Journal articles on the topic 'France Foreign relations Australia'
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1
de Bruyn, Martyn. "AUKUS and its significance for transatlantic relations." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 2 (January 19, 2022): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17427.1.
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The AUKUS agreement between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States is a major step in formalizing Washington’s commitment to the Indo-Pacific. The announcement surprised the Biden Administration’s European allies and led to an indignant reaction from France, which saw its submarine contract with Australia fall victim of the deal. The AUKUS agreement led to a renewed debate about the soft power nature of European Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) in which the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy called for a strategic compass. This paper analyzes the strategic policy papers of the European Union and the United States on the Indo-Pacific and concludes that their different approaches to peace and security complement each other in important ways.
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S. Gusakova, Yuliya, Tatyana L. Adrianovskaya, Valentina V. Chuksina, Aleksej N. Nifanov, and Michael V.Presnyakov. "COMPARATIVE CHARACTERISTICS OF LABOR RELATIONS CONCEPTS IN VARIOUS FOREIGN NATIONS." Revista de Investigaciones Universidad del Quindío 34, S2 (June 14, 2022): 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.33975/riuq.vol34ns2.878.
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This study tries to provide a comparative features of labor relations notions in some foreign nations. This study examines the legal laws and regulation of labor relationships, splitting states into 2 classifications. The initial incorporates Germany, Russia, France, and several other European nations. In the next - the USA, Australia, Great Britain, and other nations of the Anglo-Saxon legal systems. The comparative examination of various states’ legislation and formal-logical and functional methods are used to gratify the study’s objectives. The conclusion is made that the borrowing of the experience of the nations’ adhering to the Anglo-Saxon pattern is not acceptable for Russia because, in them, the contract of labor is demonstrated not as a means able to guarantee the workers’ rights but as a legal means to generate circumstances able to infringe on their benefits.
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Sullivan, John, and Genevieve Lester. "Revisiting Domestic Intelligence." Journal of Strategic Security 15, no. 1 (April 2022): 75–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.15.1.1976.
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This article looks at the evolution of US domestic intelligence prior to and since 9/11 in light of the Capitol attacks. It also reviews the literature and practice of intelligence reform in the context of foreign comparative experience (France, UK, Canada, Australia). It looks at the promise of fusion centers, cocontemporay domestic intelligence models, and the continuing need for domestic intelligence reform. Additional Keywords: Domestic Intelligence, Intelligence Reform, Intelligence Fusion
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Gusakova, Yuliya S., Tatyana L. Adrianovskaya, Valentina V. Chuksina, Aleksej N. Nifanov, and Michael V. Presnyakov. "Legal regulation of service and labor relations in various legal systems." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, Extra-D (July 10, 2021): 35–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020217extra-d1064p.35-40.
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The article provides a comparative characteristic of the concepts of labor relations in some foreign countries. The article analyzes the legal regulation of labor relations, dividing states into two groups. The first includes Russia, France, Germany and a number of other European states. In the second - the USA, Great Britain, Australia and other countries of the Anglo-Saxon legal system. The author denotes the similarities and differences in choosing one of the two models, namely: European (continental) and Anglo-Saxon (Anglo-American). The conclusion is drawn that the borrowing of the experience of the countries adhering to the Anglo-Saxon model is unacceptable for the Russian state, since in them the labor contract is presented not as a tool capable of guaranteeing the rights of workers, but as a legal way to create conditions that can infringe on their interests. In turn, at the moment these countries are moving towards the socialization of labor relations.
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Sviatoshniuk, Serhii S., Liliia O. Bakalo, Oleg V. Bilostotskyi, Serhii F. Gut, Oleg I. Chaikovskyi, and Oleksandr M. Zaiets. "Legal Mechanisms for Protection of the Rights of Participants in Contractual and Non-Contractual Legal Relations." Cuestiones Políticas 39, no. 71 (December 25, 2021): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.3971.07.
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The aim of this study is a comprehensive analysis of legal mechanisms to protect the rights of participants in contractual and non-contractual relations based on the experience of foreign countries, namely: Australia, Brazil, Spain, Mexico, Germany, Portugal, Turkey, France, and Switzerland. This research involved the following methods: sociological analysis, system-structural and comparative methods, logical-semantic and formal-logical methods, as well as the dialectical method. Our study resulted in identification of the main characteristics and features of legal mechanisms to protect the rights of participants in contractual and non-contractual relations of each of the studied countries. As a result, we drew conclusions about the need to update the regulatory framework of most of the said countries. The further use of mechanisms for legal protection of the rights of participants in contractual and non-contractual relations will help ensure their real and effective protection.
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Anwar, Syed Tariq. "FDI Regimes, Investment Screening Process, and Institutional Frameworks: China versus Others in Global Business." Journal of World Trade 46, Issue 2 (April 1, 2012): 213–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2012008.
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The main purpose of this paper is to investigate and analyse foreign direct investment (FDI) regimes and their screening processes, institutional frameworks, and business environments in world trade. China's FDI regime is specifically compared with that of the United States, Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom. Other countries (France, Germany, Japan, Hong Kong, and Switzerland) were also included in the discussion to evaluate their regulatory and investment issues. By using interdisciplinary literature, secondary data, and research surveys and reports from multilateral institutions, the study investigates the changing profile of FDI regimes in world trade. The paper reveals that China's FDI regime has embraced significant changes to attract foreign investment. Currently, the Chinese market is open yet restricted in its own regulatory environment and institutional hurdles. Investment regimes in the United States, Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom continue to change to attract foreign investment that is critical to their economies. We believe that more country- and industry-specific studies are needed to investigate FDI regimes and their institutional frameworks. In today's world trade, China is particularly an interesting case study since the country aggressively attracts foreign investment while keeping its hybrid economy. Policymakers, multinational corporations (MNCs), governments, and researchers need to pay attention to today's changing FDI regimes because of growth opportunities and MNC expansion. The study provides useful discussion and meaningful implications that can be used by policy analysts and practitioners worldwide.
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Aldrich, Robert. "The Decolonisation of the Pacific Islands." Itinerario 24, no. 3-4 (November 2000): 173–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300014558.
