance" one, their correct interpretation is of particular importance. Formulation of the problem. The research interest should be focused not only on the volume of exports and imports in monetary terms, but also on its structure. It is a question of what production (goods and services) the Bulgarian economy exports (respectively imports), as well as where it exports (from where the Bulgarian economy imports). Setting the task, the purpose of the study. This report aims to present the Bulgarian economy in its role of producer and supplier of intermediate products for the countries of the European Union. Method or methodology for conducting research. The study is based on the use of the input-output model and in particular the symmetric input-output tables provided by the World Input-Output Database. Presentation of the main material (results of work). This report presents the results of the study of volume and structure of exports of the Bulgarian economy as a producer and supplier of intermediate goods, directed to the countries of the European Union. The interactions with the following countries were analyzed: Austria, Belgium, Germany, Denmark, Spain, France, Great Britain, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, and Romania. Some of the member states of the European Union are not included. The reason for this is the lack of interactions between them and the Bulgarian economy, based on the provision of intermediate products. Conclusions according to the article. The study presents only one aspect of the foreign economic relations that take place between Bulgaria and the European Union. For the most part, the relations between Bulgaria and the other economies in the European Union are based mainly on industries related to the supply of resources. Services and products with a final degree of readiness are provided to a much lesser extent.
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Varlamova, M. "Cross-cultural aspects of business negotiations." Galic'kij ekonomičnij visnik 72, no. 5 (2021): 103–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.33108/galicianvisnyk_tntu2021.05.103.
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The features of conducting business negotiations with foreign partners, taking into account the influence of cultural factors are investigated in this paper. The systematization of approaches to understanding business negotiations is performed and it is determined that business negotiations are bilateral or multilateral processes of communication, as a result of which a joint decision concerning business interests realization is made. Scientific approaches to the cultures grouping by certain features, particularly, E. Hall, G. Hofstede and R. Lewis, Florence Clachon and Fred Strodbeck, D. Pinto, R. Gesteland, F. Trompenaars and C. Hampden-Turner are considered. Analysis of the manifestation of certain cultural features in relation to the representatives of the countries with which Ukraine currently has the most developed trade and economic relations is carried out. Accordingly, the probability of the need to negotiate the foreign economic activity implementation is rather high. The following countries are selected among them according to 2020 statistics: China, Poland, India, Spain, Italy, Russia, Belarus, Egypt, the Netherlands, Germany, Romania, Turkey, Hungary, USA, Belgium, Israel, Indonesia, Iraq, Moldova, Saudi Arabia, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, France and the Czech Republic. Using Hert Hofstede's approach and his theory of cultural dimensions for the listed countries, the indicators characterizing the manifestation of the distance of power, individualism, masculinity, avoidance of uncertainty, long-term orientation and indulgence are analyzed. The countries which cultures are the closest to Ukraine’s one are identified according to the above mentioned methodology, and, consequently, the construction of communications with their representatives is more understandable and is characterized by lower probability of misunderstandings due to cultural factors. For other countries the cultural features similar and different from Ukraine ones are defined. Taking into account these features, recommendations for planning and conducting business negotiations with representatives of other countries, aimed at increasing the benefits and opportunities for Ukraine in the process of making joint decisions with partners are given.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "France – Foreign relations – Romania"
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Bouillon, Pierre-Hubert. "Entre partenaires et adversaires, une ouverture asymétrique et stratégique : la France face à la Roumanie et à la Hongrie (1968-1977)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA010690.
