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1
Demeshchuk, Аnatolii. "Relations of the Republic of Croatia with EU Countries (1992-1999)." European Historical Studies, no. 12 (2019): 6–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.12.6-27.
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This article considers a development and peculiar properties of relations of the Republic of Croatia with European Union countries from the moment of this state’s international recognition on 15 January 1992 to the first Croatian president Franjo Tudjman’s death on 10 December 1999. The main attention is paid to those Western European countries, that played the most significant role in dealing with the crisis on the territory of former Yugoslavia and that had the most crucial place in Zagreb’s foreign policy during the first decade of Croatian independence: Federal Republic of Germany, Austria, France, Great Britain, Italy, Sweden and Vatican (however, the two last are not EU members). The attitude of these countries towards Croatia’s diplomatic goals during 1990ies and the dynamics of their relations with Croatian government, that weren’t constant, are analyzed in this article. The special attention is focused on the reasons of firm German and Austrian support for Croatia at the very beginning of its independence and their significant humanitarian aid for Croats during the war. From the other hand, there are explained reasons of skeptical and cold French and British position on Croatian question and the role of the history in Italian-Croatian relations after 1990. And, of course, Croatian problems and real obstacles in relations with Western European countries and with prospective of European integration during the presidency of Franjo Tudjman (that were really pessimistic) are also considered in this article. The newest researches of Croatian and other foreign authors on Croatian foreign policy in 1990ies were used for preparing this small research, as well as materials of foreign media, mostly Western and Croatian.
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Slakoper, Zvonimir. "The CISG and Croatian Courts." Business Law Review 40, Issue 4 (August 1, 2019): 170–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/bula2019022.
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SUMMARY The United Nations Convention on Contracts for the International Sale of Goods (hereinafter: the CISG) is undisputedly one of the most important and successful achievements in the global harmonization and unification of the law of contract. Eighty-nine states became parties to the Convention to support this claim which proves this fact (http://www. uncitral.org/uncitral/en/uncitral_texts/sale_goods/ 1980CISG_status.html.). The CISG had been applied by Croatian courts even before 1991, when the Republic of Croatia became the subject of (public) international law, because Croatia was part of the former Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, that ratified the CISG on 27 March 1985 with entering into force on 1 January 1988. After gaining independence, the Republic of Croatia notified its succession and the CISG entered into force in relation to Croatia on 8 October 1991 (Official Journal of the Republic of Croatia, No. 15/98). Without any exaggeration and based on facts, it can be said that the CISG is a particularly important source of sales law for Croatian companies. This conclusion can be derived from the scope of application of the CISG as defined under Article 1, the number of states that had adopted it, and the fact that companies located in the Member States are the most important foreign trade partners of Croatian companies (According to the data of the Croatian State Statistics Bureau, in 2017 Croatian companies were exporting an overwhelming value of goods to Austria, the Czech Republic, France, Italy, Hungary, the Netherlands, Germany, Slovenia, Great Britain, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Russia, Japan and the USA (https://www.dzs.hr/Hrv_ Eng/publication/2017/04-02-01_01_2017.htm). Although not all of them are Member States of the CISG, the applicable law for sales contracts is regularly the law of the state where the seller is located and this leads to the application of the CISG as the source of Croatian law.). This in turn led Croatian legal literature to pay special attention to the CISG, which resulted in numerous papers dedicated to the CISG (For an exhaustive list of papers published in Croatia see Tepeš, Nina: Mehanizam popunjavanja pravnih praznina u Konvenciji Ujedinjenih naroda o ugovorima o meðunarodnoj kupoprodaji i unifikacija prava meðunarodne kupoprodaje (Gap-filling mechanism in United Nations Convention on Contracts for International Sale of Goods and Unification of Law on International Sale of Goods), u Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta u Zagrebu 62, (1–2) (2012), page 670), but also to the application of the CISG by Croatian Courts. Although court disputes are undesirable, the number of disputes where the CISG was applied is proportional to the number of sales contracts to which the CISG has been applied.
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Vuković, Ivan. "Development of European Union and joining perspective of Croatia." Tourism and hospitality management 13, no. 2 (June 2007): 507–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/thm.13.2.7.
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In this paper we researched European Union starting with the Agreement from Maastrich from year 1992, even though the European Union has a long traditional history and its origin is founded on regulations of economical integrations in Europe beginning from the 1950’s through the Roman treaty from year 1957 and the forming of the European Union Committee in year 1965. Further we follow her expansion and introduction of the European economic and monetary policy, to last, the joining perspective of Croatia. According to the Agreement from Maastrich, European Union lies on three posts: 1) Legal-political and regulative post, 2) Economical post, where the forming of European economical and monetary policy is in the first plan, especially the introducing of Euro as the unique European currency, 3) Post of Mutual foreign security policy within European Union. In that context we need to highlight the research conducted here and in European Union, including the world, regarding development of European Union and its economical, legal, political and cultural, as well as foreign diplomatic results, which are all perspectives of European Union. All the scientists and researches which were involved in exploring the development of EU with its modern tendencies and development perspective, agree that extraordinary results are achieved regards to economical, legal, political, foreign-security and diplomatic views, even tough many repercussions exist in progress of some particular members and within the EU as a whole. The biggest controversy arises in the perspective and expanding of European Union regarding ratification of the Constitution of EU from particular country members, but especially after the referendum was refused from two European countries, France and Netherlands. According to some estimates, the Constitution of EU would have difficulty to be adopted in Switzerland and some other Scandinavian countries, but also in Great Britain and other very developed countries. However the European Community and European Union were developing and expanding towards third European countries, regardless of Constitutional non-existence, where we can assume that if and when the Constitution of EU will be ratified, the EU will further develop as one of the most modern communities. This will enable economical development, especially development of European business, unique European market and free trade of goods and services, market of financial capital and labour market in free movement of labour. Being that EU has become one of the most largest dominating markets in the world, it offers a possibility to all new members to divide labour by using modern knowledge and high technology which insure economical, social and political prosperity. This results to forming a society of European countries which will guarantee all rights and freedom of development for all nations and ethnic groups. As well as, all European countries with somewhat less sovereignty, but in international relations will be stronger and significant, not only in sense of economics, but also in politics and military diplomatic relations. Therefore, Croatia has no choice and perspective if she does not join the European Union till year 2010, but until than it needs to create its strategy of economical and scientific-technological development, including demographic development, which will insure equal progress of Croatia as an equal member of European Union.
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ČOVIĆ, PAULINA. "FOREIGN STUDENTS AT THE UNIVERSITY OF BELGRADE AND THEIR INTEREST IN THE HISTORY OF SOUTH SLAVS (1923–1941)." ISTRAŽIVANJA, Јournal of Historical Researches, no. 30 (December 25, 2019): 197–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2019.30.197-216.
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The paper examines the schooling of foreign students, holders of the scholarships awarded by the Ministry of Education of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia, at the University of Belgrade between the two World Wars. The first competitions were opened mid 1920s, with those countries which aided the schooling of Yugoslav students at their respective universities being eligible to apply. During the 1930s student exchange continued, in an apparently more extensive and organized manner, only to be extended at the end of the period under review to include countries with which the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, in accordance with the change of foreign policy orientation, established close political and economic relations. Thus, in the beginning, students from France, Great Britain, Czechoslovakia and Poland came to study in Belgrade, whereas, during the years before World War II, students also came from Turkey, Germany and Italy. Scholarship holders most often worked on developing their knowledge of Serbo-Croatian-Slovenian, studied literature and Yugoslav culture in general. Many of them chose to study history, whether as part of their undergraduate or specialist studies. They are the particular focus of this study. The paper is based on unpublished archival sources, periodicals and relevant historiographic literature.