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At the end of the Second World War, the islands of Polynesia, Melanesia and Micronesia were all under foreign control. The Netherlands retained West New Guinea even while control of the rest of the Dutch East Indies slipped away, while on the other side of the South Pacific, Chile held Easter Island. Pitcairn, the Gilbert and Ellice Islands, Fiji and the Solomon Islands comprised Britain's Oceanic empire, in addition to informal overlordship of Tonga. France claimed New Caledonia, the French Establishments in Oceania (soon renamed French Polynesia) and Wallis and Futuna. The New Hebrides remained an Anglo-French condominium; Britain, Australia and New Zealand jointly administered Nauru. The United States' territories included older possessions – the Hawaiian islands, American Samoa and Guam – and the former Japanese colonies of the Northern Marianas, Mar-shall Islands and Caroline Islands administered as a United Nations trust territory. Australia controlled Papua and New Guinea (PNG), as well as islands in the Torres Strait and Norfolk Island; New Zealand had Western Samoa, the Cook Islands, Niue and Tokelau. No island group in Oceania, other than New Zealand, was independent.
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Kuzmenko, Taras, Tetiana Tsoi, Iuliana Goncharenko, Liudmyla Zhvania, and Nataliia Kvitko. "Social communications of students in the modern intercultural space." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, Extra-C (June 19, 2021): 303–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020217extra-c1015p.303-314.
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The aim of this article is to study the influence of social communications on the formation of relations between students in the intercultural space on the example of the State Higher Educational Institution "Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University" and Kyiv University named after Borys Hrinchenko. Methods: analysis, synthesis, abstraction, modeling, description, observation, comparison, tabular and graphical representation, questionnaires and generalizations. Results: It is determined that countries such as Australia, Canada, Great Britain, New Zealand, France and the Netherlands have the highest rates of attracting foreign students to study in higher education institutions. The most international universities in the world are the University of Hong Kong, ETH Zurich, Chinese University of Hong Kong, University of Oxford and Imperial College London, which occupy the first five positions in the World University Rankings 2021. It was found that most often social communication between students belonging to different socio-cultural groups occurs using social media.
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Kucherenko, Oleksii. "FRANCHISING AGREEMENT UNDER THE LEGISLATION OF FOREIGN COUNTRIES." Scientific Notes Series Law 1, no. 9 (2020): 33–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.36550/2522-9230-2020-1-9-33-37.
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The article is devoted to the topical issue of studying the foreign experience of legal regulation of the franchise agreement. The author emphasizes that there is no comprehensive full-fledged regulation of the franchise agreement either in the national legislation of individual EU member states or at the international level. The article focuses on the franchisor's obligation to enter into an agreement to provide future franchisees with information about doing business under the franchise system, including the basic conditions of the franchise, data on the number of franchisees in the network, its growth, financial performance, etc. The experience of legal regulation of a franchise agreement in such foreign countries as the USA, Great Britain, Italy, Germany, Spain, Estonia, Lithuania, Australia, etc. is considered. The duality of the legal regulation of franchising at the federal and local levels, as well as the prevalence of the most favorable rules for franchisors (USA) is demonstrated. The author focuses on the experience of the institute of self-regulation of franchising and the establishment of appropriate criteria for franchise companies in the absence of government regulation (Britain). The need to adopt a single institutional law in the field of franchising and to enshrine in it all the key terms used in franchising: the actual franchise agreement, know-how, entrance fee, royalties (periodic payments for the use of intellectual property), the franchisor's goods (Italy). It is expedient to establish a provision on mandatory pre-contractual disclosure of information, according to which the counterparty is provided with information on experience, company experience, prospects for the development of the relevant market, duration of the agreement, terms of renewal or termination of contractual relations (France).
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Luo, Yingyi, Shelley Marshall, and Denise Cuthbert. "The Human Rights Implications of Not-for-Profit Surrogacy Organizations in Cross-Border Commercial Surrogacy: An Australian Case Study." Business and Human Rights Journal 7, no. 1 (February 2022): 163–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bhj.2021.49.
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Cross-border surrogacy is a global industry that offers intended parents options for family formation by providing foreign surrogate mothers remuneration, directly or via an intermediary, in excess of their actual out-of-pocket expenses. It is a multi-million-dollar business with no international regulation.1 In most countries, limited domestic regulation or oversight is in place. Many countries − such as Australia, the United Kingdom, New Zealand, Canada, Hong Kong and South Africa − only permit altruistic surrogacy, while Germany and France ban surrogacy entirely.2 Fully legalized commercial surrogacy is the model followed in some states in the United States of America (USA), as well as Georgia and Ukraine.3 This unregulated cross-border market has produced a lucrative business, with surrogacy arrangements growing by nearly 1,000 per cent between 2006 and 2010.4 The for-profit surrogacy sector has expanded and fertility not-for-profit organizations have also entered the market.5
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Bogomolov, Igor. "Intervention of the Entente Powers and Their Allies in Russia During the Civil War (1918–1922): Modern Foreign Studies." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (September 2022): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.4.7.
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Introduction. The review is devoted to modern foreign literature on the military intervention of the Entente powers and their allies in Russia in 1918–1922. The centenary of the Russian Civil War is a suitable occasion to characterize the modern historiography of intervention and the prospects for its research. Methods and materials. In the analysis of the literature, historical-genetic, historical-typological and historical-comparative methods were used. Analysis. The centenary of the Civil War in Russia passes almost unnoticed in foreign historiography, which is also due to the shift of attention to the Russian revolution. The Russian Civil War is often considered as an integral part of the revolutionary era, so its research in recent years has not gone beyond the generalizing works on the history of the revolution. The intervention is in a more advantageous position, since the military personnel of the United States, Great Britain, France, Japan, Canada, and Australia participated in it. Accordingly, the interest of researchers from these countries remains. Nevertheless, despite the “anniversaries” of the landings of Allied troops in Arkhangelsk, Transcaucasia and Vladivostok, operations in the Baltic and Siberia, only a small number of monographs and articles were published. A certain surge of interest is visible in popular science books about the operations of British and American troops in the North of Russia, but their authors used a small number of sources and did not present fundamentally new conclusions. Results. The “jubilee” historiography of the intervention is quite modest, but the topic of intervention has prospects due to numerous “white spots”, a lot of unexplored sources. The topic of foreign interventions remains relevant for the modern world.
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Kostiuchenko, Ya M. "THE EXPERIENCE OF LEGAL REGULATION OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE DIGITAL ECONOMY ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE LEADING COUNTRIES OF THE WORLD." Actual problems of native jurisprudence 3, no. 3 (June 2021): 189–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/392171.
