Journal articles on the topic 'France Foreign relations New Zealand'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: France Foreign relations New Zealand.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'France Foreign relations New Zealand.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Aldrich, Robert. "The Decolonisation of the Pacific Islands." Itinerario 24, no. 3-4 (November 2000): 173–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300014558.
Full textAbstract:
At the end of the Second World War, the islands of Polynesia, Melanesia and Micronesia were all under foreign control. The Netherlands retained West New Guinea even while control of the rest of the Dutch East Indies slipped away, while on the other side of the South Pacific, Chile held Easter Island. Pitcairn, the Gilbert and Ellice Islands, Fiji and the Solomon Islands comprised Britain's Oceanic empire, in addition to informal overlordship of Tonga. France claimed New Caledonia, the French Establishments in Oceania (soon renamed French Polynesia) and Wallis and Futuna. The New Hebrides remained an Anglo-French condominium; Britain, Australia and New Zealand jointly administered Nauru. The United States' territories included older possessions – the Hawaiian islands, American Samoa and Guam – and the former Japanese colonies of the Northern Marianas, Mar-shall Islands and Caroline Islands administered as a United Nations trust territory. Australia controlled Papua and New Guinea (PNG), as well as islands in the Torres Strait and Norfolk Island; New Zealand had Western Samoa, the Cook Islands, Niue and Tokelau. No island group in Oceania, other than New Zealand, was independent.
2
Kuzmenko, Taras, Tetiana Tsoi, Iuliana Goncharenko, Liudmyla Zhvania, and Nataliia Kvitko. "Social communications of students in the modern intercultural space." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, Extra-C (June 19, 2021): 303–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020217extra-c1015p.303-314.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this article is to study the influence of social communications on the formation of relations between students in the intercultural space on the example of the State Higher Educational Institution "Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University" and Kyiv University named after Borys Hrinchenko. Methods: analysis, synthesis, abstraction, modeling, description, observation, comparison, tabular and graphical representation, questionnaires and generalizations. Results: It is determined that countries such as Australia, Canada, Great Britain, New Zealand, France and the Netherlands have the highest rates of attracting foreign students to study in higher education institutions. The most international universities in the world are the University of Hong Kong, ETH Zurich, Chinese University of Hong Kong, University of Oxford and Imperial College London, which occupy the first five positions in the World University Rankings 2021. It was found that most often social communication between students belonging to different socio-cultural groups occurs using social media.
3
Luo, Yingyi, Shelley Marshall, and Denise Cuthbert. "The Human Rights Implications of Not-for-Profit Surrogacy Organizations in Cross-Border Commercial Surrogacy: An Australian Case Study." Business and Human Rights Journal 7, no. 1 (February 2022): 163–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bhj.2021.49.
Full textAbstract:
Cross-border surrogacy is a global industry that offers intended parents options for family formation by providing foreign surrogate mothers remuneration, directly or via an intermediary, in excess of their actual out-of-pocket expenses. It is a multi-million-dollar business with no international regulation.1 In most countries, limited domestic regulation or oversight is in place. Many countries − such as Australia, the United Kingdom, New Zealand, Canada, Hong Kong and South Africa − only permit altruistic surrogacy, while Germany and France ban surrogacy entirely.2 Fully legalized commercial surrogacy is the model followed in some states in the United States of America (USA), as well as Georgia and Ukraine.3 This unregulated cross-border market has produced a lucrative business, with surrogacy arrangements growing by nearly 1,000 per cent between 2006 and 2010.4 The for-profit surrogacy sector has expanded and fertility not-for-profit organizations have also entered the market.5
4
Gusakova, Elena A., and Alexander S. Pavlov. "Public procurement in construction: international practice." Vestnik MGSU, no. 2 (February 2022): 242–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.22227/1997-0935.2022.2.242-252.
Full textAbstract:
Introduction. The distribution and receipt of design and construction orders is a most important element in the construction life cycle. It is of considerable interest to study the rules governing the distribution of state orders and the practice of their application in various countries. This article examines the experience of the leading world economies accumulated in the bidding for construction projects.
Materials and methods. The authors studied original legal documents on the organization of tenders for construction works in several countries, as well as in international organizations. The tender rules of the USA, France, Germany, New Zealand, Japan, China are considered. Materials of reviews and scientific researches, conducted by other scientists, are also used and summarized.
Results. The principal methods for organizing tenders for construction and design works were identified as a result of analysis of regulatory documents. The authors have found many common approaches and methods used to assure equal and responsible relations between the state customer and the construction contractor.
Conclusions. It has been established that a number of methods, widely used abroad, are practically not used in Russia, for example, competitive negotiations and two stage tendering. On the contrary, a foreign reader may think that some provisions of the Russian legislation are strange, for example, initial contract price setting by the customer or electronic document management rules in the federal law.
5
Davidson, Scott. "Recognition of Foreign Governments in New Zealand." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 40, no. 1 (January 1991): 162–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclqaj/40.1.162.
Full text
6
TIMOSHENKO, Valery N. "US-NEW ZEALAND MILITARY-POLITICAL RELATIONS IN 2008–2020." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 2(55) (2022): 217–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-2-2-55-217-229.
Full textAbstract:
In the 1980s, due to the anti-nuclear policy, New Zealand withdrew from the ANZUS military-political bloc and began to pursue an independent foreign policy based on international law, principles and the UN Charter. However, at the beginning of the XXI century, the situation began to change. New Zealand and the USA signed the Washington Declaration, which confirmed close ties and strategic partnership and served as the basis for the formation of future practical cooperation and political dialogue. Military contacts between the two countries have been restored. New Zealand has also joined the anti-Chinese policy of the United States.
7
Stefanchuk, L. "New Zealand amidst World Crisis." World Economy and International Relations, no. 8 (2010): 102–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-8-102-108.