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Dziubanovska, N. V., V. V. Maslii, Z. B. Lytvyn, and V. I. Bliask. "An Approach to the Analysis of the Intensity of the International Trade Dynamics on the Example of the European Union Countries." Statistics of Ukraine 97, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31767/su.2(97)2022.02.08.
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International trade is an important component of the national economy of any country in the world, as well as a leading form of international economic relations. Changes in the main indicators of foreign trade, such as exports, imports, trade balance, can cause significant imbalances in the parameters of economic growth of the subjects of such relations.The article proposes an approach to analyzing the intensity of dynamic changes in international trade in goods on the example of EU countries during 2004-2021 with using such methodological approaches as grouping, comparison, calculation and analysis of absolute and relative characteristics of dynamics. For this purpose, two groups of countries where distinguished: countries that were members of the EU before 2004 (Austria, Belgium, Great Britain, Denmark, Ireland, Germany, Spain, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, France, Greece, Portugal, Sweden and Finland) and countries that became members of the EU after 2004 (Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Cyprus. Bulgaria, Romania and Croatia). In carrying out the study, the cost indicators of trade transactions of the EU countries were used. With the help of such indicators as specific weight, chain and basic growth rates, coefficients of advance, the intensity of export and import dynamics in terms of selected groups where analyzed. The main trends and determinants of the development of export import activities, under the influence of which there were certain changes in the international trade of the EU countries during the period under study, were identified. These determinants include EU enlargement in 2004, the 2009 financial crisis and the COVID 2019 pandemic. Three periods of development of foreign trade of the member countries of this integration group are distinguished. The 5 largest exporter and importer countries, as well as the largest net exporters and net importers in terms of allocated groups, were identified. The results of the analysis also indicate that the countries that joined the EU after 2004 actively used their membership in the context of the development of foreign economic activity: they rapidly increased the volume of merchandise exports and imports. It has been proved that the proposed approach is effective for analyzing the nature of dynamic changes in international trade of any international organizations, integration associations, etc.
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Zametica, Jovan. "Sir Austen Chamberlain and the Italo-Yugoslav crisis over Albania February - May 1927." Balcanica, no. 36 (2005): 203–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0536203z.
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In the Spring of 1927 a major European crisis was developing in the Balkans It concerned the rivalry between Mussolini?s Italy and the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes over Albania in which, though a small and backward country, both Rome and Belgrade claimed to have legitimate political and security interests. At the time, the Italo-Yugoslav crisis was seen by many observers as containing the potential of turning into a war the Italian government in particular insisting that Belgrade was engaged in military preparations in order to launch an invasion of Albania. An important factor that made the Italo-Yugoslav rivalry over Albania possible in the first place was the country?s perennial political instability. Thus the crisis attracted considerable attention in Europe. Given the fact that France and Italy experienced strained relations, and that the Weimar Germany had only recently returned to the mainstream of the affairs of Europe following the treaties of Locarno, it was Great Britain that emerged as the chief player in attempts to defuse the emergency. Historians have paid relatively little attention to this, by now largely forgotten, episode in the diplomatic history of interwar Europe. The existing literature, however mistakenly tends to interpret the efforts of Great Britain as favoring the Italian claims in Albania. This article, which makes extensive use of primary sources from the Foreign Office, demonstrates that Foreign Secretary Sir Austen Chamberlain and all his relevant officials handled the crisis in an even-handed manner throughout and that, at times, if London exhibited any sympathy and understanding at all for either side, it was towards Belgrade rather than Rome.
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Lalević-Vasić, Bosiljka M. "Th e 2nd Congress of the Pan-Slavic Association of Dermatovenereologists, belgrade 1931." Serbian Journal of Dermatology and Venerology 4, no. 3 (November 29, 2012): 130–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10249-012-0012-9.
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Abstract The Pan-Slavic Association of Dermatovenereologists (PSADVs) was founded in May 1928, and it included dermatologic associations of Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Poland and Yugoslavia. Its president was Prof. Krzysztalowicz from Poland. The 1st Congress of this association was held in Warsaw in 1929, and the 2nd Congress was organized by the Association of Dermatovenereologists of Yugoslavia (ADVY), in Belgrade in 1931. The president of the Organizing Committee was Prof. Đorđe Đorđevic, and the secretary Assoc. Prof. Milan Kićevac from the Clinic of Dermatovenereology in Belgrade. The Congress was attended by representatives of Slavic national associations, as well as by representatives of French, Romanian, Greek and Turkish dermatology. The number of participants amounted to 160 physicians and 60 members of their families. According to the report of Ilić S., 104 papers had been presented: 48 from Yugoslavia (37 from Serbia, 3 from Croatia, 3 from Macedonia, and 5 from Bosnia), 23 from Czechoslovakia, 18 from Poland, 8 from France, 5 from Romania, 1 from Turkey, and 1 from Greece. Most papers were from the area of sexually transmitted diseases: 43 papers (41.35% of the total number). Out of these, 27 papers were on syphilis, followed by gonorrhea with 9 papers. There were both research and experimental papers. The authors insisted on assessing diagnostic and therapeutic issues, as well as disease prevention. The second most frequent group of diseases accounted for eczema. The problem included the defi nition and pathogenesis of the disease. The third group of diseases was tuberculosis. The results of experiments on animals were studied pointing out the need for reclassifi cation of skin tuberculosis in relation to internal tuberculosis. A small number of papers were on other infections of the skin and genitals, as well as individual cases of various dermatoses. During the Congress, social events were also organized, as well as a banquet on the ship Alexander I cruising on the Danube and Sava. Optional travel tours to all parts of Yugoslavia were also offered. Soon after the Congress, foreign journals published reports on its high professional level and the entire organization.
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Zubovic, M. "Republic of Croatia’s Membership in NATO." Post-Soviet Issues 6, no. 4 (January 24, 2020): 390–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2019-6-4-390-397.
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The article discusses the Euro-Atlantic vector of Croatian foreign policy, primarily the historical path of the state into NATO and the advantages of membership in this alliance. The Republic of Croatia in its history experienced a rather difficult period associated with the Croatian War for Independence, which began in 1991 after the state announced its withdrawal from the SFRY. Since then, one of the main goals of Croatian foreign policy has been joining the Euro-Atlantic structures, which was fulfiled in 2009, when Croatia became a full member of NATO. Based on the experience of the War for Independence, for the Republic of Croatia this membership is an important factor in ensuring the country’s security, and it can also help improve interstate relations in the Balkans and strengthen stability in the region. The work will also outline the operations and missions in which Croatia participates within the NATO framework and contributes to the successful implementation of Euro-Atlantic foreign policy.
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Šlogar, Helena, Krešimir Jerin, and Milan Papić. "Preview of BPM6 Methodology and Analysis of Foreign Direct Investment in 2015 in Croatia." Acta Economica Et Turistica 3, no. 1 (June 27, 2017): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aet-2017-0008.