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The article is devoted to the experience of legal regulation of the digital economy on the example of the world's leading countries. The main spheres and branches of the digital economy that are the subject of legal regulation in the leading countries of the world are identified. A review of acts of legislation of foreign countries governing certain areas and types of legal relations covered by the concept of "digital economy". The opinion is substantiated that the development of the digital economy and its spread have set before the leading countries of the world a priority task to ensure the legal regulation of the relevant processes. The author examines the legislation of such foreign countries as Australia, Great Britain, Italy, France, USA, Japan and others, which defines the basic concepts and terms in the digital economy, establishes the legal regime of digital technology in the economy. It is argued that the peculiarity of the legislation of foreign countries in the study area is that it pays special attention to ensuring the protection of human rights, prevention of cyberattacks. The author describes international and European acts in the field of regulating the development of the digital economy. Based on the review of international law, it was found that its main achievements are: the formation and unification of terminological and conceptual apparatus, regulation and generalization of rules for concluding contracts in electronic form, determining the legal force of notifications and data transmission. used in the conduct of activities in the field of e-commerce, as well as measures to protect consumer rights. Based on the analysis of the experience of foreign countries in the field of digital economy regulation, a number of recommendations have been developed to improve national legislation in the field of digital economy regulation. It is substantiated that the primary task is to plan legislative activities in this area, which will ensure the consistency and orderliness of the adoption of relevant legal acts in the field of digital economy regulation.
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Shupyk, S. "Foreign experience in the development of dairy cattle and directions of its use in domestic practice." Ekonomìka ta upravlìnnâ APK, no. 1 (155) (May 21, 2020): 36–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33245/2310-9262-2020-155-1-36-46.
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The article analyzes the support for the US market, where the government has allocated almost $ 22.2 billion for the development of dairy cattle. direct and indirect subsidies to the country's dairy sector (35.02 c/l), which is equivalent to 73% of farmers' milk sales, showed relatively high domestic support, export subsidies, conservation programs, risk management programs, disaster relief programs, loan programs, crop insurance, livestock support. Surveys to support the Indian market, which ranks second in the world in raw milk production (9.5%), have shown that almost 80% of small-scale farmers are small-scale farmers. Milk collection is carried out by 130 thousand dairy cooperatives. NABARD (National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development) under DEDS, provides for subsidies of up to 25% of costs. China is investing heavily in the construction of large dairy farms and livestock complexes with up to 100,000 cows. The Australian market produces 9.3 million tonnes of milk, of which 36% is exported and is the world's fourth exporter of dairy products (6% of the world market). Australia's dairy cattle are characterized by a small amount of direct government support. During 2015-2016, agriculture received financial and commercial assistance over $ 147 million. US in the form of payments to farms. It has been established that price forecasting plays an important role in regulating the milk market in Australia, on the basis of which the profile Ministry, taking into account world prices, generates milk price indices. Analysis of milk production in Switzerland has shown that it remains highly subsidized. In 2013, state support for milk producers amounted to CHF 1.8 billion, incl. direct subsidies are estimated at 1.5 billion Swiss francs, which is 61 thousand Swiss francs per dairy farm, or 0.41 Swiss francs per 1 liter of milk. The state support system for dairy cattle in Canada has been found to include the following instruments: import tariffs that restrict dairy imports; minimum guaranteed prices for raw milk that are set at the maximum amount of milk sold to the dairies within the quota; a system of direct payments to farmers for milk production within the quota. The amount of direct payments per 1 liter of milk is set annually by the government. In order to support Canadian producers in technological modernization aimed at improving the efficiency of milk production, a dairy farm investment program (DFIP) is implemented with state support of $ 250 million. USA According to the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in Iceland, Japan, Norway and Switzerland, the level of support for dairy producers exceeds on average 70% of the gross income of farmers, in Canada, the EU, Hungary, Korea and the USA the amount of support is 40-55%. An analysis of the support for the development of dairy cattle in the EU countries showed that the following instruments are allocated for these purposes: production restrictions (milk production quotas); government interventions and storage; Establishment of product sales regulations / regulations; the dairy package (including regulating contractual relations in the dairy sector); foreign trade (import regulations, export subsidies); government subsidies. It is found that the main factor that increases the profitability of dairy production in developed countries is the improvement of quality and differentiation of the range. Major factors contributing to the successful development of dairy cattle are increased government support and economical use of resources. Also used are a set of financial incentives, including reducing the tax burden. Key words: Livestock, milk market, domestic support, development programs, cooperation, financial incentives, subsidies, import tariffs, quotas.
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Barabash, A. S., and A. L. Repetskaya. "Criminal bankruptcy: comparative analysis and problems of legislative regulation in Russian legislation." Siberian Law Herald 2022.2 (2022): 88–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2071-8136.2022.2.88.
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The article presents a comparative analysis of the regulation of liability for criminal bankruptcy under the laws of the Russian Federation and countries such as the USA, Germany, Spain, France, Great Britain, Australia. At the same time, not only the current criminal legislation regulating liability for committing crimes in the field of bankruptcy was considered, but also other laws that carry out its legal regulation. Since the registration of crimes related to criminal bankruptcy in the Russian Federation is declining, they are poorly disclosed, and law enforcement practice often considers the actions of suspects as normal relations of economic entities regulated by the Federal Law “On Insolvency (Bankruptcy)” and the Civil Code of the Russian Federation, there are significant difficulties in attracting such persons to criminal liability. In this regard, solving similar problems in the legislation of other countries, identifying the most appropriate and effective ways of government response to criminal bankruptcies was the goal of this study. A comparative analysis of foreign and Russian legislation has shown that in other countries, when regulating liability for various types of criminal bankruptcy, other types of liability are more often used. As a result, it was concluded that criminal law does not always play a decisive role in counteracting criminal bankruptcy, which should be taken into account when improving Russian legislation in this area. This means that countering these economic crimes can be no less effective without the use of criminal repression, but at the same time, the level of inevitability of responsibility can be higher due to the use of other types of it.
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Сахарчук, Елена, and Elena Sakharchuk. "Leading world trends in tourism education." Universities for Tourism and Service Association Bulletin 9, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/14582.
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The article is based on the results of the examination of ten national training models for tourism. The author has analyzed the experience of vocational education in Austria, Australia, great Britain, Germany, Canada, Norway, Russia, Finland, France and Switzerland; the results of the analysis of some national models have been published previously [2]. The aim of this work is the generalization of the leading trends of education in tourism; identification of the most typical parameters of educational systems in situation specialized in foreign education which allow more clearly to represent the ratio of global and national in the Russian model of personnel training for tourism, and justify organizational and pedagogical conditions of functioning of a more effective, innovative model of industrial education in the field of tourism. Sustainable system of relations and common characteristics to all studied models of training personnel for tourism identified in the comparative international study are understood as the trends of educational development in the field of tourism. The article made the following conclusions: 1) the invariant of organizational and pedagogical conditions of development of structure and content possess national characteristics, expressed in the identity management and pedagogical technologies, organization and forms of operation; 2) current situation is characterized by the combination in each of the national model of personnel training for tourism biased and specific features that leads to summarizing an assumption about the value of constructive adaptation of the individual who discovered the bias, the mechanisms of formation of effective models in the Russian model of specialized tourism education.