Full textAbstract:
Small size, remoteness from the major world economies, scarce natural resources, dependence on the world market conditions, heavy foreign debts formed historically – these are the weaknesses of New Zealand. But its strengths are – productive, highly mechanized agriculture, skilled labor workforce, democratic legislation and order, lack of corruption, good investment opportunities – enable the country to overcome the ramifications of the global financial and economic crisis effectively enough.
8
Paterson, Robert K. "Heading Home: French Law Enables Return of Maori Heads to New Zealand." International Journal of Cultural Property 17, no. 4 (November 2010): 643–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739110000408.
Full textAbstract:
New Zealand claims for the return of preserved tattooed Maori heads held by foreign institutions have revisited complex legal, ethical, and cultural questions surrounding human remains in museum and other institutional collections worldwide. Recent legislation in France that facilitates the return of Maori heads in French museums represents a further stage in this ongoing story.
9
Bracegirdle, A. M. "Case Analysis: Case to the International Court of Justice on Legality of French Nuclear Testing." Leiden Journal of International Law 9, no. 2 (June 1996): 431–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156596000325.
Full textAbstract:
Last year, for the second time in a little over 20 years, New Zealand asked the International Court of Justice to adjudicate the legality of French nuclear testing. This followed the announcement by the new President of France to the effect that the moratorium that his predecessor had put in place three years earlier, and had promised that France would continue to observe, would be terminated. The action by the New Zealand government was based on a unanimous decision by all political parties in New Zealand. This action reflected the anger of the countries in the South Pacific at the fact that a nuclear-weapon state was still prepared, in 1996, to explode nuclear devices in fragile marine environments on the other side of the world. In short, New Zealand wanted to utilize all available opportunities to persuade France not to proceed.
10
Puzynya, N. N. "Towards an Independent Foreign Policy (from the History of New Zealand-Japanese Relations)." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series Political Science and Religion Studies 27 (2019): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2073-3380.2019.27.29.
Full text
11
Vosburg, William W. "The Ombudsmen in New Zealand by Bryan Gilling." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 31, no. 4 (November 1, 2000): 905. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v31i4.5928.
Full textAbstract:
This article is a book review of Bryan Gilling The Ombudsman in New Zealand (Dunmore Press in association with the Historical Branch, Department of Internal Affairs, Palmerston North, 1998) (190 pages, $29.95). Gilling's book provides an important account of the evolution of the New Zealand ombudsman providing an accessible and careful analysis of its first thirty years, which contained periods of both government stability as well as radical changes in the government's structure, the economy, the class structure, the status of minority groups and foreign relations. Vosburgh states that the book stands as a study of institutionalism and evolution of government structures, and praises Gilling for containing a comprehensive account with a compact and sharp focus.
12
Anwar, Abdullah Randika, Windy Dermawan, RMT Nurhasan Affandy, and Gilang Nur Alam. "Hubungan Luar Negeri Provinsi Maluku dengan Selandia Baru dalam Mengembangkan Energi Terbarukan." Indonesian Perspective 6, no. 2 (September 26, 2021): 187–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ip.v6i2.43543.
Full textAbstract:
Maluku Province is one of the regions that has the potential for renewable energy resources which are quite abundant, but they have not been utilized properly due to various obstacles and challenges in the region. In order to overcome the existing problems, Maluku Province has established foreign relations with the Government of New Zealand through the New Zealand Booking program - Maluku Access to Renewable Energy Support (NZMATES) starting from April 2018 to June 2023. This research aims to describe how the efforts taken by the Maluku Provincial Government and the New Zealand Government in developing renewable energy in the Maluku region. By using qualitative methods with data techniques through literature studies and internet-based document searches, this article argues that through the establishment of foreign relations between Maluku Province and New Zealand through the formation of NZMATES it can help and facilitate the process of developing renewable energy in the Maluku region. NZMATES can create a more competent work environment by engaging with several agencies with regional interests to participate in developing renewable energy in Maluku Province.
13
Lefebvre, Bruno. "Posted workers in France." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 12, no. 2 (May 2006): 197–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890601200207.
Full textAbstract:
This contribution presents ongoing research that sets out to assess for the first time the situation of the foreign workers, from Europe and beyond, who work in France, in various economic sectors, as a result of the operation of networks of subcontractors. It appears that neither the legal framework nor the obligations of the foreign firms employing these workers are clear, in terms either of relations with government departments or of the legal arguments that may legitimately be invoked for the settlement of disputes. Trade unions, citizens' associations, locally elected officials and civil servants alike are strikingly ill-prepared to deal with this new phenomenon of the movement of workers in Europe.
14
Berna, Ioana-Bianca. "Diplomația culturală şi re-clasarea relațiilor culturale România-Franța / Cultural Diplomacy and the Re-shaping of the Romanian-France Cultural Relations." Hiperboreea A2, no. 3-6 (January 1, 2013): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.2.3-6.0054.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Cultural diplomacy has lesser aspects of monolithical sustainability, but it can have stronger gist production. Romania and France have always rebounded their relations in the court of cultural relations. Throughout this article, we will try to emphasize the sequel and tenor of cultural diplomacy in foreign policy and the sorts and medium it can have for solidarity rendering. Further, we will use these explanations in order to accent its proper usability in contemporary France-Romanian relations. We contend that the relaunching of the strategic partneship between Romania and France, opens new chances of predisposition for the avenues of cultural diplomacy. We will commence with the timely nearness between Romania and France in the last century and then, proceed with the lines of approach of cultural diplomacy in Romanian-France contemporary foreign policy affairs.
15
Rozinskiy, I. "Foreign Banks in National Banking Systems of Canada, Australia and New Zealand." World Economy and International Relations, no. 7 (2008): 92–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2008-7-92-96.
Full text
16
Rozinskiy, I. "Foreign Banks in National Banking Systems of Canada, Australia and New Zealand." World Economy and International Relations, no. 7 (2008): 92–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2008-7-92-96.