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Abstract Foreign direct investments include equity capital, reinvested earnings and debt relations between ownership-related residents and non-residents. Since 31 October 2014, the Croatian National Bank has started to publish information in the field of statistics Relations (balance of payments, foreign debt and the IIP) in accordance with the methodology prescribed by the sixth edition of the Manual on Balance of Payments (Eng. Balance of Payments and International Investment Position Manual, BPM6), thus changing the presentational form of direct investment. Direct investments are not classified according to the so-called direction of investments (Eng. directional principle) on direct investment in Croatia and direct investment abroad anymore, but according to BPM6 apply the socalled principle of assets and liabilities (Eng. Assets / Liabilities principle). The aim is to point out the differences between the standards BPM5 and BPM6 and determine which activities and which countries are the most represented in the structure of direct investments in Croatia. By identifying relevant activities and countries in the structure of foreign direct investment, relevant information is obtained about the macroeconomic state of the Republic of Croatia and about the opportunities and potential dangers that certain activities and countries provide.
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Saideman, Stephen M. "Explaining the International Relations of Secessionist Conflicts: Vulnerability Versus Ethnic Ties." International Organization 51, no. 4 (1997): 721–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081897550500.
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With the end of the Cold War, many observers expected that international conflict would be less likely to occur and easier to manage. Given the successful resolution of the Gulf War and the European Community's (EC) efforts to develop a common foreign policy, observers expected international cooperation to manage the few conflicts that might break out. Instead, the disintegration of Yugoslavia contradicted these expectations. Rather than developing a common foreign policy, European states were divided over how to deal with Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia. Germany pushed for relatively quick recognition of Croatia and Slovenia, whereas other members of the EC wanted to go slower. Some observers expected Russia to fall in line with the West because of its need for investment and trade, but instead it supported Serbia. It is puzzling that Europe failed to cooperate regardless of whether greater international cooperation could have managed this conflict. How can we make sense of the international relations of Yugoslavia's demise? Since secession is not a new phenomenon, we should study previous secessionist conflicts to determine if they share certain dynamics, and we should consider applying to Yugoslavia the arguments developed to understand such conflicts.
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Yakovina, Tvtrko. "CROATIAN POLITICS: SYMBOLS AND INACTIVITY." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.05.
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The article is devoted to a comprehensive analysis of the foreign policy of the Republic of Croatia in close connection with its domestic policy. The author examines the balance of political forces in the country on the eve, during and after the presidential elections in 2019/2020, as well as the elections to Sabor (parliament) in July 2020. He describes in detail the situation in the party that won the elections to Sabor, - the Croatian Democratic Union, - and the internal party struggle between representatives of the centrist and right-wing nationalist groups. Largely thanks to the current leader and prime minister of Croatia A. Plenković, it ended in 2020 with the victory of the centrists. At the same time, the presidential elections in December 2019 - January 2020 were won by the candidate of the left-center - Social Democrat Z. Milanović, who defeated the CDU representative K. Grabar-Kitarović, who held this post. The author believes that in Croatia, as a result of the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2019/2020, a situation has developed in which the president and the prime minister, representatives of the left and the right centers respectively, can, through joint efforts, pursuing their own political goals, update Croatia’s domestic and foreign policy, including in the Balkan / South-Eastern Europe region. The previous policy of Croatia, according to the author, was unsuccessful. The previous leadership of Croatia, using as a basis the ideology of nationalism and fearing that Croatia would be historically associated with Yugoslavia and the Balkans, pursued a policy of self-isolation in the very region in which Croatia could play an important role. The balance of power formed in Croatia in 2020 makes it possible to intensify Croatia’s policy in the region, on the basis of a possible normalization of relations with the Serbian community of the country as well as through the process of improving relations with Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Without this transformation, the final stabilization in the Balkans / South-Eastern Europe region is impossible.
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Horopakha, Serhii. "Key milestones of the negotiating process on the accession of Croatia to the EU in 2007 – 2008." European Historical Studies, no. 11 (2018): 8–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.11.8-27.
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On 1st July 2013, the Republic of Croatia officially became the 28th member of the European Union. This event marked the fulfillment of a foreign policy goal, along with joining NATO in 2009, as a major step forward in the country’s long-term consolidation process. The article therefore analyzes the key events of the Croatia – EU relations in 2007-2008, which moved this Balkan country closer to implementing its Euro-integration course. Particular attention is paid to the peculiarities of the pre-accession negotiations with the European Union, as well as to internal and foreign policy factors that had a direct impact on the Euro-integration dialogue between Croatia and the European Union. In this context, emphasis is placed on problem issues that slowed down the dynamics of the negotiation process to a certain extent, in particular the unilateral application by Croatia of the Ecological and Fisheries Protection Zone, and measures taken by the Croatian authorities to settle them. Significant achievements of Croatia in the negotiation process with the European Union are highlighted, in particular, progress of the country in meeting the European Union criteria as well as a date determination the of pre-accession negotiations completion as an important political sign of the European Union readiness to accept a new member in future.
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Zubovic, M. "«The Three Seas Initiative»: Perspectives of Energy Sector Development within the Croatian Foreign Policy." Post-Soviet Issues 6, no. 1 (April 11, 2019): 84–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2019-6-1-84-91.
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The article revolves around the Three Seas Initiative, a project launched in 2015 by the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Poland, aimed at the development of cooperation and international relations between its 12 member states in the sphere of energy, digitalization and transport. Special emphasis is put on the development of Croatia’s foreign policy in the energy sector within the aforementioned Initiative, which can be achieved through the country’s participation in the construction of an LNG terminal on the island of Krk in Croatia. Moreover, both positive and negative aspects of the Initiative are presented in the article, considering the fact it has attracted not only the attention of western EU countries, but also the United States and Russia. Croatia’s participation in the projects of the Three Seas Initiative as one of its founders is considered to be one of the biggest steps in the country’s recent foreign policy, and if successfully put into practice, the Initiative could provide Croatia an opportunity to strengthen its geopolitical position in Europe.
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Koneva, Natal'ya, and Ana Zalović. "A Nationally Oriented Russian Language Textbook for Foreigners (RFL) in Croatian Audience. What Should It Be Like?" Scientific Research and Development. Modern Communication Studies 9, no. 2 (April 10, 2020): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-9103-2019-29-34.
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The topicality of the stated topic is due to the lack of nationally oriented Russian language textbooks in Croatia. Russian-Croatian relations from the XVIII century to the present day are briefly reviewed in the article and attention is paid to the history of Russian language learning in Croatia. The paper touches upon the topic of intercultural communication, which is particularly important for the organization of educational process, in which the teacher of Russian as a foreign language must take into account the national and cultural students’ characteristics. A survey among teachers of Russian as a foreign language and language school students in Croatia was conducted by the authors of this article in order to substantiate prerequisites for creating a nationally oriented Russian language textbook. Russian language teachers’ methodical preferences, aims of studying Russian language and possible factors which can increase students’ motivation are shown; most often difficulties linked to mastering the Russian language are revealed, the same as teachers’ and students’ recommendations regarding a creation of nationally oriented Russian language textbook for elementary level.
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Lovrović, Leonarda, and Cathy-Theresa Kolega. "Teaching Culture through Reading Literature in English Language Teaching." ELOPE: English Language Overseas Perspectives and Enquiries 18, no. 2 (December 29, 2021): 185–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/elope.18.2.185-203.