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Shevchuk, Oleksandr, Volodymyr Maryniv, Yuliia Mekh, Oleksandra Shovkoplias, and Oksana Saichuk. "Aspects of legal regulation of the provision of medical services." Revista Amazonia Investiga 9, no. 27 (March 21, 2020): 357–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.34069/ai/2020.27.03.39.
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The article focuses on the need to respect human rights in the provision of medical services in Ukraine. It is strictly unacceptable to restrict citizens of Ukraine in receiving free medical services, since such a right is provided for by Art. 49 of the Constitution of Ukraine. It is proposed to consider that a medical service includes all types of medical care and is a special activity in relation to human health. The concept and main signs of medical services are revealed, it is established that the state, local governments, legal entities and individuals, including the patient, can be the customer of medical services. Ukrainian legislation governing the provision of medical services does not meet international standards. The positive experience of the EU countries (France, Denmark, Slovakia) and the world (Australia, Canada) shows that access to medical services is provided within the framework of medical insurance, in most cases free of charge, and is controlled by authorized state organizations. The purpose of the article is to determine the content, signs of medical services, classification criteria for their subjects, disclose the features of their legal regulation, clarify the problems of legalization of medical services and improve legislation taking into account foreign experience. The research methodology is based on a systematic approach, which is determined by the specifics of the topic of the article, and is also associated with the use of general and special research methods. The comparative legal method and the method of legal analysis were used in the study of legislative rules governing the provision of medical services. Using the method of legal analysis, groups of subjects of medical legal relations in the field of medical services are determined and their powers are analyzed. The formal logical method was used to differentiate the criteria for distinguishing between the legal structures “medical care” and “medical service”. The results of the study contributed to the identification of certain legal problems that arise when citizens receive medical services and require immediate resolution. It is also advisable to introduce compulsory state health insurance.
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Kuznetsov, Aleksei. "VARIETY OF POSSIBLE CENTERS OF FORCE IN THE NEW WORLD ORDER." Political Science (RU), no. 4 (2022): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2022.04.05.
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The article is devoted to the typology of potential centers of power of the new world order. It is shown that it is too early to write off classical political-geographical and geopolitical concepts into the archive - in particular, the population, the size of the territory (with its saturation with natural resources), the volume of GDP (including when calculating the purchasing power parities of currencies) still determine the weight of countries on the world stage. Despite the development of institutions of multilateral regulation of international relations and certain successes of some regional integration projects, the place of states in the transforming world order is largely determined by their veto power in the UN Security Council, the arsenal of nuclear weapons, proliferation in the world and the general status of their state language. We have identified a little more than two dozen possible centers of power, grouped into four types: (1) Superpowers of disappeared bipolar world (USA and Russia are the two developed countries with sufficient military and political tools and large-scale population, territory and national economies to demonstrate the obvious claim to the promotion of a new global cultural and ideological project); (2) Giants of the East (China and India in some respects are surpassing the United States and Russia, but yet related to economically developing countries and inferior to the first two, especially India, for foreign weight); (3) Major advanced countries (Japan, Germany, France, UK, Italy, Spain); (4) Rising regional powers (Indonesia, Brazil, Turkey and others). The composition of the types, especially the most numerous fourth, is quite controversial, which is shown in detail in the article. In particular, an explanation is given why states such as Canada, Australia, the Republic of Korea or Bangladesh cannot be considered as possible centers of power of the new world order, even conditionally “second echelon”.
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Ostrovska, Natalia. "WORLD EXPERIENCE OF TAX AND FEES MANAGEMENT." Economic discourse, no. 1-2 (May 31, 2021): 92–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.36742/2410-0919-2021-1-10.
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Introduction. Given the deepening disparities in the economic and social system of the state, political confrontations, resulting in imbalances in public finances and increased debt risks, the tax component should be the basis for the formation of budgetary resources of the state. State revenues determine the social and economic level of development of regions and countries, as well as financial support of the population. Looking at this, the main task of the state is to balance its revenues with expenditures. Since a significant excess of expenditures over revenues lead to an economic crisis, rising public debt, the budget deficit of others. The tax component is the basis for the formation of state budget resources in an unstable fiscal space. This is an important link that contributes to the development of social and economic relations and requires constant monitoring. Methods. The study uses the fundamental provisions of economic theory, tax theory, as well as studies of domestic and foreign scholars. General scientific principles of conducting complex scientific researches were used to solve the set tasks. In the process of research a number of general scientific methods were used, in particular: analogies, logical generalization and system analysis. Results. Based on the selected problems, the foreign experience of such countries as the USA, Germany, Canada, France, Japan, Australia, Great Britain and Italy was studied, on the basis of which the prospects of improving the collection of taxes and fees in Ukraine were singled out. Discussion. In order to solve the problems of collecting taxes and fees, it is necessary to: gradually shift the fiscal burden towards direct taxes, which will be a direct result of increasing the dependence of public authorities on the economic development of the territory; the preservation of the current rather high role of intergovernmental transfers is a consequence of the strong differentiation of regions according to the level of social and economic development and the objective necessity in modern conditions; competition between regions should, first of all, be carried out at the expense of formation of a favourable business environment: improvement of investment climate, development of infrastructure, reduction of administrative barriers, instead of establishment of preferential tax regimes. Prospects for further research on the collection of taxes and fees may be to strengthen the study not only of the level of tax burden, but also the optimal combination of direct and indirect taxes. Keywords: taxes, tax system, budget, budget revenues.
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McDougall, Derek. "Foreign Policy Studies in Australia." Australian Journal of Politics & History 55, no. 3 (September 2009): 375–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2009.1523a.x.
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YUAN, Jingdong. "Australia–China Relations at 50." East Asian Policy 14, no. 02 (April 2022): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000149.
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Australia–China relations are at a turning point 50 years after diplomatic recognition. While the past five decades have witnessed extensive growth in economic exchanges, in recent years, bilateral ties have experienced serious deterioration. Australia’s alliance with the United States, domestic politics—in particular the two major parties’ approaches to foreign policy—and economic interdependence are important variables in Canberra’s approach to China. There will be no exception for the incoming Australian Labor Party government to deal with these.