Full text
17
Lyon, Peter. "In defence of New Zealand: foreign policy choices in the nuclear age." International Affairs 62, no. 2 (1986): 346–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618448.
Full text
18
Zagoria, Donald S., and Ramesh Thakur. "In Defence of New Zealand: Foreign Policy Choices in the Nuclear Age." Foreign Affairs 65, no. 5 (1987): 1118. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043274.
Full text
19
Bourmaud, Daniel. "France in Africa: African Politics and French Foreign Policy." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, no. 2 (1995): 58–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502054.
Full textAbstract:
French policy in Africa is at a crossroads. Forced to consider among choices that appeared entrenched in the past, France now hesitates to implement essential reforms. The reluctance to carve out a new conception of French-African relations is in part tied to the magnitude of the changes which have affected African states south of the Sahara since 1989, but it is also tied to the generalized failure of French aid policies since the Second World War. The result has been a conceptual vacuum in French policy towards Africa, reflected in the oscillation between the old practices, including very controversial ones, and the structural adjustments in which France is little more than an interested observer.
20
Sarantakes, Nicholas Evan. "Dead Beef and Live Soldiers: Lyndon Johnson, Keith Holyoake, and U.S.-New Zealand Relations in the 1960s." Agricultural History 78, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 50–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00021482-78.1.50.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The focus of this article is the "friendship" between Lyndon Johnson, president of the United States, and Keith Holyoake, prime minister of New Zealand, and how it influenced the diplomatic relationship their two countries had with one another. Johnson and Holyoake were the masters of their political systems and dominated the political life of their countries in the 1960s. With similar rural backgrounds and professions, they understood one another and treated the foreign policy of their two countries as a series of political deals. Johnson’s most important concern was garnering support for the United States’ initiative in Vietnam, while Holyoake wanted to make sure that New Zealand had access to American markets for its agricultural exports.
21
Joseph, Richard A. "Direct foreign investment in telecommunications: A review of attitudes in Australia, New Zealand, France, Germany and the UK." Telecommunications Policy 19, no. 5 (July 1995): 413–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0308-5961(95)00017-z.
Full text
22
Gmurczyk-Wrońska, Małgorzata. "France in International Relations of the Second Half of the 20th Century and the Early 21st Century – Priorities in Foreign Policy." Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 4, no. 44 (December 31, 2014): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2014.44.03.
Full textAbstract:
After the Second World War France lost temporarily her position as a decision-maker in international relations. Soon enough, though, her diplomacy adapted to a bipolar system. Her foreign policy was to manoeuvre between the USSR, the United States and Great Britain, and to jointly create the structures of future European Union. It was in the EU that France has found the place to strengthen her role of mediator and arbiter. Nowadays, the foreign policy of France has numerous continuities originating from the 19th century and the years of 1918 – 1939, but also some modifications related to new directions in French foreign policy and to the adaptation of its tactics to main purposes in order to secure France’s security, her strong position in the EU and in the world.
23
Osipov, Evgeny Aleksandrovich. "French “Mirages” in Libya in 1970 as a symbol of “new Arab” policy of France." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 12 (December 2020): 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.12.34569.
Full textAbstract:
The relations with Arab countries have always been an intrinsic component of French foreign policy, predominately in the de Gaulle's Fifth Republic. Namely in the 1960s the General de Gaulle laid the groundwork for the so-called “new Arab” policy of France, intended for consolidation of the country's role in the Middle East and the Mediterranean, as well as for overcoming issues in the relationship with Arab countries caused the colonial past of France. Leaning on the wide range of scientific literature and sources, including the documents from the Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France, the author reviews the circumstances of signing a major contract by France for delivering arms to Libya in 1970, few months after the Libyan Revolution and assumption of power by Muammar Gaddafi. The signed in 1970 Franco-Libyan agreement was congruent with the overall context of “new Arab” policy of Gaullist France, and can be regarded as its symbol. Special attention is given to the factors that prompted French leadership to military cooperation with Libya, although France was aware that it could aggravation relations not only with Israel, but also with the United States. Along with the interests of French military-industrial complex, oil factor, and, prospects for the development of Franco-Libyan cooperation, an important role played rivalry between France, USSR and the countries of socialist camp, the activity of which increased in the third world countries during the 1960s – 1970s. In a way, namely the concerns about the growing influence of Moscow in the Middle East and the Mediterranean accelerated the “new Arab” policy of France.
24
Novikova, Elena, and Mikhail Rybalko. "Economic aspects of cooperation between New Zealand and the United States as international actors in the Asia-Pacific region." SHS Web of Conferences 134 (2022): 00148. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202213400148.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyzes economic aspects of the interaction between New Zealand and the United States of America as international actors in the Asia-Pacific region. The substantiation of the importance of the Asia-Pacific region in the foreign policy of the two countries is given. We determined that the economic component is one of the most significant components of bilateral relations. Statistical data for the five-year period (2016-2021) are presented, demonstrating the evolution of economic relations between New Zealand and the United States. We established that the economic policy of the two countries is aimed at continuing intensive international cooperation and implementing a recovery strategy in 2021. We concluded that the "soft power" course used by Wellington would enable the country to achieve significant benefits even more in cooperation with other states and reach qualitatively new levels in the existing system of international relations in the Asia-Pacific region.
25
Blarel, Nicolas, and Jayita Sarkar. "Substate Organizations as Foreign Policy Agents: New Evidence and Theory from India, Israel, and France." Foreign Policy Analysis 15, no. 3 (December 24, 2018): 413–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/ory009.
Full text
26
Uliganets, S., S. Batychenko, L. Melnik, and Yu Sologub. "FEATURES DEVELOPMENT OF GASTRONOMIC TOURISM: FOREIGN EXPERIENCE." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Geography, no. 78-79 (2021): 48–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2721.2021.78-79.7.