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La France, durant la détente, mena une politique étrangère qui mit à profit les déviations internes de la Hongrie et internationales de la Roumanie par rapport à l'URSS. La politique française poursuivit des objectifs à la fois bilatéraux et multilatéraux : elle inscrivit son action dans un cadre hérité du passé, mais aussi dans un processus mouvant, celui d'Helsinki. Cette époque s'avéra une transition d'un point de vue aussi bien international que national : de la crise tchécoslovaque en 1968 au regain de tensions dans la seconde moitié des années 1970, les vecteurs d'influence de la France dans l'ancienne Europe centrale et oriental évoluèrent et s'enrichirent. Un partenariat difficile fut mis en place avec la Roumanie, qui avait entretenu de liens politiques étroits avec la France avant sa satellisation par l'URSS. Quant à la Hongrie, un dialogue naquit avec elle. Les limites des relations culturelles et militaires furent à l'inverse patentes. Ces deux démocraties populaires furent en effet perçues en France à travers tout un spectre de représentations, qui allait de l'adversaire militaire et idéologique au partenaire diplomatique pouvant converger avec l'Ouest. A contrario, les rapports économiques acquirent une signification croissante et furent encadrés par l'État. Ils répondirent à la volonté politique de développer les industries de haute-technologie en France, de s'opposer l'hégémonie des États-Unis en la matière, et de mettre à profit l'asymétrie de développement entre l'Est et l'Ouest pour saper la domination de l'URSS sur son glacis. En dépit de divergences au sein de l'État l'ouverture française fut ainsi menée de manière globalement cohérenteFrance, during the "détente", led a foreign policy which took advantage of Hungary's and Romania' peculiarities compared to the USSR, Bucharest as for the international and Budapest as for the domestic policies. The French aims were both bilateral and multilateral. The French policy was developed in framework inherited from the past, but in a more fast-changing framework too, the Helsinki process. The period appeared to be a transition from the international and national points of view: from the Czechoslovak crisis in 1968 to the new tensions du ring the second half of the 1970s, the French way to influence former Central European countries changed and was enhanced. A difficult partnership was set up with Romania which country France had politically influenced before 1945, and a dialog created with Hungary. However concerning cultural and military relations, limitations were obvious. Indeed, these two people's democracies were seen in France through a whole spectrum of representations, from a military and ideological adversary to a diplomatic partner which was maybe able to converge with the West. On the contrary, economic relation became more and more important and were strongly supported by the government. Those relations were linked to a political determination to develop high-technology industries in France, to resist the United State hegemony in those fields and to undermine the Soviet rule on its empire by taking advantage of the asymmetrical level of development between the East and the West. Therefore, in spite of differences am on the state's administrations, the way the French relations were opened up to the East proved to be mostly consistent
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Davis, Robert Chris. "Certifiably Romanian : national belonging and contested identity of the Moldavian Csangos 1923-85." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669924.
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Estienne, Georgiana. "Les relations culturelles franco-roumaines dans l’entre-deux-guerres." Thesis, Paris 4, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA040208.
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Les deux décennies bornées par la Première et la Seconde Guerres mondiales furent une période particulièrement prospère pour les échanges culturels entre France et Roumanie. La situation politique et l’orientation diplomatique des deux pays concourent alors à renforcer les liens qui les unissent. La fin de la Première Guerre mondiale est marquée par l’achèvement du processus d’union nationale en Roumanie, et la création d’une entité territoriale élargie : la Grande Roumanie. Au même moment, la France, principal allié de la Roumanie, s’impose au cœur de la politique continentale. Entre les deux pays, des relations culturelles qui remontent à la fin du XVIIIe siècle s’intensifient, pour atteindre leur apogée avant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Ces relations reposent tout à la fois sur des initiatives personnelles, institutionnelles et étatiques, et bénéficient fortement du resserrement des relations diplomatiques entre la France et la Roumanie. Soucieuses de développer leur influence, la France et la Roumanie financent considérablement leur activité culturelle. La France, tout particulièrement, développe une politique de rayonnement, et s’appuie pour cela sur une opinion publique roumaine gagnée depuis longtemps à la francophilie ; dans un même temps, la présence roumaine s’affirme à Paris : la ville attire écrivains et artistes roumains. Fondée sur la lecture et l’analyse d’un ensemble de sources archivistiques disponibles (archives nationales, archives diplomatiques, archives privées, en France et en Roumanie), notre étude vise à restituer l’intensité et la densité des échanges culturels entre la France et la Roumanie pendant l’entre-deux guerresThe two decades between the First and the Second World Wars were a thriving period for the cultural exchanges between France and Romania. The political situation and the diplomatic orientation of the two countries converged in reinforcing the ties between them. The end of the First World War was marked by the completion of the national unification process in Romania and the creation of a larger territorial entity: the Great Romania. Meanwhile, France, Romania’s main ally, imposed itself in the centre of the continental politics. Started at the end of the 18th century, the cultural relations between the two countries intensified and reached a peak before the Second World War. These relations were built on personal, institutional as well as on State initiatives and they highly benefited from the tightening of the political relations between France and Romania. Concerned about developing their influence, France and Romania financially backed their cultural activity. France, in particular, developed a policy of rayonnement that was supported by the public opinion long drawn to francophilia. Meanwhile, the Romanian presence became more important in Paris: the city attracted Romanian writers and artists. Based on the reading and analysis of the body of the available sources (national archives, diplomatic archives, private archives in both France and Romania), our study aims at reconstituting the intensity and density of the cultural exchanges between France and Romania during the inter-war period
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Denca, Sorin Stefan. "European integration and foreign policy in Central and Eastern Europe : the cases of Hungary, Slovakia and Romania." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1462/.