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English as a lingua franca (ELF) has become a standardized mode of communication between diverse sociocultural groups. Besides linguistic competence, English language learners should possess adequate intercultural competence to establish successful social relations worldwide. Therefore, one of the main objectives of English language teaching (ELT) has become the development of intercultural speakers (Byram 1997; Kramsch 1998). One way of achieving this is by using literature in the classroom because learners interpret literary texts from their personal experience and are thus engaged both at a cognitive and an emotional level. Their individual interpretations can nevertheless also lead to generalizations and enforcement of stereotypes about foreign cultures. Hanauer (2001) has developed a method called focus-on-cultural understanding to expose learners to different interpretations. The study explores whether his method can be successfully applied in the context of Croatian university education. The method has proven to be effective for raising learners’ cultural awareness, which could lead to further development of their intercultural competence.
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Shokirov, Oybek. "LABOR DISPUTES AND THE PROCEDURE FOR THEIR RESOLUTION: FOREIGN EXPERIENCE." JOURNAL OF LAW RESEARCH 6, no. 9 (September 30, 2021): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9130-2021-9-5.
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The article discusses labor disputes and the procedure for their resolution in the sections of such countries as the USA, Canada, Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia, Romania and Croatia, France. In addition, using the comparative legal method, the labor legislation of the Republic of Uzbekistan was studied. In the course of the analysis, it was concluded that the Labor Code does not contain any limitation on the total number of employees included in the commission, now a labor dispute commission can be created at any, even a very small enterprise, the commission includes an equal number employee and employer representatives. In the context of the study of the category of collective labor disputes, the international experience of the ILO regarding collective bargaining practice was studied.Keywords:labor contract, ILO, UN, commission, labor dispute, employee, court, arbitration
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Berna, Ioana-Bianca. "Diplomația culturală şi re-clasarea relațiilor culturale România-Franța / Cultural Diplomacy and the Re-shaping of the Romanian-France Cultural Relations." Hiperboreea A2, no. 3-6 (January 1, 2013): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.2.3-6.0054.
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Abstract Cultural diplomacy has lesser aspects of monolithical sustainability, but it can have stronger gist production. Romania and France have always rebounded their relations in the court of cultural relations. Throughout this article, we will try to emphasize the sequel and tenor of cultural diplomacy in foreign policy and the sorts and medium it can have for solidarity rendering. Further, we will use these explanations in order to accent its proper usability in contemporary France-Romanian relations. We contend that the relaunching of the strategic partneship between Romania and France, opens new chances of predisposition for the avenues of cultural diplomacy. We will commence with the timely nearness between Romania and France in the last century and then, proceed with the lines of approach of cultural diplomacy in Romanian-France contemporary foreign policy affairs.
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Lefebvre, Bruno. "Posted workers in France." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 12, no. 2 (May 2006): 197–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890601200207.
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This contribution presents ongoing research that sets out to assess for the first time the situation of the foreign workers, from Europe and beyond, who work in France, in various economic sectors, as a result of the operation of networks of subcontractors. It appears that neither the legal framework nor the obligations of the foreign firms employing these workers are clear, in terms either of relations with government departments or of the legal arguments that may legitimately be invoked for the settlement of disputes. Trade unions, citizens' associations, locally elected officials and civil servants alike are strikingly ill-prepared to deal with this new phenomenon of the movement of workers in Europe.
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JOZIĆ, Jugoslav JOZIĆ, and Robert BARIĆ BARIĆ. "PROSPECTS FOR DEVELOPMENT OF THE GEOPOLITICAL POSITION OF THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA." Obrana a strategie (Defence and Strategy) 22, no. 2 (December 16, 2022): 019–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3849/1802-7199.22.2022.02.019-035.
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This article analyses to what extent the Republic of Croatia has so far been able to use its favourable geographical position and other geographical features of its territory to improve its own geopolitical position. The article uses the method of neoclassical geopolitics. The conducted analysis shows that the geopolitical agents are aware of the potential of the Croatian territory and that some geopolitical goals are defined in the National Security Strategy. Consequently, Croatian transport infrastructure is constantly being built, modernized, and partly connects to the network of pan-European corridors. Croatia has been able to use its favourable geographical position in defining and implementing its foreign policy goals.
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JOZIĆ, Jugoslav, and Robert BARIĆ. "PROSPECTS FOR DEVELOPMENT OF THE GEOPOLITICAL POSITION OF THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA." Obrana a strategie (Defence and Strategy) 22, no. 2 (December 16, 2022): 019–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3849/10.3849/1802-7199.22.2022.02.019-035.
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This article analyses to what extent the Republic of Croatia has so far been able to use its favourable geographical position and other geographical features of its territory to improve its own geopolitical position. The article uses the method of neoclassical geopolitics. The conducted analysis shows that the geopolitical agents are aware of the potential of the Croatian territory and that some geopolitical goals are defined in the National Security Strategy. Consequently, Croatian transport infrastructure is constantly being built, modernized, and partly connects to the network of pan-European corridors. Croatia has been able to use its favourable geographical position in defining and implementing its foreign policy goals.
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Martin, Guy. "Continuity and Change in Franco-African Relations." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 1 (March 1995): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020826.
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While noticeable signs of change in relations between France and her former colonies in Africa began to appear in the post-cold war era, particularly since 1990, elements of continuity include their enduring historical and cultural ties; their informal, intimate, and secretive politico-diplomatic relations, typified by the bi-annual franco-African summit meetings; and the fact that when all is said and done, the contintent remains of great economic importance to France. As for the gradual process of democratisation which has swept throughout francophone Africa in recent years, there is evidence that this has been selectively supported by France according to criteria pertaining more to her core foreign-policy interests in Africa than to ideological, legalistic, or humanitarian considerations.
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Bourmaud, Daniel. "France in Africa: African Politics and French Foreign Policy." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, no. 2 (1995): 58–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502054.
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French policy in Africa is at a crossroads. Forced to consider among choices that appeared entrenched in the past, France now hesitates to implement essential reforms. The reluctance to carve out a new conception of French-African relations is in part tied to the magnitude of the changes which have affected African states south of the Sahara since 1989, but it is also tied to the generalized failure of French aid policies since the Second World War. The result has been a conceptual vacuum in French policy towards Africa, reflected in the oscillation between the old practices, including very controversial ones, and the structural adjustments in which France is little more than an interested observer.
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Gmurczyk-Wrońska, Małgorzata. "France in International Relations of the Second Half of the 20th Century and the Early 21st Century – Priorities in Foreign Policy." Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 4, no. 44 (December 31, 2014): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2014.44.03.
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After the Second World War France lost temporarily her position as a decision-maker in international relations. Soon enough, though, her diplomacy adapted to a bipolar system. Her foreign policy was to manoeuvre between the USSR, the United States and Great Britain, and to jointly create the structures of future European Union. It was in the EU that France has found the place to strengthen her role of mediator and arbiter. Nowadays, the foreign policy of France has numerous continuities originating from the 19th century and the years of 1918 – 1939, but also some modifications related to new directions in French foreign policy and to the adaptation of its tactics to main purposes in order to secure France’s security, her strong position in the EU and in the world.