Full textAbstract:
In the modern world, gastronomic tourism is gaining popularity as an alternative to all the usual holidays. Gastronomic tourism is a type of tourism-related to acquaintance with the production, technology of preparation and tasting of national dishes and drinks, as well as with the culinary traditions of the peoples of the world. A gastronomic journey is a way of expressing a traveller’s understanding of a country. There are well-known gastronomic destinations in the world, including Spain, France, Italy, Greece, Belgium, Portugal, the United States (especially California in the Napa and Sonoma Valley), Brazil, Peru, Mexico, New Zealand, South Africa, Australia, Chile, Malaysia, Japan, Indonesia, Bali, China, or Singapore. Gastronomy tourists include the following categories: tourists who are tired of ordinary tourism; tourists who want to make a difference in their diet; gourmets; tourists whose work is related to cooking and eating; representatives of travel companies are interested in organizing their own gastronomy. The top 5 popular gourmet tours in the world are analyzed. Some popular destinations for tasty trips, namely, countries with specific national cuisine (Italy, France, Japan, China, Thailand); regions that are famous for their products (in France, for example, Bordeaux, Burgundy, Champagne, have become innovators in the wine industry); the most famous restaurants of the country that are famous for their cuisine, marked by Michelin stars and International ratings (in Italy – “La Pergola” (Rome), Japan – Koji (Tokyo), England – Fet Duck (Bray) and others); enterprises that have become world leaders in the production of various products (Swiss chocolate factory “Alprose”, German breweries “Ettal” and “Andeks”, Swiss cheese factory “Gruyere”). Top 10 countries by number of Michelin starred restaurants are highlighted. Current gastronomic tours abroad are characterized. The results of the Gastronomic Tourism Forum in Spain, which will positively influence the development of gastronomic tourism in the world, are analyzed.
27
Semenenko, I., and I. Grishin. "World. Challenges of Global Crisis. France." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2013): 70–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-11-70-83.
Full textAbstract:
The publication presents the results of the recent theoretical seminar of IMEMO Center of comparative socio-economic and socio-political studies. The topic relates to the trends and prospects of socio-political transformations in the leading nations of the world under the conditions of current crisis. In particular, the participants of the seminar discuss the status of the French socio-political model, crisis hardships, new balance of political forces, features of foreign policy, France’s Syrian dilemma.
28
Trapeznik, Alexander. "“Agents of Moscow” at the Dawn of the Cold War: The Comintern and the Communist Party of New Zealand." Journal of Cold War Studies 11, no. 1 (January 2009): 124–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.1.124.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores an important aspect of New Zealand's Cold War history—the impact of directives from Moscow on the Communist Party of New Zealand (CPNZ) until the dissolution of the Communist International (Comintern) in 1943. Drawing on the Comintern papers relating to New Zealand, the article largely reaffirms traditional interpretations of the Comintern. Although indigenous Communist parties operated in a specific local context that resulted in tensions between Bolshevik universalism and national specificity (the central dilemma of twentieth-century international Communism), they in the end functioned as compliant tools of Soviet foreign policy and Stalinist ideology. Although CPNZ officials did not openly cooperate with Soviet intelligence, the Comintern engaged in clandestine operations with New Zealand Communists. The CPNZ invariably deferred to Moscow, altered its policies to accord with Soviet objectives, aligned its policy to suit ideological pronouncements from the Comintern, kept Moscow informed of internal developments, and sought and received financial assistance from Moscow.
29
Hamidani, Salim. "Colonial Legacy in Algerian–French Relations." Contemporary Arab Affairs 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2020.13.1.69.
Full textAbstract:
The colonial period in Algeria was a time of suffering and struggle for Algerians who fought to win back their freedom and defend their values against French attempts to subjugate them. It was also a struggle to end foreign control over the country’s wealth and resources. National independence sought a sovereign state with free decision-making, away from French influence in particular, in a context of ideological polarization and mutual hostility between ex-colonial forces and independent states. The root of such hostility lies in what both parties lost, and resulted in a distinctive pattern of French–Algerian bilateral relations tainted by nostalgia from the French side and the struggle for parity from the Algerian side. The three decades following Algeria’s independence witnessed, to a certain extent, a national sentiment opposed to colonial France, and it is the sentiment that Algerian politicians attempted to use to manage relations between the two countries and obtain some benefits by invoking the past in speeches at a local level, and to overcome that past in building relations with France. As a security crisis and economic decline hit Algeria, it became apparent that the French regime was to exert effective influence on the country and control its foreign policy to meet French aspirations and ambitions in both Africa and the Arab world. This conclusion suggested to several observers the fall of the Algerian elite, responsible for decision-making, under French influence. Moreover, this elite group, while dealing with several regional issues, was not able to assert complete independence in its decision-making regarding foreign affairs, whether due to its past and formation or to the network of new relations built between the Algerian and French systems. This reality, which is deeply rooted in the Algerian foreign policy system, raises the question of the ability of the Algerian elite to pull away from its colonial inheritance and the grip of the French regime. One might therefore wonder how historical events and Algerian solid ties with the French administration shape French–Algerian relations and their political agendas.
30
Glucksmann, Eloïse. "Commisimpex v. Republic of Congo." American Journal of International Law 111, no. 2 (April 2017): 453–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2017.30.
Full textAbstract:
The law in France regarding waivers of foreign state (or sovereign) immunity from execution of judicial judgments (based largely on consideration of international law principles) has recently undergone significant developments. Previously, French case law had required a foreign state's waiver of immunity from execution to be both express and specific to consider valid the attachment of foreign state property allocated to public services (including bank accounts used for the functioning of both diplomatic missions and delegations to international organizations). In 2015, the French Court of Cassation relaxed the criteria it had previously required for giving effect to waivers of sovereign immunity in such situations, thus facilitating the ability of judgment creditors to attach foreign state property in France. Its decision in the Commisimpex v. Republic of Congo case appeared to put an end to that requirement by abandoning the criterion of a “specific” waiver on the ground that “customary international law does not require a waiver of immunity from execution other than express.” In December 2016, however, the French government enacted new legislation reinstating the need for a specific waiver of immunity for the attachment of the property as well as bank accounts of foreign embassies and diplomatic missions and additionally requiring a court order authorizing the attachment or seizure. As a result, France has now embraced a distinctly more protective approach to the immunity of foreign state assets from attachment and execution of judicial judgments.