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This thesis examines the impact of Europeanization on the foreign policy of the new member states of the European Union, using as case studies Hungary, Slovakia and Romania. It asks what the extent of Europeanization of foreign policy is and whether and to what extent there has been divergence in the way in which the new member states have responded to the similar constraints and opportunities of the European integration. Insofar as divergence can be identified, a third research question asks why there is policy divergence. It argues that the governmental politics and the politics of national identity play a key role as mediating factors for the Europeanization of the system of policy making, the process of elite socialization and the conduct of foreign policy itself. Three critical international events are used as sub-case studies in order to assess the extent of Europeanization of foreign policy of the CEE counties: the US-led war in Iraq in 2003, the NATO airstrikes against Yugoslavia in 1999 and the Kosovo declaration of independence in 2008. The study’s findings suggest that the pressures of Europeanization leads to convergence in some policy areas, but domestic factors such as governmental and national identity politics offer a more convincing explanation of divergence. Overall, Europeanization is uneven not only across issue-areas, but also across countries. The limits of convergence as an outcome of Europeanization and the persistence of diversity are therefore best accounted for by the diversity of domestic factors.
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Albers, Martin. "The policies of Britain, France and West Germany towards the People's Republic of China, 1969-1982." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708129.
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Styan, David A. "Franco-Iraqi relations and Fifth Republic foreign policy, 1958-1990." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/15/.
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This study analyses the evolution of France's relations with Iraq since 1958. It seeks to understand the motivations behind French government, state and private sector interests in Iraq. This is done in the dual context of France's economic rivalry with other western powers in the Middle East, and the Iraqi state's attempts to follow an independent foreign policy while using its oil revenues to rapidly industrialise and arm itself. The text first charts France's rivalry with Britain in the ex-Ottoman empire and its fears of Anglo-American domination of oil supplies. It then demonstrates that while France's early links with Israel continued under President De Gaulle, by the mid sixties they had been eclipsed by the commercial importance of trade with Arab states. The core text then focuses on France's relationship with Iraq since 1958, the year in which new governments came to power in both states. Despite the 1972 nationalisation of the Iraq Petroleum company, in which France had a 25% stake, French politicians and businessmen nevertheless gained favourable access to oil supplies, greatly increasing their exports of defence and high technology products, including a nuclear reactor, to Iraq during the seventies. The Iran-Iraq war (1980-88) intensified both bilateral trade links and the indebtedness of Iraq to France. By the mid-eighties what become a de-facto alliance generated severe problems for France's middle eastern policies, particularly towards Iran. The central themes of the study are the processes of foreign policy formation in France, and the extent and impact of economic interests underlying policy making. The thesis argues that substantial state ownership in France's oil, defence and aeronautical industries, coupled with the common interests and interpretations of a relatively homogeneous and interconnected corps of businessmen, politicians and civil servants, helps explain the continuity of French policy in the region. This is seen to be true despite the change of government (from Gaullist to Socialist) in France in May 1981.
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Gale, Caitlin Maria. "Beyond Corsairs : the British-Barbary relationship during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1cdea6da-7ca9-4728-bef5-59e6850dbb73.