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Spahija, Fidane. "The Investment and Net Interest Margin: Case Study Commercial Banks in Kosovo." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 1, no. 2 (April 30, 2016): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v1i2.p117-126.
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In Kosovo, but in all developing countries, the foreign investment is the locomotive of the country that considered as the most important economic sectors. In general it can be concluded that most of the investment originates from developed countries and that these investments return to these places. Origin of investments in Kosovo mainly comes from countries such as Austria, Germany, Slovenia, Great Britain, Switzerland, Turkey, the Netherlands, Albania, Serbia, USA, France, Macedonia, Croatia, Cyprus, Norway, Italy, Greece etc. The banking sector in Kosovo has been very attractive to the foreign investors. A total of nine commercial banks, seven are foreign owned. Foreign investments are primarily generated as investments in shares of foreign shareholders from different countries of the world. Investments in securities have increased by the banking sector in 2014. With the change of the interest rate it has also changed net interest margin of the banking sector. Interest on loans and deposits has continued to decline. Especially interest rates on deposits in 2014 have fallen to 1. 1%. This linked to the investment bank in securities of our government as the initiator in this area but cannot be denied to the investment of foreign governments. With the decrease of credit interest rate will be the development of sustainable economic growth and boost investment.
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Iversen, Nina M., Leif E. Hem, and Ulf H. Olsson. "Willingness to buy US products in three Southeast European countries: The effects of cognitive, affective and conative components of country-of-origin image." Journal of East European Management Studies 27, no. 3 (2022): 487–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0949-6181-2022-3-487.
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The objective of this research is to present results from a survey conducted in Croatia, Serbia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina, addressing the negative influence of warfare by USA upon consumer behavior in the region. The results show that perceptions generated from USA’s general country image influence consumers’ intentions to buy American-made products. Furthermore, country “goodwill” and “bad-will” create cognitive and affective ambivalence, which concurrently promote and hamper consumers’ willingness to buy foreign products. Facets of USA’s general country image create mixed emotions, which influence approach and avoidance behavior towards US imports. USA’s country image concurrently impacts product-specific perceptions, ethnocentric tendencies, animosity, and admiration/affinity, influencing the propensity to buy American-made products among consumers in Croatia, Serbia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina.
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Pauluzzo, Rubens. "Foreign Market Entry Strategies in the North-Adriatic Area." International Journal of Information Systems and Social Change 4, no. 1 (January 2013): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jissc.2013010101.
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The consolidation of economic and political relations in the North-Adriatic area and their formalization encouraged by the new institutional structures of Euro-regions are phenomena of central relevance to the actual European economic environment. These conditions have a significant influence on the strategic choices of local firms. In spite of the geographical proximity between Italy, Austria, Slovenia, and Croatia, cultural differences still act as important determinants in leading foreign investment strategies. The current study aims at analyzing the role played by cultural distance between the examined countries in affecting entry mode strategies followed by companies of the Italian region of Friuli-Venezia Giulia. In particular, the analysis suggests that a larger cultural distance, together with specific market characteristics, may force companies to choose entry forms with a lower degree of control, while specific firm characteristics may have an opposite impact on the internationalization strategies.
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Hamidani, Salim. "Colonial Legacy in Algerian–French Relations." Contemporary Arab Affairs 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2020.13.1.69.
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The colonial period in Algeria was a time of suffering and struggle for Algerians who fought to win back their freedom and defend their values against French attempts to subjugate them. It was also a struggle to end foreign control over the country’s wealth and resources. National independence sought a sovereign state with free decision-making, away from French influence in particular, in a context of ideological polarization and mutual hostility between ex-colonial forces and independent states. The root of such hostility lies in what both parties lost, and resulted in a distinctive pattern of French–Algerian bilateral relations tainted by nostalgia from the French side and the struggle for parity from the Algerian side. The three decades following Algeria’s independence witnessed, to a certain extent, a national sentiment opposed to colonial France, and it is the sentiment that Algerian politicians attempted to use to manage relations between the two countries and obtain some benefits by invoking the past in speeches at a local level, and to overcome that past in building relations with France. As a security crisis and economic decline hit Algeria, it became apparent that the French regime was to exert effective influence on the country and control its foreign policy to meet French aspirations and ambitions in both Africa and the Arab world. This conclusion suggested to several observers the fall of the Algerian elite, responsible for decision-making, under French influence. Moreover, this elite group, while dealing with several regional issues, was not able to assert complete independence in its decision-making regarding foreign affairs, whether due to its past and formation or to the network of new relations built between the Algerian and French systems. This reality, which is deeply rooted in the Algerian foreign policy system, raises the question of the ability of the Algerian elite to pull away from its colonial inheritance and the grip of the French regime. One might therefore wonder how historical events and Algerian solid ties with the French administration shape French–Algerian relations and their political agendas.
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Makhmasobirova, Yulduz Uktamovna. "Institutional Factor in the Interstate Cooperation’s Development: The Example of Uzbek-French Relations." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 9, no. 2 (February 3, 2022): 335. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v9i2.3502.
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The development of any branch of the socio-political, economic or cultural life of a society is directly related to the work of specialized organizations/institutes that are responsible for this sector. Foreign policy has also developed, improved and, most importantly, stabilized with the advent of universal (as an institute state) and special bodies (ministries, agencies, diplomatic missions, etc.) external relations. The article examines the impact of institutional factors on the dynamics of development of interstate cooperation on the example of Uzbek-French relations. It provides a conceptual analysis of the institutionalization processes’ role on the state of bilateral cooperation and a comprehensive study of the evolution of the institutional basis of relations between Uzbekistan and France through a systematic approach. The introductory part of the article defines the practical and academic relevance of the research. The role of institutional factors in the effectiveness of foreign policy of the state and the disclosure of the potential of the state in the international arena is considered. The introduction also sets out the purpose, objectives and methods of research. The main part of the study is a brief theoretical and methodological substantiation of the activities of state foreign policy institutions. It also provides general information on the current state of cooperation between Uzbekistan and France. The current state of this cooperation is revealed through a system-institutional analysis: the author investigated bilateral relations between Uzbekistan and France in five conditional stages: 1992-2005, 2006-2008, 2009-2012, 2013-2017, 2018- at pp. The specificity of transformation of these conditional stages is revealed. The final part of the article provides an overview of the impact of institutionalization on society and the state, the formation, implementation and prospects of foreign policy, the success or inefficiency of international relations of the state. In addition, proposals were made for the further development of relations between Uzbekistan and France.
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de Bruyn, Martyn. "AUKUS and its significance for transatlantic relations." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 2 (January 19, 2022): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17427.1.
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The AUKUS agreement between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States is a major step in formalizing Washington’s commitment to the Indo-Pacific. The announcement surprised the Biden Administration’s European allies and led to an indignant reaction from France, which saw its submarine contract with Australia fall victim of the deal. The AUKUS agreement led to a renewed debate about the soft power nature of European Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) in which the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy called for a strategic compass. This paper analyzes the strategic policy papers of the European Union and the United States on the Indo-Pacific and concludes that their different approaches to peace and security complement each other in important ways.
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Ignatchenko, I. V. "France in the Vienna System of International Relations (the First Half of The 19th Century)." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(45) (December 28, 2015): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-9-14.