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KASHINA, Evgenia V. "AUSTRALIA–CHINA RELATIONS: 1930-1937." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 2(55) (2022): 291–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-2-2-55-291-306.
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The article is devoted to the development of relations between the Australian Union and China in the period from 1930 to 1937. The author analyzes changes in migration and economic policy towards China and explores the views of the Australian public on the Japanese expansion in China since 1931, as well as the position of the official authorities on this issue are revealed. The growth of international contradictions in the 30s of the XX century and the degree of independence in making Australian foreign policy from the former metropolis could affect Australian-Chinese relations.
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Arkhipov, V. "Australia: Economy and Foreign Investment." World Economy and International Relations, no. 5 (2008): 82–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2008-5-82-89.
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Lefebvre, Bruno. "Posted workers in France." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 12, no. 2 (May 2006): 197–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890601200207.
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This contribution presents ongoing research that sets out to assess for the first time the situation of the foreign workers, from Europe and beyond, who work in France, in various economic sectors, as a result of the operation of networks of subcontractors. It appears that neither the legal framework nor the obligations of the foreign firms employing these workers are clear, in terms either of relations with government departments or of the legal arguments that may legitimately be invoked for the settlement of disputes. Trade unions, citizens' associations, locally elected officials and civil servants alike are strikingly ill-prepared to deal with this new phenomenon of the movement of workers in Europe.
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Berna, Ioana-Bianca. "Diplomația culturală şi re-clasarea relațiilor culturale România-Franța / Cultural Diplomacy and the Re-shaping of the Romanian-France Cultural Relations." Hiperboreea A2, no. 3-6 (January 1, 2013): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.2.3-6.0054.
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Abstract Cultural diplomacy has lesser aspects of monolithical sustainability, but it can have stronger gist production. Romania and France have always rebounded their relations in the court of cultural relations. Throughout this article, we will try to emphasize the sequel and tenor of cultural diplomacy in foreign policy and the sorts and medium it can have for solidarity rendering. Further, we will use these explanations in order to accent its proper usability in contemporary France-Romanian relations. We contend that the relaunching of the strategic partneship between Romania and France, opens new chances of predisposition for the avenues of cultural diplomacy. We will commence with the timely nearness between Romania and France in the last century and then, proceed with the lines of approach of cultural diplomacy in Romanian-France contemporary foreign policy affairs.
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Godovanyuk, K. A. "The Factor of Australia in British Foreign Policy." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S4 (September 2022): S308—S314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622100070.
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Abstract The Australian component of UK foreign policy in the context of the changing world order is outlined. It is highlighted that, in a value and ideological sense and due to the common Anglo-Saxon identity, London assigns Canberra a key role in the coalition of like-minded countries (“network of liberty”); in geostrategic terms, it perceives Australia as a platform to expand the UK influence in the Indo-Pacific. At present, the “special” partnership between the two countries is underpinned by a number of new agreements, including a “historical” trade deal aimed at strengthening economic ties and in-depth political, diplomatic, and defense cooperation, based on a new military alliance, AUKUS. At the same time, the traditional pragmatism inherent in the foreign policy of Australia, which positions itself as a reliable international actor, is being replaced by increasing military–political and economic dependence, which plays into the hands of London. Coming closer with Australia also allows Britain to present itself as the key extraregional player in the system of anti-Chinese alliances in the Indo-Pacific, with Washington and Canberra in the forefront.
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Vietrynskyi, I. "Australian Foreign Policy during the World War II." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-3.
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The article is related to the establishment of Australian foreign policy tradition and becoming of Australia as a subject of international relations. The significant role of the dominions during First World War Great and their help for Great Britain victory, intensified their struggle for independence. As the result of long-term efforts, dominions reached the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration in 1926 by London, which was later confirmed by the Statute of Westminster (1931), which established the authority for dominions for an independent foreign policy. The development of Australian foreign policy before and during World War II was analyzed. The evolution of the relations of the Australia and Great Britain in the context of the events of the World War II is traced, in particular the peculiarities of the allied relations of the two countries. There is shown the regional dimension of the World War II within the Asia-Pacific region, in the context of Australia and the United States actions against Japanese aggression. There are analyzed the peculiarities of external threats effect on the transformation of the Australian foreign policy strategy, in particular in the national security sphere. The main threat for Australia in that period become Japanise aggressive and expansionist policy in the Asia-Pacific region. A lot of Australian soldiers and military equipment were sent to Great Britain to support traditional allie. But in actual strategic situation in Europe there were great doubts that British troops and the navy would be able to effectively help Australians in case of an attack by Japan. Politics of national security and defense of Australia in the context of its participation in World War II is considered. In the conditions of real threat of Japanese invasion, as well as the lack of sure to receive necessary support from Great Britain, the Australian government start to find a military alliance with the USA. There were identified the key implications of World War II for Australian socio-economic system.
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Lee-Koo, Katrina. "Pro-Gender Foreign Policy by Stealth: Navigating Global and Domestic Politics in Australian Foreign Policy Making." Foreign Policy Analysis 16, no. 2 (March 6, 2020): 236–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/orz029.
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Abstract As a middle-power nation, Australia promotes its global effectiveness, in part, through the adoption of international norms. Among those that it has more recently embraced has been pro-gender norms. The inclusion—for the first time—of gender equality considerations into overarching strategic doctrines, and the development of stand-alone gender strategies demonstrates this. While this is not without its shortcomings and contradictions, it is evidence that Australia is allowing feminist design to underpin areas of its foreign policy. However, unlike other states, this is not publicly emphasized. In fact, it is as if these policies were developed by stealth. This article examines the depth of Australia's commitment to pro-gender norms in foreign policy. It argues that there is a genuine embrace of pro-gender norms, but the masculinist cultures of Australia's politics limit the capacity for it to be publicly debated and celebrated.
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Martin, Guy. "Continuity and Change in Franco-African Relations." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 1 (March 1995): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020826.
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While noticeable signs of change in relations between France and her former colonies in Africa began to appear in the post-cold war era, particularly since 1990, elements of continuity include their enduring historical and cultural ties; their informal, intimate, and secretive politico-diplomatic relations, typified by the bi-annual franco-African summit meetings; and the fact that when all is said and done, the contintent remains of great economic importance to France. As for the gradual process of democratisation which has swept throughout francophone Africa in recent years, there is evidence that this has been selectively supported by France according to criteria pertaining more to her core foreign-policy interests in Africa than to ideological, legalistic, or humanitarian considerations.