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The North African Barbary States are usually dismissed as an unimportant, though bothersome, pirate base of little consequence in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. This thesis challenges that idea by providing qualitative and quantitative evidence of Barbary's role in trade and diplomacy during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, especially as it affected Britain and how the British were able to carry out their military and political goals in the Mediterranean. The study is based on the correspondence between the British government and its military leaders in the region, the correspondence and reports generated by British consuls working in Barbary, import/export records, and a database tracking British shipping to and from North Africa during the conflict. To the British, Barbary was not an irritation but an asset. Britain was able to manage Barbary's trade and foreign policy over the course of the twenty-three-year conflict. This was accomplished in two key ways: as a source of supplies for British forces and through the diplomatic role provided by Britain's extensive consul network. Though the North African states were neutral for the majority of both wars, Britain worked strenuously to maintain and increase its trade and diplomacy with Barbary for the benefit of the British armed forces. British trade with Barbary, supported by the British-Barbary diplomatic relationship, directly contributed to British successes in the Mediterranean and Iberian Peninsula.
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Condren, John. "Louis XIV et le repos de l'Italie : French policy towards the duchies of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, 1659-1689." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8259.
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Between 1659 and 1689, northern Italy was generally at peace, having endured almost three decades of continuous war from the 1620s. The Peace of the Pyrenees of November 1659, between the French and Spanish crowns, seemed to offer the young Louis XIV an opportunity to gradually subvert Spanish influence over the small princely families of the Po valley. The Houses of Farnese, Este, and Gonzaga-Nevers, respective rulers of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, had all been allies of France at various points in the Franco-Spanish War (1635-1659), but had gained scant reward for their willingness to jeopardise their own relationships with the king of Spain and the Holy Roman Emperor, despite the promises of material and diplomatic support which Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin had extended to them. As a consequence, they were reluctant to agree to again participate in alliances with France. This thesis examines how Louis XIV gradually came to lose the friendship of these three ruling families, through his arrogant disregard of their interests and their ambitions, and also by his contempt for their capabilities and usefulness. This disregard was frequently born out of the French monarch's unwillingness to jeopardise or to undermine his own interests in Italy – in particular, the permanent retention of the fortress of Pinerolo, in Piedmont, as a porte onto the Po plain. But although the principi padani comprehended the reasons for Louis's unwillingness to act as a benevolent patron, they resented his all-too-palpable distrust of them; his entrenched belief that they were unreliable; and his obvious love of war. The rulers and élites of the Italian states believed that Louis would undoubtedly seek, at some point in his reign, to attack Spain's possessions in Italy, and dwelt in perpetual dread of that day. This thesis provides the account of French policy towards the small Italian states after 1659 which is still absent from the historiography of Louis XIV's foreign policies.
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Marks, Martha Staley. "United States policy toward Tunisian nationalism during World War II." PDXScholar, 1985. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3664.
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This thesis has attempted to describe the controversy between Robert Murphy and Hooker Doolittle over American policy toward the North Africans and French during World War II. The research was based primarily on material from State Department documents found in the National Archives supplemented by material from the French archives as well as memoirs, personal interviews, and histories of the period. In order for the reader to understand this particular dispute, the problem was developed in the context of the larger political scene as it evolved in North Africa. The controversy between de Gaulle and Giraud was described since it tended to dominate relations between the United States and France at that time. As a result of the research, it was obvious that Murphy's position prevailed, but not without raising important questions about the long term implications of this position.
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Ivan, Ruxandra. "La politique étrangère roumaine, 1990-2006: acteurs, processus et résultats." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210728.
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Cette thèse se propose de répondre à la question suivante: quels sont les facteurs qui influencent les décisions stratégiques de la politique étrangère roumaine? Il y a trois séries de facteurs qui ont été considérées. La première concerne les facteurs liées aux héritages historiques, qui sont examinés sous le double aspect des évènements concrets et des mentalités. La deuxième série de facteurs se réfère aux influences internes sur la prise des décisions: architecture institutionnelle et légale, partage des compétences, relations informelles entre les détenteurs des fonctions relevantes pour la politique étrangère roumaine, partis politiques et opinion publique. Finalement, la troisième série de variables concerne les facteurs externes au système politique. Deux dimensions sont ici examinées: une dimension géopolitique, qui vise la distribution de la puissance, et une dimension institutionnelle, qui détermine le poids des organisations internationales et régionales dans la prise des décisions.Doctorat en sciences politiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Books on the topic "France – Foreign relations – Romania"
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Paris-Bucharest, Bucharest-Paris: Francophone writers from Romania. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2012.