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Abstract: The Vienna system of international relations established at the Congress of Vienna in 1814-1815, was a real challenge for the French political elite during all subsequent decades. France was a defeated party and was thus morally humiliated. The objective for all French governments after 1815 was to improve the position of France in this new system of international relations, including due to the destabilization and breaking of the Vienna system. In the years of the Restoration in France (1814-1830) a major foreign policy action of the government of Louis XVIII was the intervention in Spain in 1823, which refers to the Spanish revolution of 1820-1823. The French government, reflecting the interests of the European reaction, had hoped to raise these military prestige of France, and consequently to raise the question of the revision of the treatises of Vienna of 1815. Despite the success of the intervention, she has not brought the big political dividends in France. After the July revolution 1830 in France, the foreign policy of France intensified. Leading French politicians defined quite clearly exclusive spheres of influence of France, and in 1832 the French troops invaded Central Italy, capturing the city of Ancona. In 1840, during the second Oriental crisis, the French government has opposed themselves to the rest of Europe for the first time since the Napoleonic wars. Ultimately, the strategic position of France in the middle East was weakened. But the exacerbation of international conflict contributed to the strengthening of the French army and Navy. Further successes of the French diplomacy will be linked to the period of the Second Empire in France, in particular, with the Crimean war, that raised has raised status of France, and the decision of the Italian question in the second half of the 60-ies of the XIX century.
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Glucksmann, Eloïse. "Commisimpex v. Republic of Congo." American Journal of International Law 111, no. 2 (April 2017): 453–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2017.30.
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The law in France regarding waivers of foreign state (or sovereign) immunity from execution of judicial judgments (based largely on consideration of international law principles) has recently undergone significant developments. Previously, French case law had required a foreign state's waiver of immunity from execution to be both express and specific to consider valid the attachment of foreign state property allocated to public services (including bank accounts used for the functioning of both diplomatic missions and delegations to international organizations). In 2015, the French Court of Cassation relaxed the criteria it had previously required for giving effect to waivers of sovereign immunity in such situations, thus facilitating the ability of judgment creditors to attach foreign state property in France. Its decision in the Commisimpex v. Republic of Congo case appeared to put an end to that requirement by abandoning the criterion of a “specific” waiver on the ground that “customary international law does not require a waiver of immunity from execution other than express.” In December 2016, however, the French government enacted new legislation reinstating the need for a specific waiver of immunity for the attachment of the property as well as bank accounts of foreign embassies and diplomatic missions and additionally requiring a court order authorizing the attachment or seizure. As a result, France has now embraced a distinctly more protective approach to the immunity of foreign state assets from attachment and execution of judicial judgments.
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S. Gusakova, Yuliya, Tatyana L. Adrianovskaya, Valentina V. Chuksina, Aleksej N. Nifanov, and Michael V.Presnyakov. "COMPARATIVE CHARACTERISTICS OF LABOR RELATIONS CONCEPTS IN VARIOUS FOREIGN NATIONS." Revista de Investigaciones Universidad del Quindío 34, S2 (June 14, 2022): 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.33975/riuq.vol34ns2.878.
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This study tries to provide a comparative features of labor relations notions in some foreign nations. This study examines the legal laws and regulation of labor relationships, splitting states into 2 classifications. The initial incorporates Germany, Russia, France, and several other European nations. In the next - the USA, Australia, Great Britain, and other nations of the Anglo-Saxon legal systems. The comparative examination of various states’ legislation and formal-logical and functional methods are used to gratify the study’s objectives. The conclusion is made that the borrowing of the experience of the nations’ adhering to the Anglo-Saxon pattern is not acceptable for Russia because, in them, the contract of labor is demonstrated not as a means able to guarantee the workers’ rights but as a legal means to generate circumstances able to infringe on their benefits.
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Tiutiunyk, Inna, Wojciech Cieśliński, Andrii Zolkover, and László Vasa. "Foreign direct investment and shadow economy: One-way effect or multiple-way causality?" JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 15, no. 4 (December 2022): 196–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.14254/2071-8330.2022/15-4/12.
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The article examines the relationship between the size of the shadow economy and indicators of the investment market development. Net inflow of foreign direct investments, volume of net investments in non-financial assets, volumes of portfolio investments, and net outflow of foreign direct investment were used as parameters characterizing the development of the investment market. The dependence between the indicators was analyzed using the regression equation, Shapiro-Wilk test. Research results demonstrate that the increase in the inflow and outflow of foreign direct investments leads to an increase in the size of the shadow economy without a time lag in Ukraine, Poland, Slovenia, Romania, Croatia, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, and with a time lag of 1 year in Slovakia and Hungary. The largest impact on the size of the shadow economy is made by the volume of inflow and outflow of direct foreign investments, while the volume of portfolio investments has a less significant effect. Consequently, it was concluded that the processes of inflow and outflow of direct foreign investments require enhanced control by specialized state executive bodies given the scale of their potential destabilizing impact on the macroeconomic stability of the country.
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Komakha, Anna Alekseevna, Mikhail Aleksandrovich Ivashkin, and Mikhail Vladimirovich Kotov. "The relations between France and the Middle East states during the presidency of Emmanuel Macron in the context of settlement of regional crises." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 1 (January 2022): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2022.1.37130.
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This article analyzes the relations between France and the Middle East states through the prism of foreign policy course of Emmanuel Macron, who was elected as the president of France on May 14, 2017. The Middle East vector of foreign policy is traditional for the Republic, and therefore is one of the foreign policy priorities for the current leader. The author aim to determine the essence and key peculiarities of the Middle East course of E. Macron. For achieving the set goal it is necessary to outline the priority foreign policy vectors of the president and range of countries in the region that are subject to the measures of his chosen course; analyze in which states and to what extent the leader of the Republic continues the policy of his predecessors who were in power since the early XXI century; and changes in the relations between France and certain Middle East states. The conclusion is made on the presence of particular factors that hinder the conduct of smart policy in the region, which would meet the interests of all Middle Eastern actors. Disaccord of the French leader with his international partners regarding the Middle East regulation significantly complicates the implementation of smart foreign relative to the Arab world. E. Macron is currently paying scrupulous attention to the policy of European integration, which raises a number of unresolved issues regarding the Middle East. This alongside the domestic political issues undermines the authority of the current French leader.
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Arapi, Arshela, and Valentina Duka. "Economic Relations between Albania and France 1945–1990." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, no. 3 (November 27, 2017): 73–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ajis-2017-0023.
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Abstract France had trade deals with several Balkan countries, which were often carried out by private firms that exchanged mutual interest. It would be of interest that even with Albania resumed exchanges for a category of articles despite the lack of a regular convention. Their purpose was to resume the works on kerosene requirements. This brought about the improvement of the Albanian economy and meeting the needs of the France for these products, which in turn strengthened even more the economic and political relations of the two countries. With the insistence of the French side, on August 1956, a trade agreement was signed between Albania and France, where the French Government allowed the exchange of goods between the two countries as a compensation to French firms seeking to collaborate with our country. It is worth pointing out that the trade relations that Albania had with France until 1964 was generally satisfactory. Albania's export and import plans were satisfactorily fulfilled and a better basis for new successes in forecasts and plans for the future in 1965 was provided. In the official talks with the French side in mid eighties, the Albanian side proposed the establishment of a joint group within the Chambers of Commerce to look at the possibilities of France purchasing our minerals and the possibilities of Albania buying their equipment. Based on the credits opened by French firms and our foreign trade enterprises, the release of the respective goods was followed in both directions. Thus, our companies have been releasing confectionery, towels, clothespins, chairs etc. French companies have continued to release electronic equipment, clay, oil spill delta and various exchange parts. Several other economic agreements were signed between two countries which increased the level of Albanian exports towards France.