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Bhatti, M. Riaz, M. Sharif Chaudry, and M. F. Hussain. "10th International Psychiatric Conference on Mental Health in Developing Countries." Psychiatric Bulletin 19, no. 7 (July 1995): 445. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.19.7.445.
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In December 1994 Lahore was host to an international psychiatric conference with participants from various countries including Pakistan, UK, France, Denmark, Belgium, Germany, Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Belarus, USA, Canada and Australia. The main contingent of foreign delegates of about 40 consultants was from the UK.
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Garin, A. A. "The China Factor in Australia – United States Cooperation." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 2 (47) (2020): 186–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-2-2-47-186-198.
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Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Commonwealth of Australia and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1972, the status of their trade ties have reached an unprecedented level. Nowadays PRC is the main trade destination for Australia. Growing trade interdependence on China is increasingly affecting Canberra’s foreign policy, which needs to maintain a balance between China as the main trading partner and the United States as the main ally, which is the major pillar of support for Australia's foreign policy and defence capacity.
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Bourmaud, Daniel. "France in Africa: African Politics and French Foreign Policy." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, no. 2 (1995): 58–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502054.
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French policy in Africa is at a crossroads. Forced to consider among choices that appeared entrenched in the past, France now hesitates to implement essential reforms. The reluctance to carve out a new conception of French-African relations is in part tied to the magnitude of the changes which have affected African states south of the Sahara since 1989, but it is also tied to the generalized failure of French aid policies since the Second World War. The result has been a conceptual vacuum in French policy towards Africa, reflected in the oscillation between the old practices, including very controversial ones, and the structural adjustments in which France is little more than an interested observer.
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Astarita, Claudia, and Allan Patience. "Chinese students’ access to media information in Australia and France: a comparative perspective." Media International Australia 175, no. 1 (February 19, 2020): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x20905695.
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The ongoing growth of China’s economy and the premium attached to quality education within its culture has seen students from China become one of the largest groups of international students enrolling in schools and institutes of higher education around the developed world. Given the rising numbers of these students in overseas higher education institutions, their experiences in their host countries deserve more nuanced research. Little is known about what sources of information they rely on; whether, as students coming from a country with non-transparent access to information, their views and media habits are challenged, transformed or consolidated during their overseas experience; and whether they consider overseas media as a trustworthy source to expand their knowledge on China or an instrument of Western propaganda. Drawing from research conducted in Melbourne in 2016/2017, this article explores why Chinese international students in an Australian university, despite the impact of their international experience, prefer Chinese media sources, especially when looking for information about China. This contrasts with Chinese students enrolled in a university in France. Where does the broad scepticism about the reliability of non-Chinese media in reporting Chinese news come from? What do students mean when they refer to an ‘alleged incapacity of foreign media to understand what is good for China?’ In our conclusion, we propose some possible ways to address the perceived biases and offer some ideas to foreign media on how to better engage Chinese international students’ communities.
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Gmurczyk-Wrońska, Małgorzata. "France in International Relations of the Second Half of the 20th Century and the Early 21st Century – Priorities in Foreign Policy." Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 4, no. 44 (December 31, 2014): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2014.44.03.
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After the Second World War France lost temporarily her position as a decision-maker in international relations. Soon enough, though, her diplomacy adapted to a bipolar system. Her foreign policy was to manoeuvre between the USSR, the United States and Great Britain, and to jointly create the structures of future European Union. It was in the EU that France has found the place to strengthen her role of mediator and arbiter. Nowadays, the foreign policy of France has numerous continuities originating from the 19th century and the years of 1918 – 1939, but also some modifications related to new directions in French foreign policy and to the adaptation of its tactics to main purposes in order to secure France’s security, her strong position in the EU and in the world.
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Gorman, Lyn. "Australia and Vichy: The Impact of Divided France, 1940-1944*." Australian Journal of Politics & History 43, no. 2 (April 1997): 135–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1997.tb01384.x.
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Zulkarnain and Aos Yuli Firdaus. "Australia Foreign Policy Effect On Indonesia Post Independence of Timor Leste." Britain International of Humanities and Social Sciences (BIoHS) Journal 4, no. 2 (June 16, 2022): 282–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/biohs.v4i2.667.
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As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. First, the Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released. Second, the joint training was cancelled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were cancelled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens. However, the relationship between people must still be considered when making policies about Indonesia because of widespread reactions to Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process.
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Snyder, Craig A. "Southeast Asian Perceptions of Australia´ s Foreign Policy." Contemporary Southeast Asia 28, no. 2 (August 2006): 322–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs28-2g.
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Firdaus, Aos Yuli. "The Effects of Australia's Foreign Policy on Indonesia Post-Independence Timor Leste." British Journal of Philosophy, Sociology and History 2, no. 1 (January 13, 2022): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/bjpsh.2022.2.1.4.
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As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. The Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released, the joint training was canceled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were canceled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens.
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Bloomfield, Alan. "Australia, and ASEAN at Fifty." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 38–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i2.85.
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In its early documents related to Asianist orientation, Australia looked at engaging its immediate neighbourhood through institution such as ASEAN. ASEAN which was created to bring about synergies within the region and also engage important stakeholders as dialogue partners. Australia has been involved in Vietnam as part of its alliance obligations with US in 1970s and subsequently also. Australia has looked into ASEAN as a vehicle for cooperation, development and building better relations with Indonesia. The author argues that while Australia has aligned itself with the concept of the ASEAN way, there has not been any tectonic shift in the way Australia conducts its foreign policy. Even though Australia was one of the earliest dialogue partner in ASEAN, it has calibrated its policy depending on the national government priorities and the international interests of the country. The article also outlines the narrative from Australian perspective and situates ASEAN in the larger foreign policy discourse in Australia.
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Abdullah, Anzar. "Diplomatic Relations between Indonesia-Australia Since Whitlam, Fraser, Until Hawke Era in An Attempt To Establish Political Stability in Southeast Asia." Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 5, no. 2 (May 27, 2017): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.26811/peuradeun.v5i2.135.
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Talking about foreign policy relations of a country, it cannot be explained without adapting to the changes that occur in the growing environment or situation of both countries. Adjustments to the environment and the situation, especially the foreign policy are done in order to maintain the physical, economic, politic and social culture of the country in the midst of the real conditions of the situation occurred, like the history of bilateral relations between Indonesia and Australia). This is a study of the history of Australian foreign policy towards Indonesia since Whitlam government in 1972 until Hawke. The goal of the study is to explain how the foreign policy of the Australian Prime Ministers during their reigns. Although in reality in the course of its history, Australian and Indonesian diplomatic relations were full of intrigues, turmoil and conflicts, but it did not severe the relation of the two nations. Eventually, the conclusion of this study explicitly states that Australia and Indonesia still need each other in an attempt to establish political stability, economic and security in Southeast Asia and the Pacific peacefully.