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W, Treptow Kurt, and Ionescu Mihail E, eds. Romania and Euro-Atlantic integration. Iaşi, Romania: Center for Romanian Studies, 1999.
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Constantinesco, Nicholas. Romania in harm's way, 1939-1941. Boulder: East European Monographs, 2004.
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Constantinesco, Nicholas. Romania in harm's way, 1939-1941. Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 2005.
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Romania in harm's way, 1939-1941. Boulder: East European Monographs, 2004.
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Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation. Romania. Ottawa, Ont: Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation, 1997.
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Ionel Brătianu: Romania. London: Haus Pub., 2011.
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Haynes, Rebecca. Romanian policy towards Germany, 1936-40. London: Macmillan Press, 2000.
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Romania and the Great Powers, 1933-40. Durham: Duke University Press, 1989.
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Romania and the contemporary world. Iași: Institutul European, 1996.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "France – Foreign relations – Romania"
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Abazi, Enika. "Kosovo and France Bilateral Relations." In Kosovo’s Foreign Policy and Bilateral Relations, 130–58. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003371588-7.
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Reeder, Tyson. "Britain, France, and the Road to War." In The Routledge History of U.S. Foreign Relations, 133–47. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003034889-13.
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Bergmane, Una. "Consulting Foreign Affairs Archives in France and America." In Resources and Applied Methods in International Relations, 33–41. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-61979-8_3.
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Krotz, Ulrich. "Historical Construction, International Relations Theory, and Foreign Policy." In History and Foreign Policy in France and Germany, 24–40. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230353954_3.
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Tsurkan, Kristina V. "The problem of unification of the Romanian principalities in 1859 in Romanian historiography." In Slavs and Russia: Problems of Statehood in the Balkans (late XVIII - XXI centuries), 75–84. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2618-8570.2020.06.
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The study aims to describe one of the key and crucial events in the national history of modern Romania from the Romanian historiography's perspective. The author analyses the creation of a unitary state as a result of the unification of the Romanian Principalities of Moldova and Wallachia in 1859 under the leadership of Alexandru Ioan Cuza, who was elected as the ruler in each of those regions. This research provides valuable information on the issue of the Romania-Russia relations in the period of 1858–1862, when according to the Paris Convention of 7/19 August 1858 objective external conditions were created not only for the unification of the Romanian principalities, but also for the administrative reorganization and expansion of independence of the unitary Romanian state. The unification of the Romanian principalities, which in foreign policy terms was accompanied by a clash of interests of major powers (the Austrian, Ottoman, Russian Empires, Great Britain, and France), took place in those specific conditions that were not suitable for Russia's positions in Southeastern Europe and the Balkans. Nevertheless, the historiography does not question the role of Russian foreign policy as a factor that contributed to the international recognition of the young Romanian state, as well as the significance of the diplomatic activities of the Russian consuls in Bucharest and Jassy. That is why the introduction of Russian diplomatic reports that reflect the attitude of Russian consuls to Prince Cuza's policy and their connection with the Romanian elite is still a crucial task for historiography.
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Dawson, William Harbutt. "(1871–1887) Foreign Relations—(i) France." In The German Empire 1867–1914, 79–115. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351059916-3.
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Minzarari, Dumitru. "Romania." In The Nations of NATO, 300–321. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192855534.003.0014.
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Abstract The chapter looks into Romania’s policy vis-à-vis NATO, suggesting that it has been guided by narrowly defined interest rather than value-driven considerations. For this purpose, the chapter examines Romania’s threat perception before it joined the Alliance and today. It argues that NATO remains a central tenet of Romania’s foreign and defence policy, in particular following 2014 Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. It also looks at the country’s perception of NATO and at Romania’s specific relations with certain NATO allies, both in its region and beyond; by doing so, the chapter sheds light on Romania’s contribution towards the Alliance’s relevance and cohesion. It explores the country’s domestic politics, public attitudes towards the Alliance and the values it carries, as well as how these might have affected Romania’s policy choices within NATO. Furthermore, drawing on Alliance theory, the chapter argues that Romania is less concerned by entrapment (in an unwanted war) than by abandonment (from the allies). Finally, the chapter considers the issue of domestic populism. It indicates that, despite major efforts by the Romanian authorities, emerging anti-Western and anti-liberal sentiments within Romania’s population may in the long run affect the country’s relations with NATO and therefore its perceived (or real) relevance and cohesion.