31
Kelly, Serena. "New Zealand Elite Perceptions on the EU: A Longitudinal Analysis." Baltic Journal of European Studies 3, no. 3 (December 1, 2013): 153–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2013-0025.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractSince the end of the cold war, the European Union’s (EU’s) global aspirations and capabilities have grown. This shift has seen the EU becoming an increasingly integral part of the international arena, both economically and politically. However, there has been a notable geopolitical shift in recent years towards the growing importance of Asia. New Zealand, geographically distant but traditionally culturally aligned with the EU, the nation that has traditionally enjoyed close economic, political and social relations with the EU but is increasingly focused on Asia, presents a unique perspective on this perceived realignment of power. This paper offers a unique perspective on the effectiveness of the EU’s international outreach. Using international relations’ ‘small state theory’ as an analytical tool, the paper draws on a series of longitudinal elite interviews conducted with New Zealand’s political, economic, civil society and media elites over a decade. The paper qualitatively and quantitatively assesses whether the EU remains perceived as a relevant, important global actor in the eyes of New Zealand’s elite. The paper makes a number of observations. Firstly, as a small state, New Zealand’s foreign policy focus has tended to be preoccupied with economics and this preoccupation has meant a notable shift away from Europe. Second, although over the course of the interviews negative discussions about the EU’s Common Agriculture Policy decreased, on the other hand there was increasingly less discussion about the EU’s potential and a more concerted discussion about the importance of Asia to the New Zealand’s economy and future. There are a number of reasons to account for this changing perception towards the EU,however, the internal friction currently facing the European Union and eurozone was consistently noted. Finally, although over time the interviewed elites believed that the EU’s importance is diminishing, this acknowledgement was often made with regret.
32
Ignatchenko, I. V. "France in the Vienna System of International Relations (the First Half of The 19th Century)." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(45) (December 28, 2015): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-9-14.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: The Vienna system of international relations established at the Congress of Vienna in 1814-1815, was a real challenge for the French political elite during all subsequent decades. France was a defeated party and was thus morally humiliated. The objective for all French governments after 1815 was to improve the position of France in this new system of international relations, including due to the destabilization and breaking of the Vienna system. In the years of the Restoration in France (1814-1830) a major foreign policy action of the government of Louis XVIII was the intervention in Spain in 1823, which refers to the Spanish revolution of 1820-1823. The French government, reflecting the interests of the European reaction, had hoped to raise these military prestige of France, and consequently to raise the question of the revision of the treatises of Vienna of 1815. Despite the success of the intervention, she has not brought the big political dividends in France. After the July revolution 1830 in France, the foreign policy of France intensified. Leading French politicians defined quite clearly exclusive spheres of influence of France, and in 1832 the French troops invaded Central Italy, capturing the city of Ancona. In 1840, during the second Oriental crisis, the French government has opposed themselves to the rest of Europe for the first time since the Napoleonic wars. Ultimately, the strategic position of France in the middle East was weakened. But the exacerbation of international conflict contributed to the strengthening of the French army and Navy. Further successes of the French diplomacy will be linked to the period of the Second Empire in France, in particular, with the Crimean war, that raised has raised status of France, and the decision of the Italian question in the second half of the 60-ies of the XIX century.
33
Kennedy, Sally, and Ian Warren. "Southern Criminology, Law and the ‘Right’ to Consular Notification in Australia, New Zealand and the United States." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 7, no. 4 (December 1, 2018): 100–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v7i4.1082.
Full textAbstract:
This paper investigates the implementation of Article 36 of the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations in Australia, New Zealand and the United States (US) by using a Southern approach to examining law. We describe the incorporation of Article 36 from a defendant-centred perspective under Australian and New Zealand laws governing police procedure, and the commensurate jurisdictional tensions it has generated in the US. We then empirically analyse 16 non-capital US cases to identify the type of offence, the nationality and perceived English-speaking competency of the foreign suspect, and the point at which the alleged Article 36 violation is canvassed in legal arguments. This analysis highlights the importance of a defendant-centred Southern criminology of law in critically assessing the implementation of international legal requirements into domestic criminal justice practice.
34
Arapi, Arshela, and Valentina Duka. "Economic Relations between Albania and France 1945–1990." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, no. 3 (November 27, 2017): 73–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ajis-2017-0023.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract France had trade deals with several Balkan countries, which were often carried out by private firms that exchanged mutual interest. It would be of interest that even with Albania resumed exchanges for a category of articles despite the lack of a regular convention. Their purpose was to resume the works on kerosene requirements. This brought about the improvement of the Albanian economy and meeting the needs of the France for these products, which in turn strengthened even more the economic and political relations of the two countries. With the insistence of the French side, on August 1956, a trade agreement was signed between Albania and France, where the French Government allowed the exchange of goods between the two countries as a compensation to French firms seeking to collaborate with our country. It is worth pointing out that the trade relations that Albania had with France until 1964 was generally satisfactory. Albania's export and import plans were satisfactorily fulfilled and a better basis for new successes in forecasts and plans for the future in 1965 was provided. In the official talks with the French side in mid eighties, the Albanian side proposed the establishment of a joint group within the Chambers of Commerce to look at the possibilities of France purchasing our minerals and the possibilities of Albania buying their equipment. Based on the credits opened by French firms and our foreign trade enterprises, the release of the respective goods was followed in both directions. Thus, our companies have been releasing confectionery, towels, clothespins, chairs etc. French companies have continued to release electronic equipment, clay, oil spill delta and various exchange parts. Several other economic agreements were signed between two countries which increased the level of Albanian exports towards France.