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Štefanac-Nadarević, Vesna, Mihovil Vukelić, and Miroslav Cuculić. "Care for health of foreign tourists in case of medical emergency." Tourism and hospitality management 2, no. 2 (December 30, 1996): 369–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/thm.2.2.14.
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The county of Primorje and Gorski kotar is one of the most developed tourist regions in Croatia. The majority of tourists come from the neighbouring countries because of the geographical position of this region and because of good relations that Republic of Croatia has with its neighbours. The objective of our research was to examine health care and morbidity of Austrian, German and Italian tourists who stayed in the Rijeka area from 1987 to 1990 and who asked-for medical help on the basis of insurance certificate-convention. Our research is based on the health and other documentation used by Croatian Institute of Health Insurance for the compensation of the expense of medical treatment. In the examined period the total of 3884 tourists were treated, out of which 400 from Austria (10%), 2796 from Germany (72%) and 688 from Italy (18%). There was 9% of children under the age of 9 and 19% of people over 60. In 519 cases (13%) hospital treatment was needed with the total of 5734 days spent in hospital. The majority of patients needed ambulatory treatment, 3365 (87%). As to morbidity of patients injuries were most represented 868 (22%). To patients who needed help because of chronic diseases of cardiovascular system, of nervous system,of locomotor system and respiratory system belongs 6- 11 %. During the period from 1990 to 1995, 4509 tourists were cured. The results of the research will be shown when the analysis is completed. The results will also be compared with the results of other similar researches. The performed analysis shows that among tourists in our region there is a considerable number of persons who suffer from chronic diseases, and who should be offered a highly professional medical treatment as a part of health - tourism programme, aimed at the prevention, treatment and rehabilitation of a disease.
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Lenoir, Noëlle. "The Representation of Women in Politics: From Quotas to Parity in Elections." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 50, no. 2 (April 2001): 217–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/50.2.217.
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Although the Republic in France is traditionally represented by the image of Marianne, this symbol is far from illustrating the role played by women in public life. The fact is that in terms of women's representation in politics, France still shares with Greece the bottom place in the European Union. And this is one of the great paradoxes that foreign observers like to highlight in France.
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Andrey V., Krivov. "Foreign Experience in Сountering the Legalization of Criminal Assets." Rossijskoe pravosudie, no. 6 (May 25, 2022): 78–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.37399/issn2072-909x.2022.6.78-82.
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In this article, the author, in the standard of a scientific article of a periodical, carried out an overview comparative analysis of the criminal law counteraction to corruption in the national legal systems of various states (USA, Germany, China and France), were identified as national features of the legal regulation of legal relations in the field of counteracting legalization (laundering) of criminal proceeds (assets) and general trends.
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Semenenko, I., and I. Grishin. "World. Challenges of Global Crisis. France." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2013): 70–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-11-70-83.
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The publication presents the results of the recent theoretical seminar of IMEMO Center of comparative socio-economic and socio-political studies. The topic relates to the trends and prospects of socio-political transformations in the leading nations of the world under the conditions of current crisis. In particular, the participants of the seminar discuss the status of the French socio-political model, crisis hardships, new balance of political forces, features of foreign policy, France’s Syrian dilemma.
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Zueva, K. "Current French–US Partnership." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 11 (2015): 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-11-47-55.
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The article examines US–France relations, in particular within the NATO framework, as well as positions of France in the Alliance, its participation in NATO operations and its desire to play a more active role in this organization. The pilot of American interests in the Asian-Pacific region and events in Ukraine revive aspirations of Europeans for more active building of the “European defense”. The France-Britain military collaboration is developing intensively. However, France considers the formation of the “European army” as a question of a very long-term perspective. The article also examines the stance of France on the free trade zone between the EU and the U.S. The Atlantic solidarity is one of the most important directions in the French foreign policy. In power, Francois Hollande continues his predecessor's policy in this sphere. Nowadays, France demonstrates the accordance with the US almost in all international issues from Syria to Ukraine. France has shown its dependence on the US policy in such questions as “Mistrals” delivery to Russia and the attitude to the Ukrainian crisis. The scandal around the American ANB spying after French political and business elite did not destroy this dependence. The participation of France in NATO is the most important format of transatlantic relations. The French expert association and opposition forces constantly criticize the transatlantic direction of Hollande's foreign policy. The greater and greater part of French elite stands for the returning of an independent voice of France in international affairs. The great anxiety in French society is provoked by the U.S. pulling into the crusade against Russia. However, in the present situation, French leaders are not going to spoil relations with their transatlantic partner, because they believe that only together with the U.S. they can counter contemporary challenges of the modern world.
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Kocher, Matthew Adam, Adria K. Lawrence, and Nuno P. Monteiro. "Nationalism, Collaboration, and Resistance: France under Nazi Occupation." International Security 43, no. 2 (November 2018): 117–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00329.
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Does nationalism produce resistance to foreign military occupation? The existing literature suggests that it does. Nationalism, however, also can lead to acquiescence and even to active collaboration with foreign conquerors. Nationalism can produce a variety of responses to occupation because political leaders connect nationalist motivations to other political goals. A detailed case study of the German occupation of France during World War II demonstrates these claims. In this highly nationalistic setting, Vichy France entered into collaboration with Germany despite opportunities to continue fighting in 1940 or defect from the German orbit later. Collaboration with Germany was widely supported by French elites and passively accommodated by the mass of nationalistic French citizens. Because both resisters and collaborators were French nationalists, nationalism cannot explain why collaboration was the dominant French response or why a relatively small number of French citizens resisted. Variation in who resisted and when resistance occurred can be explained by the international context and domestic political competition. Expecting a German victory in the war, French right-wing nationalists chose collaboration with the Nazis as a means to suppress and persecute their political opponents, the French Left. In doing so, they fostered resistance. This case suggests the need for a broader reexamination of the role of nationalism in explaining reactions to foreign intervention.
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Morzheedov, Vladislav Gennad'evich. "The models of German political space in France’s foreign policy of the XIX century." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 6 (June 2021): 56–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.6.35989.
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The subject of this research is the relations between Napoleonic France and German states in the early XIX century. The object of this research is the various models of the development of German political space during the Napoleonic Wars. Analysis is conducted on the role of France in transformations that influences the Holy Roman Empire, as well as in the process of creating Confederation of the Rhine. Under the reign of Napoleon Bonaparte, France pursues active foreign policy, competing for hegemony in Europe. The article considers positive and negative consequences of transformations that took place in the German political space, the importance of political modernization for the Confederation of the Rhine member-states, as well as the corresponding territorial and institutional changes. The novelty of this work lies in the original approach towards the problem. An attempt is made to reconsider the known events of the early XIX century from the perspective of evolution of the models of German political space. The research employs chronological, historical-comparative, and historical-systematic methods. It is claimed that without analyzing the impact of foreign policy of Napoleonic France upon the German states, it is impossible to fully understand the trends of further development of Germany, goals and ways of reaching national unity, and peculiarities of Franco-German relations in the late XIX – early XX centuries. The main conclusion lies in recognition of the contradictory nature of transformations that took place in the German states, assessment of the ambiguous role of Napoleonic France in the German integration process, and importance of studying this topic for outlining further historical path of development of the German states towards political unity.