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"The provisional state and 'eternal France'. Franco-German relations, 1963–9." In German Foreign Policy, 211–31. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203066300-17.
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Bitkova, Tatiana N. "Features of the foreign policy of Romania." In Central and South-Eastern Europe in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries: researches and documents, 240–53. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences; Nestor-Istoriia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2712-8342.2021.2.16.
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The main part of this chapter is devoted to the consideration of the Euro-Atlantic direction of Romanian foreign policy. A brief overview of foreign policy under the administrations of the four presidents is given. The core idea that stands out is that, despite some nuances of foreign policy preferences of various presidential teams, Romania throughout the post-communist period firmly adhered to the course of participation in Euro-Atlantic structures. The chapter touches on important aspects of regional cooperation from the point of view of Romania's geopolitical ambitions: relations with the Republic of Moldova, Ukraine, and Hungary. The country's foreign policy priorities are determined by taking into account its active “pro-Americanism” and complicated relations with Russia, which have resulted from negative perception of the latter's foreign policy. The main contours of Romania's foreign policy are also examined through the prism of public opinion, including statements by representatives of nationalist groups that negatively assess the Euro-Atlantic priorities of Romanian foreign policy.
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Boșcan, Liliana. "Diplomatic and Economic Relations Between Kingdom of Romania and Republic of Turkey During the Atatürk Period (1923-1938)." In Turkish Foreign Policy During Ataturk’s Era 1920-1938, 129–59. Istanbul University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.26650/b/aa09.2021.009.04.
Full textConference papers on the topic "France – Foreign relations – Romania"
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Ardıl, Cemal. "Turkey - Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organization: Foreign Trade Relations during the 1996-2012 Period." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00661.
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This paper presents the regional economic relations between Turkey and Black See Economic Cooperation Organization (BSEC). The Heads of State and Government of eleven countries: Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Georgia, Greece, Moldova, Romania, Russia, Turkey and Ukraine signed the Summit Declaration and the Bosphorus Statement giving birth to the Black Sea Economic Cooperation on 25 June 1992, in Istanbul. On 5 June 1998, the Heads of State or Government signed the BSEC Charter, came into force on 1 May 1999 BSEC has evolved into an international regional organization for economic cooperation. The organization has 12 members since Serbia joining the organization in 2004. It came into existence as a unique and promising model of multilateral political and economic initiative aimed at fostering interaction and harmony among the Member States, as well as to ensure peace, stability and prosperity encouraging friendly and good-neighbourly relations in the Black Sea region. Countries bordering the Black Sea, Balkan and Caucasus formed the BSEC countries cover an area of approximately 20 million square kilometer and represent more than 350 million people. The region with the foreign trade volume of U.S. $ 300 billion per year draws attention to the rich natural resources; and is the main European energy and transport corridor transfer. The Black Sea region is a contested neighbourhood and the subject of intense debates and conflicts in the globe. Also, this reflects the changing dynamics of the Black Sea region, its complex realities, the interests of outsiders and the region’s relations with the rest of the globe. Moreover, its strategic position, linking north to south and east to west, as well as its oil, gas, transport and trade routes are all important reasons for its increasing relevance. Turkey's foreign trade volume with BSEC member countries is steadily increasing as per the findings over the period of 1996-2012.
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LOVIN, Daniel, and Alexandru CĂPĂȚÎNĂ. "CONFIGURATIONAL STUDY ON THE ANTECEDENT CONDITIONS THAT AFFECT THE ADAPTATION TO A SPECIFIC CULTURAL CONTEXT USING THE QCA METHOD." In International Management Conference. Editura ASE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24818/imc/2021/04.04.
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We live in an increasingly globalized world where intercultural interactions are increasingly present both in everyday life and within organizations. For many years, sport has become a symbol for what multiculturalism means. Sport is a global phenomenon, put into action by individuals from all over the world and watched everywhere. This article aims to address the issue of cultural intelligence in sport. Using the fsQCA method, this article shows the extent to which the four dimensions of cultural intelligence influence the adaptation of athletes to a new specific cultural context. Specifically, based on a questionnaire, it was analyzed how foreign athletes adapt in France and Romania. Although the work is done on a sample of athletes, the results could be extrapolated to other types of organizations.