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Hamidani, Salim. "Colonial Legacy in Algerian–French Relations." Contemporary Arab Affairs 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2020.13.1.69.
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The colonial period in Algeria was a time of suffering and struggle for Algerians who fought to win back their freedom and defend their values against French attempts to subjugate them. It was also a struggle to end foreign control over the country’s wealth and resources. National independence sought a sovereign state with free decision-making, away from French influence in particular, in a context of ideological polarization and mutual hostility between ex-colonial forces and independent states. The root of such hostility lies in what both parties lost, and resulted in a distinctive pattern of French–Algerian bilateral relations tainted by nostalgia from the French side and the struggle for parity from the Algerian side. The three decades following Algeria’s independence witnessed, to a certain extent, a national sentiment opposed to colonial France, and it is the sentiment that Algerian politicians attempted to use to manage relations between the two countries and obtain some benefits by invoking the past in speeches at a local level, and to overcome that past in building relations with France. As a security crisis and economic decline hit Algeria, it became apparent that the French regime was to exert effective influence on the country and control its foreign policy to meet French aspirations and ambitions in both Africa and the Arab world. This conclusion suggested to several observers the fall of the Algerian elite, responsible for decision-making, under French influence. Moreover, this elite group, while dealing with several regional issues, was not able to assert complete independence in its decision-making regarding foreign affairs, whether due to its past and formation or to the network of new relations built between the Algerian and French systems. This reality, which is deeply rooted in the Algerian foreign policy system, raises the question of the ability of the Algerian elite to pull away from its colonial inheritance and the grip of the French regime. One might therefore wonder how historical events and Algerian solid ties with the French administration shape French–Algerian relations and their political agendas.
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Makhmasobirova, Yulduz Uktamovna. "Institutional Factor in the Interstate Cooperation’s Development: The Example of Uzbek-French Relations." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 9, no. 2 (February 3, 2022): 335. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v9i2.3502.
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The development of any branch of the socio-political, economic or cultural life of a society is directly related to the work of specialized organizations/institutes that are responsible for this sector. Foreign policy has also developed, improved and, most importantly, stabilized with the advent of universal (as an institute state) and special bodies (ministries, agencies, diplomatic missions, etc.) external relations. The article examines the impact of institutional factors on the dynamics of development of interstate cooperation on the example of Uzbek-French relations. It provides a conceptual analysis of the institutionalization processes’ role on the state of bilateral cooperation and a comprehensive study of the evolution of the institutional basis of relations between Uzbekistan and France through a systematic approach. The introductory part of the article defines the practical and academic relevance of the research. The role of institutional factors in the effectiveness of foreign policy of the state and the disclosure of the potential of the state in the international arena is considered. The introduction also sets out the purpose, objectives and methods of research. The main part of the study is a brief theoretical and methodological substantiation of the activities of state foreign policy institutions. It also provides general information on the current state of cooperation between Uzbekistan and France. The current state of this cooperation is revealed through a system-institutional analysis: the author investigated bilateral relations between Uzbekistan and France in five conditional stages: 1992-2005, 2006-2008, 2009-2012, 2013-2017, 2018- at pp. The specificity of transformation of these conditional stages is revealed. The final part of the article provides an overview of the impact of institutionalization on society and the state, the formation, implementation and prospects of foreign policy, the success or inefficiency of international relations of the state. In addition, proposals were made for the further development of relations between Uzbekistan and France.
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Barnes, Jamal, and Samuel M. Makinda. "Testing the limits of international society? Trust, AUKUS and Indo-Pacific security." International Affairs 98, no. 4 (July 4, 2022): 1307–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiac111.
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Abstract When Australia reneged on a AUD$90 billion submarine contract with France in 2021 as it joined AUKUS, a new trilateral military partnership between Australia, the UK and the US, it was accused of lying and breaching France's trust. This perceived act of betrayal not only led to a deterioration in the diplomatic relationship between Australia and France, but it also drew attention to the consequences of violating the norm of pacta sunt servanda—agreements must be kept. Although it is recognized that breaches of trust undermine relationships, what has been underexplored is how a violation of norms can also undermine the presumption of trust in international society more broadly. Focusing on how Australia broke its contract with France after it joined AUKUS, this article argues that Australia's conduct not only harmed its relationship with France, but it also led the European Union (EU) to raise questions about how much to trust AUKUS partners as it engages in the Indo-Pacific region. It posits that adherence to international norms is important for developing trust between states in international society and has the potential to facilitate cooperation and enhance security in the complex Indo-Pacific region and beyond.
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Pramanta, Rio Akbar, Roihanatul Maziyah, Dela Karisma, Putri Rahma Asri, Ayu Tiara Karel Bua, Dimas Bagas Priambodo, and Bayu Mahendra. "Kemitraan Strategis Non-Zero Sum Game: Hubungan ASEAN-Australia dalam Konteks Geopolitik." Indonesian Perspective 3, no. 2 (March 12, 2019): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ip.v3i2.22347.
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ASEAN and Australia has a long history of mutual partnership. It is a strategic foreign policy for both parties. ASEAN needs to maintain its power and influence with their neighboring countries to maintain the political stability in the Southeast Asian region. On the other hand, Australia needs Southeast Asia because it serves as a strategic and crucial pivot of numerous benefits and interests for them, including but not limited to security and economics. However, ASEAN-Australia relations is not separated from the geopolitical implications. The geopolitical factors determine the strategic partnership between ASEAN and Australia, thus leading to the hypothesis in this article where Australia needs ASEAN more than the vice versa, and Australia is the one who benefits more in terms of relative gain, relative to ASEAN.Keywords: ASEAN-Australia relations, neorealism, relative gain, geopolitics
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Uliganets, S., S. Batychenko, L. Melnik, and Yu Sologub. "FEATURES DEVELOPMENT OF GASTRONOMIC TOURISM: FOREIGN EXPERIENCE." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Geography, no. 78-79 (2021): 48–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2721.2021.78-79.7.