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Poljanec, Kristijan, and Tomislav Jakšić. "Safeguarding Croatian Strategic Industries Within the Scope of the EU Foreign Direct Investment Regime." Central European Journal of Comparative Law 1, no. 2 (December 9, 2020): 123–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.47078/2020.2.123-149.
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A European Union (EU)-wide screening regime entered into force in October 2020, marking the turning point in the Member States’ investment relations with third countries, most notably, the emerging economies of the Far East. Most Central and Eastern European (CEE) states have recently embraced novel screening solutions; some legislative proposals are still pending in a few states. These regulatory changes are the result of the socio-economic turmoil caused by the COVID-19 epidemic, which threatens a major fire sale of resources that are deemed critical for the Member States’ national security and public order. In this paper, the authors examine the existing screening mechanisms regarding foreign direct investment (FDI) in five EU countries: Austria, Germany, Hungary, Slovenia, and Poland. Given the apparent lack of comprehensive FDI screening mechanisms in Croatia, the authors consider that the findings of this comparative analysis could help Croatian legislator establish a comprehensive legal regime for FDI pouring into Croatian strategic industries. This paper argues that Croatia should introduce novel screening mechanisms along the lines of the Germanic legal tradition, most notably, the CEE and the German foreign trade and payments law. The authors suggest potential solutions de lege ferenda that would fit the scope and objectives of the screening regulation. Following the introduction, the second section of the paper glances through FDI screening mechanisms in four CEE countries. In the third section, the paper revisits the existing Croatian legislation on FDI control. The fourth section considers possible amendments thereof within the context of the German foreign trade and payments law. The fifth section summarises and concludes the paper.
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Andrlić, Mladen, Iva Tarle, and Suzana Simichen Sopta. "Public Diplomacy in Croatia:Sharing NATO and EU Values with the Domestic Public." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 7, no. 4 (2012): 483–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341234.
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Summary In a globalized world, with dynamic flows of information and communication, public diplomacy also supports internal understanding of international values and relations. The sharing of international standards, democratic changes and market reforms in Central, Eastern and South-East Europe has become more effective by communicating with the domestic public. This has also been experienced in Croatia, which has long been considered as one of the more advanced transition countries. Croatia’s strategic goal of becoming a functional market democracy has always been in line with NATO and EU values, although the costs and benefits of accession were, and still are, to be discussed both abroad and with the domestic public. Creating pluralistic, well-structured and institutionalized platforms for permanent public dialogue is a multifaceted activity that allows all segments of society to practise democracy. The lessons learned in Croatia confirm that a government — if and when it develops a domestic dialogue — not only gains public support for its foreign policy goals at home and abroad, but also becomes better articulated internationally.
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Nesterova, T. P. "France and Attempt to Resolve the Italo-Ethiopian Conflict in Late 1935: the Hoare–Laval Plan." Nauchnyi dialog 1, no. 8 (August 31, 2020): 398–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-8-398-411.
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The article is devoted to the policy of France towards Italy and Ethiopia at the initial stage of the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1935—1936. It is shown that in the autumn of 1935, the French government took a position aimed at a peaceful settlement of the Italian-Ethiopian conflict at the expense of Ethiopia, since relations with Italy were much more important for France than relations with Ethiopia, and “real policy” required France to reach an agreement primarily with Italy. It is noted that a similar position was taken by the United Kingdom. It is indicated that this resulted in the formation of a plan for the settlement of the conflict, put forward in December 1935 by the head of the French government, Pierre Laval, and the British foreign Minister, Samuel Hoare. It is proved that the Hoare–Laval plan was an early form of the policy of “appeasement of the aggressor,” which became the leading direction of French and British foreign policy during the collapse of the Versailles system of international relations in 1938—1939. The research is based on publications of Soviet, French, Italian and Canadian diplomatic documents, League of Nations documents, memoirs of political figures of that era, as well as unpublished documents from the Archive of Publicistic Activity (Germany).
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Rahbek-Clemmensen, Jon, and Olivier Schmitt. "The Impact of Institutions on Foreign Policy Think Tanks in France and Denmark." International Spectator 52, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 100–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2017.1268443.
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Oppermann, Kai, and Henrike Viehrig. "The Public Salience of Foreign and Security Policy in Britain, Germany and France." West European Politics 32, no. 5 (August 12, 2009): 925–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380903064804.
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Kornilov, Alexander Alekseevich, and Alexandra Ilyinichna Afonshina. "Gaullism and Neogaullism: Foreign Policy Continuity and Dynamics in France." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 2 (December 15, 2019): 256–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-2-256-263.
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Article describes the main priorities and objectives of foreign policy of Gaullism and neogaullism, trying to underline those elements that remain untouched during the decades and those that have been transformed due to the changes on the international arena. Besides, the authors focus on the notion of “grandeur” that was extensively used by the general de Gaulle, and estimate the direct influence of this concept on the French foreign policy. The main foreign policy priorities of Charles de Gaulle include independent foreign policy, status quo change in the bipolar world and great power status regain. Foreign policy priorities of neogaullists, Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy, haven’t been changed so far, but the ways of achieving goals are different now. Both presidents have been trying to develop the EU integration, even through strengthening the supranational institutions, and develop the integration with NATO (Sarkozy even returned France to the military structures of NATO). France, led by neogaullists, also conducted an active policy in the Mediterranean, cooperating not only with traditional partners (Arab states) but making attempts to restore relations with Israel. Sarkozy launched the idea of the Mediterranean Union that had the aim to strengthen the influence of France in the region, boost cooperation with Mediterranean countries and solve the numerous problems that all of them were facing. But this idea wasn’t realized as it was supposed to. In general, neogaullists follow the main principles of Charles de Gaulle, also responding to the current challenges. It’s worth mentioning that the authors analyze the foreign policy of French presidents holistically from the point of view of neogaullism, trying to evaluate the level of continuity during the decades and conclude whether the provisions of Gaullism are relevant for France in the 21st century.
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Mitrofanova, Oksana. "The American foreign policy: the peripeteias of relations with the most ancient strategic partner France." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 2 (2016): 56–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2016.02.56-62.
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Kołsut, Bartłomiej. "NATIONAL ASSOCIATIONS OF MUNICIPALITIES IN EUROPE – DIFFERENT MODELS OF INSTITUTIONALIZED POLITICAL COOPERATION." GEOGRAPHY, ENVIRONMENT, SUSTAINABILITY 11, no. 4 (January 4, 2019): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24057/2071-9388-2018-11-4-39-55.
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The article endeavours to identify and characterise selected national associations of municipalities across Europe, as well as to provide typical models of municipalities being associated into large groups representing their interests in relations with central government. A study that addressed 26 European countries has helped identify four principal organisational models of associations of local structures. These are as follows: (1) the consolidated model (existing in Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, Greece, Latvia, Lithuania, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden), (2) the bipolar model (in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Estonia, Italy, Slovakia, Slovenia, and Switzerland), (3) the federative model (in Austria, Belgium, Germany, Spain), and (4) the fragmented model (to be found in France, United Kingdom, Poland, Hungary, and Romania).