35
Schwartz, Herman. "Small States in Big Trouble: State Reorganization in Australia, Denmark, New Zealand, and Sweden in the 1980s." World Politics 46, no. 4 (July 1994): 527–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950717.
Full textAbstract:
In Australia, Denmark, New Zealand, and Sweden in the 1980s, coalitions of politicians, fiscal bureaucrats, and capital and labor in sectors exposed to international competition allied to transform the largest single nontradables sector in their society: the state, particularly the welfare state. They exposed state personnel and agencies to market pressures and competition to reduce the cost of welfare and other state services. The impetus for change came from rising foreign public and private debt. Rising public debt levels and expensive welfare states interacted to create a tax wedge between employers' wage costs and workers' received wages. This undercut international competitiveness, worsening current account deficits and leading to more foreign debt accumulation. Two factors explain variation in the degree of reorganization in each country: differences in their electoral and constitutional regimes; and the willingness of left parties to risk splitting their core constituencies. Introduction of market pressures is an effort to go beyond the liberalization of the economy common in industrial countries during the 1980s, and both to institutionalize limits to welfare spending and to change the nature of statesociety relations, away from corporatist forms of interest intermediation. In short, not just less state, but a different state.
36
Garin, Artyom, and Sophia Pale. "The Place of the Solomon Islands and Kiribati in China's Geopolitical Thinking." South East Asia Actual problems of Development, no. 3 (52) (2021): 234–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-3-3-52-234-253.
Full textAbstract:
China’s growing influence has affected the South Pacific, where the small developing island states of Oceania re-directed their foreign policies due to Beijing in order to diversify their external relations. It has caused concerns of Australia, the United States, Japan and New Zealand. In 2019 the leaders of Solomon Islands and Kiribati cut diplomatic ties with Taiwan in favor of China, and this raised Beijing's regional influence to a new level and negatively affected Australia's position in its traditional sphere of influence.
37
Barker, Fiona. "Maximizing the migration policy buck: Uniting temporary labor, development and foreign policy goals in New Zealand." Policy and Society 29, no. 4 (November 2010): 321–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polsoc.2010.09.008.
Full text
38
Kryukova, Elena. "Victorious powers and Spain in the post-war world order." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2017): 16–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-4-16-19.
Full textAbstract:
The article deals with the foreign policy and domestic policy of Spain in the first years after the end of the Second World War. The author analyzes the relationships between the Francoist Spain and the USA, England, France and the USSR during the difficult period of entry of the country into the new system of the international relations.
39
Hollings, James. "Still European and female, but older: Profiling the New Zealand journalist." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 13, no. 1 (April 1, 2007): 183–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v13i1.889.
Full textAbstract:
This survey (n=514) updates and extends previous surveys of New Zealand journalists, by measuring attitudes to resourcing, news coverage, ethics and standards, changing technology, ownership and other topics. Reasonably broad coverage of print, broadcast and internet journalists was achieved. Low pay and a lack of support and training, rather than staff numbers, were the standout concerns. Most respondents believed coverage of local, political, business and features was good, while sports achieved the highest rating and foreign coverage the lowest. Respondents generally rated ethics and standards as important, and while they had concerns about sensationalism, they did not seek more regulation. They considered the media was generally performing its watchdog role well, but had concerns about the impact of decreasing resources (especially staff numbers, levels of experience, and time to develop in-depth investigations) on that watchdog role, as well as the impact of changing technology, commercial and advertising pressures. They were evenly divided between antagonism and tolerance in their stances towards public relations. Respondents’ political views were generally neutral or slightly left. There were significant differences across gender, job status, employer and age in many of the results. Demographic data suggest the workforce is becoming more feminised, (as earlier surveys have suggested), with disproportionate numbers of younger women and older men, and an apparent pay disparity between males and females.
40
Wallis, Joanne, and Anna Powles. "Burden-sharing: the US, Australia and New Zealand alliances in the Pacific islands." International Affairs 97, no. 4 (July 2021): 1045–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab081.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract One of President Joseph Biden's foreign policy priorities is to ‘renew’ and ‘strengthen’ the United States' alliances, as they were perceived to have been ‘undermined’ during the Trump administration, which regularly expressed concern that allies were free-riding on the United States' military capability. Yet the broad range of threats states face in the contemporary context suggests that security assistance from allies no longer only—or even primarily—comes in the form of military capability. We consider whether there is a need to rethink understandings of how alliance relationships are managed, particularly how the goals—or strategic burdens—of alliances are understood, how allies contribute to those burdens, and how influence is exercised within alliances. We do this by analysing how the United States–Australia and Australia–New Zealand alliances operate in the Pacific islands. Our focus on the Pacific islands reflects the United States' perception that the region plays a ‘critical’ role in helping to ‘preserve a free and open Indo-Pacific region’. We conclude that these understandings need to be rethought, particularly in the Pacific islands, where meeting non-traditional security challenges such as economic, social and environmental issues, is important to advancing the United States, Australia and New Zealand's shared strategic goal of remaining the region's primary security partners and ensuring that no power hostile to their interests establishes a strategic foothold.
41
Shamshur, Oleh. "Ukraine–France: Contemporary Cooperation." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 447–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-31.