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Densmaa, Oyuntsetseg, Gerelchimeg Kaliinaa, Norovsuren Nanzad, and Tsogzolboo Otgonbayar. "MONGOLIA’S “THIRD NEIGHBOR POLICY”." In Proceedings of the XXV International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25012021/7365.
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Geographically Mongolia has two neighbors. Mongolia’s existence today depends largely on mutually friendly relationships with two big neighbors. The main pillars of Mongolia’s new international strategy were incorporated in Mongolia’s National Security Concept adopted on June 30, 1994. This document, approved by the Mongolian Parliament, emphasizes a balanced policy towards the country’s two giant neighbors, underlines the importance of economic security in protecting Mongolia’s national integrity, and warns about too much dependence on any one country for trade. In today’s world of globalization and interdependence, Mongolia has to engage with other countries beyond these two neighbors, Russia and China. This is fundamental thing of the Mongolia’s searching third neighbor. Mongolia needs more friends to ensure its national security interests and achieve economic prosperity its ‘Third Neighbor Policy’1 is a policy of extending its friends all around the world. Two immediate neighbors of Mongolia, Russia and China, remain the foreign policy priority and this priority is not contradictory to the policy of having more friends. Mongolia is becoming an arena of clashes of economic interests of developed countries, multinational corporations due its rich mining deposits. Mongolia's Third Neighbor Policy is aimed to leverage the influence of neighboring countries in the national security issues of Mongolia. In contrast with other satellite states of the former Soviet Union, Mongolia concurrently instituted a democratic political system, a market-driven economy, and a foreign policy based on balancing relations with Russia and China while expanding relations with the West and East. Mongolia is now pursuing a foreign policy that will facilitate global engagement, allow the nation to maintain its sovereignty, and provide diplomatic freedom of maneuver through a “third neighbor” policy. 2 This policy is very much alive today but there is no reason to claim that its implementation is satisfactory. Mongolia has major investors from the US, Japan, Germany and France from the EU, for example. There are many universal conventions related to landlocked country. For Mongolia, access to sea via our two neighbors, means promoting economic ties with the third neighbors, as an important factor conducive to reinforcing the material foundations of Mongolia’s third neighbor policy.
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Miqdad oğlu Mustafayev, Beşir, and Elif Yıldız İbrahim kızı Yüce. "Correspondence between the Ottomans and Sheikh Shamil during the Crimean War: in the light of archival documents." In IV INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH CONFERENCE. https://aem.az/, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/2021/02/02.
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Our aim in this research is to discuss the correspondence with the Ottoman State during the Crimean War, as well as the opposition of Sheikh Shamil, with whom the Russians encountered during their invasion of the North Caucasus. Crimea is a Turkish country, has historically been a place of invasion by various foreign forces due to its geographical location and strategic location. The growing appetite of the Tsarist Russian Empire, the main purpose of which was to capture Istanbul and the right to vote in the straits, led to the beginning of the Crimean War. The Russian leadership began the war, by taking advantage of the privileges granted by the Ottomans to Christians Catholics in Jerusalem, the Armenians in Anatolia and the Greek Greeks. Although the Ottomans ended their relations with the Russians, but the Russian army went on a new offensive. Despite the fact that they did not openly declare war, they captured Eflak (Romania) and Bogdan (Moldova). On October 4, 1853, the Ottoman State declared war on Tsarist Russia. On the other hand, as far as the interests and power of the Ottoman State in Crimea were weakened, the Turkish rulers approached the Russians and over time fell victim to the Russian leadership's plan. Key words: North Caucasian, Ottoman, Russia, Sheikh Shamil, Crimean War
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. "EU Enlargement to the Balkans: Membership Perspective to the Balkan Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01163.