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In the modern world, gastronomic tourism is gaining popularity as an alternative to all the usual holidays. Gastronomic tourism is a type of tourism-related to acquaintance with the production, technology of preparation and tasting of national dishes and drinks, as well as with the culinary traditions of the peoples of the world. A gastronomic journey is a way of expressing a traveller’s understanding of a country. There are well-known gastronomic destinations in the world, including Spain, France, Italy, Greece, Belgium, Portugal, the United States (especially California in the Napa and Sonoma Valley), Brazil, Peru, Mexico, New Zealand, South Africa, Australia, Chile, Malaysia, Japan, Indonesia, Bali, China, or Singapore. Gastronomy tourists include the following categories: tourists who are tired of ordinary tourism; tourists who want to make a difference in their diet; gourmets; tourists whose work is related to cooking and eating; representatives of travel companies are interested in organizing their own gastronomy. The top 5 popular gourmet tours in the world are analyzed. Some popular destinations for tasty trips, namely, countries with specific national cuisine (Italy, France, Japan, China, Thailand); regions that are famous for their products (in France, for example, Bordeaux, Burgundy, Champagne, have become innovators in the wine industry); the most famous restaurants of the country that are famous for their cuisine, marked by Michelin stars and International ratings (in Italy – “La Pergola” (Rome), Japan – Koji (Tokyo), England – Fet Duck (Bray) and others); enterprises that have become world leaders in the production of various products (Swiss chocolate factory “Alprose”, German breweries “Ettal” and “Andeks”, Swiss cheese factory “Gruyere”). Top 10 countries by number of Michelin starred restaurants are highlighted. Current gastronomic tours abroad are characterized. The results of the Gastronomic Tourism Forum in Spain, which will positively influence the development of gastronomic tourism in the world, are analyzed.
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Ignatchenko, I. V. "France in the Vienna System of International Relations (the First Half of The 19th Century)." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(45) (December 28, 2015): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-9-14.
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Abstract: The Vienna system of international relations established at the Congress of Vienna in 1814-1815, was a real challenge for the French political elite during all subsequent decades. France was a defeated party and was thus morally humiliated. The objective for all French governments after 1815 was to improve the position of France in this new system of international relations, including due to the destabilization and breaking of the Vienna system. In the years of the Restoration in France (1814-1830) a major foreign policy action of the government of Louis XVIII was the intervention in Spain in 1823, which refers to the Spanish revolution of 1820-1823. The French government, reflecting the interests of the European reaction, had hoped to raise these military prestige of France, and consequently to raise the question of the revision of the treatises of Vienna of 1815. Despite the success of the intervention, she has not brought the big political dividends in France. After the July revolution 1830 in France, the foreign policy of France intensified. Leading French politicians defined quite clearly exclusive spheres of influence of France, and in 1832 the French troops invaded Central Italy, capturing the city of Ancona. In 1840, during the second Oriental crisis, the French government has opposed themselves to the rest of Europe for the first time since the Napoleonic wars. Ultimately, the strategic position of France in the middle East was weakened. But the exacerbation of international conflict contributed to the strengthening of the French army and Navy. Further successes of the French diplomacy will be linked to the period of the Second Empire in France, in particular, with the Crimean war, that raised has raised status of France, and the decision of the Italian question in the second half of the 60-ies of the XIX century.
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Glucksmann, Eloïse. "Commisimpex v. Republic of Congo." American Journal of International Law 111, no. 2 (April 2017): 453–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2017.30.
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The law in France regarding waivers of foreign state (or sovereign) immunity from execution of judicial judgments (based largely on consideration of international law principles) has recently undergone significant developments. Previously, French case law had required a foreign state's waiver of immunity from execution to be both express and specific to consider valid the attachment of foreign state property allocated to public services (including bank accounts used for the functioning of both diplomatic missions and delegations to international organizations). In 2015, the French Court of Cassation relaxed the criteria it had previously required for giving effect to waivers of sovereign immunity in such situations, thus facilitating the ability of judgment creditors to attach foreign state property in France. Its decision in the Commisimpex v. Republic of Congo case appeared to put an end to that requirement by abandoning the criterion of a “specific” waiver on the ground that “customary international law does not require a waiver of immunity from execution other than express.” In December 2016, however, the French government enacted new legislation reinstating the need for a specific waiver of immunity for the attachment of the property as well as bank accounts of foreign embassies and diplomatic missions and additionally requiring a court order authorizing the attachment or seizure. As a result, France has now embraced a distinctly more protective approach to the immunity of foreign state assets from attachment and execution of judicial judgments.
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Louw, P. E., N. K. Rivenburgh, E. Loo, and G. Mersham. "It's the Bush: Foreign Perceptions of Australia — A Comparative Study." Media International Australia 99, no. 1 (May 2001): 119–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0109900115.
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Cities compete to host the Olympics because it is a unique global public relations opportunity to attract tourism, foreign investment, and international respect. However, hosting an Olympics also entails risks because host cities and countries must survive intensive international media scrutiny. Whether the Sydney Olympics will redefine overseas perceptions of Australia either positively or negatively is still to be established. Our study will address this question through an empirical, cross-cultural profiling of foreign perceptions of Australia from 1999 to 2001 in various countries to see whether responses differ, and/or whether similar patterns of change are observable across cultures at different points in time (pre- and post-Olympics). In parallel, media coverage of the 2000 Olympics (and Australia) is being monitored in the countries being studied. If any attitude shift is detected from 1999 to 2001, explanations can be sought from the recorded media coverage. This article represents the results of the first stage of the study — an examination of overseas attitudes towards Australia and stereotypes of Australians in 1999.
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Tisdell, Clem. "Foreign Tourism in China, in Australia, and between Australia and China: Some Observations and Comparisons." China Report 26, no. 3 (July 1990): 261–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944559002600303.
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Strating, Rebecca. "A ‘New Chapter’ in Australia–Timor Bilateral Relations? Assessing the Politics of the Timor Sea Maritime Boundary Treaty." Australian Year Book of International Law 36, no. 1 (October 1, 2019): 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26660229_03601005.
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Abstract The signing of the 2018 Maritime Boundary treaty was described by Australia’s then Foreign Minister Julie Bishop as opening ‘a new chapter’ in diplomatic relations with Timor-Leste. This contribution examines the importance of the treaty to bilateral relations. It provides a brief history of the Timor Sea disputes, explains Timor-Leste’s policy aims, and analyses Australia's foreign policy shift on the boundary delimitation issue. While there are positive signs in resolving the boundary dispute, uncertainty over the development of the Greater Sunrise gas field may impact bilateral relations in the future.
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Grare, Frédéric. "Exploring Indo-Pacific Convergences: The Australia-France-India Trilateral Dialogue." Washington Quarterly 43, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 155–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0163660x.2020.1850004.
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