Full textAbstract:
In 2014, in the course of the Revolution of Dignity, Ukraine consciously opted for European values. Thus, cooperation with one of the founding member states of the EU bears strategic importance. The author believes that the the interaction between the two countries is based on ancient relations between France and Ukraine. Apart from political relations, France and Ukraine are bound by creative endeavours of many artists. After celebrating the 25th anniversary since the establishment of diplomatic relations between our countries, the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine and France opened an exhibition dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the foundation of Ukrainian diplomatic service. The author stresses that France was the first Western state with which Ukraine signed the 1991 Interstate Agreement on Mutual Understanding and Cooperation. Moreover, it was in Paris where the Charter of Paris for a New Europe was signed, the document which allowed Ukraine to join the CSCE as a full-fledged member. Taking into account the current development in the east of Ukraine, the author underscores that France and Germany were the initiators of the Normandy Format negotiations. France consistently supports the territorial integrity of Ukraine, while not recognising the annexation of Crimea and takes a firm stand towards Russia. The author mentions the establishment of the France-Ukraine friendship group, headed by Valerie For-Muntean. Apart from political cooperation, economic ties between the two states are also gaining momentum. Nowadays, Ukraine is examining modern initiatives of France in ecology, energy efficiency, etc. The article outlines the interation of the two states in the educational sphere. France is encouraging numerous riveting projects intercultural projects displaying the best specimens of modern Ukrainian art. New intercultural contacts are also gaining ground. The author highlights the main events held at the culture and information centre of the Embassy and reports about the multidisciplinary festival Week-End a l’Est – Kyiv. Yet another recent development has been the inauguration of the web platform Nouvelle Ukraine, whose aim is to raise awareness about Ukraine in France, contribute to the positive image of the country, and build economic and cultural contacts. According to the author, the cooperation of Ukraine and France is only beginning to gain momentum and has infinite potential. Keywords: France, Ukraine, the EU, France-Ukraine friendship group, Ukrainian-French ties.
42
Mikhailov, D. Y. "Gaullism and Atlanticism are Main Foreign Policy Paradigms of the Fifth Republic." MGIMO Review of International Relations 15, no. 1 (March 2, 2022): 60–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2022-1-82-60-91.
Full textAbstract:
Gaullism and Atlanticism in the foreign policy of the Fifth Republic appear as two fundamental but mutually exclusive ideological paradigms that, in various combinations, traditionally determined Paris’s behavior on the international stage. A comparative analysis of the ideological constructions of Gaullism and Atlanticism shows the fundamental reason for the conceptual discrepancy between the two doctrines. Gaullism calls on France to preserve its status as a world power at any cost. Atlanticism serves the geostrategic purpose of maintaining American military and political control over Europe. For this reason, Atlanticism does not recognize any other world powers within the Western universe but the United States.A retrospective view of the Gaullist and Atlanticist interaction reveals a steady trend towards a gradual shift of the Fifth Republic from Charles de Gaulle’s diplomacy principles. This trend led to the beginning in 2007 of a new era of the absolute dominance of Atlanticism in French foreign policy compared with the post-war period of the Fourth Republic.The advent of this era was marked by a significant improvement in France’s relations with the United States and NATO and increasing French activism on the track of Euro-federalist integra-tion, but, in general, by the perceptible banalization of France’s voice in international affairs.The results of this study help build future relations between Russia and France.
43
Gordon, Alexander. "TRANSMIGRATION AND FORMATION OF THE DIASPORAS : CHINESE IN FRANCE." Vostokovedenie i Afrikanistika, no. 2 (2021): 26–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rva/2021.02.02.
Full textAbstract:
The prerequisites and stages of formation of the modern Chinese diaspora in France are considered as part of the global process of development of cross-border migration and its transition to a new quality - the formation of diasporas. The ties of diaspora with China and their perception in the French society are characterized. The dual attitude towards China in France is emphasized: fear of its foreign economic expansion, on the one hand, and assessment of the prospects of economic relations, on the other hand. The composition and characteristics of the Chinese diaspora are analyzed. The prerequisites for the business success of the Chinese are revealed, and contradictory attitudes to them in French society are stated: «a model minority (mêdel minority)» in public opinion and «racism of resentment» in the «collective unconscious».
44
Belov, V. B. "German Foreign Policy in the Face of Current Challenges." Journal of International Analytics 12, no. 3 (October 20, 2021): 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2021-12-3-38-58.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyzes the features of German foreign policy on the eve of the September (2021) elections to the Bundestag and the gradual overcoming of the crisis consequences of the coronavirus pandemic. The priorities of the foreign policy based on the value approach remain the European and transatlantic vectors, as well as relations with the main system-forming international organizations. The postulates of value are prompting Berlin to increasingly intensify criticism of Russia and China, incl. due to the signifi cantly increased, from his point of view, threats in relation to Germany and other states of the collective West. Germany still relies on France in European politics. Their tandem continues to determine the political and economic processes in the European Union, as well as to infl uence the formation of the EU mechanisms for overcoming the coronavirus crisis. Despite the rapid restoration of constructive relations with the new American administration, a number of controversial issues remain in bilateral relations, including defense spending and the economy. In recent years, Germany has been able to strengthen its positions in Europe and the world and expects to strengthen its role as a global actor, especially in international organizations. Nevertheless, the German expert community critically refers to its current foreign policy status quo. The author explores the latest trends in German foreign policy, gives an assessment of its development after elections to the Bundestag, pays special attention to the prospects for relations with the Russian Federation.
45
Robb, Thomas K., and David James Gill. "The ANZUS Treaty during the Cold War: A Reinterpretation of U.S. Diplomacy in the Southwest Pacific." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 4 (October 2015): 109–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00599.
Full textAbstract:
This article explains the origins of the Australia–New Zealand–United States (ANZUS) Treaty by highlighting U.S. ambitions in the Pacific region after World War II. Three clarifications to the historiography merit attention. First, an alliance with Australia and New Zealand reflected the pursuit of U.S. interests rather than the skill of antipodean diplomacy. Despite initial reservations in Washington, geostrategic anxiety and economic ambition ultimately spurred cooperation. The U.S. government's eventual recourse to coercive diplomacy against the other ANZUS members, and the exclusion of Britain from the alliance, substantiate claims of self-interest. Second, the historiography neglects the economic rationale underlying the U.S. commitment to Pacific security. Regional cooperation ensured the revival of Japan, the avoidance of discriminatory trade policies, and the stability of the Bretton Woods monetary system. Third, scholars have unduly played down and misunderstood the concept of race. U.S. foreign policy elites invoked ideas about a “White Man's Club” in Asia to obscure the pursuit of U.S. interests in the region and to ensure British exclusion from the treaty.