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After the dispersion of the Soviet Union, the European Union embarked upon an intense relationship with the Central and Eastern European Countries. The transition into capital market and democratization of these countries had been supported by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs at the beginning of 1989 before the collapse of the Soviet Union System. The European Agreements were signed between the EU and Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia on December 16th, 1991. 10 Central and Eastern Europe Countries became the members of the EU on May 1st, 2004. With the accession of Bulgaria and Romania into the EU on January 1st, 2007, the number of the EU member countries reached up to 27, and finally extending to 28 with the membership of Croatia to the EU on July 1st, 2013. Removing the Western Balkan States, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Bosnia and Herzegovina from the scope of external relations, the EU included these countries in the enlargement process in 2005.The European Commission has determined 2014 enlargement policy priorities as dealing with the fundamentals on preferential basis. In this context, the developments in the Balkans will be closely monitored within the scope of a new approach giving priority to the superiority of law. The enlargement process of the EU towards the Balkans and whether or not the Western Balkan States will join the Union will be analyzed.
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Miqdad oğlu Mustafayev, Beşir. "KIRIM SAVAŞI ZAMANI OSMANLI İLE ŞEYH ŞÂMİL ARASINDAKİ YAZIŞMALAR: ARŞİV BELGELERİ IŞIĞINDA." In IV INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH CONFERENCE. https://www.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/2021/2/2, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/2021/2/245-16.
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Anahtar sözler: Kuzey Kafkas, Osmanlı, Rus, Şeyh Şâmil, Kırım Savaşı Correspondence between the Ottomans and Sheikh Shamil during the Crimean War: in the light of archival documents Summary Our aim in this research is to discuss the correspondence with the Ottoman State during the Crimean War, as well as the opposition of Sheikh Shamil, with whom the Russians encountered during their invasion of the North Caucasus. Crimea is a Turkish country, has historically been a place of invasion by various foreign forces due to its geographical location and strategic location. The growing appetite of the Tsarist Russian Empire, the main purpose of which was to capture Istanbul and the right to vote in the straits, led to the beginning of the Crimean War. The Russian leadership began the war, by taking advantage of the privileges granted by the Ottomans to Christians Catholics in Jerusalem, the Armenians in Anatolia and the Greek Greeks. Although the Ottomans ended their relations with the Russians, but the Russian army went on a new offensive. Despite the fact that they did not openly declare war, they captured Eflak (Romania) and Bogdan (Moldova). On October 4, 1853, the Ottoman State declared war on Tsarist Russia. On the other hand, as far as the interests and power of the Ottoman State in Crimea were weakened, the Turkish rulers approached the Russians and over time fell victim to the Russian leadership's plan. Key words: North Caucasian, Ottoman, Russia, Sheikh Shamil, Crimean War
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Miqdad oğlu Mustafayev, Beşir. "KIRIM SAVAŞI ZAMANI OSMANLI İLE ŞEYH ŞÂMİL ARASINDAKİ YAZIŞMALAR: ARŞİV BELGELERİ IŞIĞINDA." In IV INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH CONFERENCE. https://aem.az/, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/2021/2/2/4-16.
Full textAbstract:
Anahtar sözler: Kuzey Kafkas, Osmanlı, Rus, Şeyh Şâmil, Kırım Savaşı Correspondence between the Ottomans and Sheikh Shamil during the Crimean War: in the light of archival documents Summary Our aim in this research is to discuss the correspondence with the Ottoman State during the Crimean War, as well as the opposition of Sheikh Shamil, with whom the Russians encountered during their invasion of the North Caucasus. Crimea is a Turkish country, has historically been a place of invasion by various foreign forces due to its geographical location and strategic location. The growing appetite of the Tsarist Russian Empire, the main purpose of which was to capture Istanbul and the right to vote in the straits, led to the beginning of the Crimean War. The Russian leadership began the war, by taking advantage of the privileges granted by the Ottomans to Christians Catholics in Jerusalem, the Armenians in Anatolia and the Greek Greeks. Although the Ottomans ended their relations with the Russians, but the Russian army went on a new offensive. Despite the fact that they did not openly declare war, they captured Eflak (Romania) and Bogdan (Moldova). On October 4, 1853, the Ottoman State declared war on Tsarist Russia. On the other hand, as far as the interests and power of the Ottoman State in Crimea were weakened, the Turkish rulers approached the Russians and over time fell victim to the Russian leadership's plan. Key words: North Caucasian, Ottoman, Russia, Sheikh Shamil, Crimean War