46
Kulakova, V. Yu. "About the Theory of Civil Procedural Legal Relations." Courier of Kutafin Moscow State Law University (MSAL)), no. 12 (March 17, 2022): 148–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/2311-5998.2021.88.12.148-156.
Full textAbstract:
The article describes the characteristics of civil procedural legal relations in the Russian civil process. The analysis of the theoretical foundations of the construction of models of civil procedure, the relationship between its participants in common law countries, in Germany and France. The author believes that as a result of borrowing the institute of disclosure of evidence from a foreign process, a new type of procedural relations arising between participants in the process without the participation of the court is fixed in the civil procedural legislation of Russia. It is noted that this is caused by the objective processes of globalization and unification in the world, as well as the political and economic transformations taking place inside Russia, which inevitably have an impact on the civil process. The article substantiates the need to return to the theoretical understanding of the views on civil procedural legal relations established in the doctrine of procedural law.
47
Shatokhina-Mordvintseva, Galina. "Diplomat Aleksandr Gavrilovich Golovkin: New Touches to Biographical Portrait." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2021): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640015098-5.
Full textAbstract:
Aleksandr Gavrilovich Golovkin (1688–1760) is a famous Russian diplomat of the first half of the XVIII century. His name is associated with a number of prominent pages in the history of bilateral relations of Russia with Prussia, France and most important – with the Republic of United Provinces, to which A. Golovkin was Ambassador Plenipotentiary for almost thirty years. However, today both Russian and foreign historiography is lacking substantial pieces of research dedicated to A. Golovkin. Up to the present moment biography, compiled by the diplomat himself in 1756 for a questionnaire of high-ranking state officials ordered by the Emperor’s decree, and a short section in the Memoireswritten by A. Golovkin’s grandson are the only scarce available pieces of information to build upon. The Ambassador perished in the Netherlands. Thus, family archive documents for a period encompassing more than two centuries ended up scattered among numerous private collections of his descendants settled abroad. The ambassador’s wife was Catherine Henriette von Dona of an ancient Saxon family. This article strives to enrich A. Golovkin’s biography with yet unknown facts about his family ties with aristocratic houses of Europe, in particular with the Orange-Nassau dynasty, as well as to show the diplomat’s status among high-ranking officials of Russia in the middle of the XVIII century, what property he owned and what contributed to his long and successful service in the system of the Collegium of Foreign Affairs foreign missions. The look into Ambassador A. Golovkin’s personality is, first of all, designed to encourage the interest of researchers in his invaluable legacy – diplomatic correspondence stored in the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire.
48
Ignatiev, P., and P. Bovsunivskyi. "EGYPT’S FOREIGN POLICY UNDER ABDEL FATTAH EL-SISI." ACTUAL PROBLEMS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, no. 134 (2018): 4–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2018.134.0.4-15.
Full textAbstract:
The article covers revolutionary changes in Egyptian foreign policy after the rise to power of Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. The authors note that the new President introduced a multidimensional policy, taking steps away from traditional dependence on the United States of America. To this end Egypt diversified suppliers for armed forces with the assistance of France and the Russian Federation, simultaneously expanding economic ties with China and the EU countries. The focus on the GCC monarchies that provide significant financial assistance to the regime also remains the important component of the Egyptian foreign policy. The article states that the aggravation of water shortages forces Egypt to conduct more active relations with African states, primarily with the Nile basin countries, but those attempts are “too little, too late”. The authors conclude that after exhausting all diplomatic means, Egypt can apply military force to protect its own water security against Ethiopia, but such policy will lead to direct clash with the United States of America and deterioration of Egyptian influence in Africa.
49
Flanagan, Brian, and Sinéad Ahern. "JUDICIAL DECISION-MAKING AND TRANSNATIONAL LAW: A SURVEY OF COMMON LAW SUPREME COURT JUDGES." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 60, no. 1 (January 2011): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589310000655.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis is a survey study of 43 judges from the British House of Lords, the Caribbean Court of Justice, the High Court of Australia, the Constitutional Court of South Africa, and the Supreme Courts of Ireland, India, Israel, Canada, New Zealand and the United States on the use of foreign law in constitutional rights cases. We find that the conception of apex judges citing foreign law as a source of persuasive authority (associated with Anne-Marie Slaughter, Vicki Jackson and Chris McCrudden) is of limited application. Citational opportunism and the aspiration to membership of an emerging international ‘guild’ appear to be equally important strands in judicial attitudes towards foreign law. We argue that their presence is at odds with Ronald Dworkin's theory of legal objectivity, and is revealed in a manner meeting his own methodological standard for attitudinal research.Wordsworth's words, written about the French Revolution, will, I hope, still ring true: Bliss was it in that dawn to be alive. But to be young was very heaven.– Justice Stephen Breyer's assessment of ‘the global legal enterprise now upon us’ before the American Society of International Law (2003)
50
Prokhorova, A. "DIPLOMATIC RELATIONSHIPS WITH LONDON AND PARIS DURING OF ANGLO-FRENCH WAR (60TH XI CENTURY)." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 136 (2018): 59–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.136.1.12.
Full textAbstract:
The article is dedicated to the diplomatic relationships between the British Kingdom and the Huguenots during the Anglo-French War of 1562-1564 and their influence on the foreign policy of England and France. The author analyzes the main directions of the diplomatic relations of the Elizabethan politicians with the French Protestants, finds out the factors and circumstances of the defeat of the Huguenots in the Battle of Dre and change the course of diplomatic relations between the countries. Also, author observes the course and results of the war of 1562-1564, and concludes that the defeat for England in this military conflict in the future had positive effects. For Elizabeth I became clear that it makes no sense to rely on the further assistance of Protestant forces from other states to the English case. The country could deviate from the policies that it was carrying out, and to re-evaluate its foreign-policy priorities, which contributed to a further new course of the country.