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1
Marshall, Helen. "Australian foreign policy and Cambodia : international power, regionalism and domestic politics." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112135.
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The Hawke Labor government came to power in March 1983 committed to playing a more active
role in finding a solution to the Cambodian conflict, improving bilateral relations with Vietnam
and restoring Australian aid. This signalled a departure from the Fraser government's
minimal involvement in the issue, and reflected a closer identification of Australia's interests
with the Asia-Pacific region. As Foreign Minister, Bill Hayden, explained:
The war in Cambodia, in all its many dimensions, is the greatest unresolved source of
tension in Southeast Asia...The future of Australia lies in developing a mature and
balanced set of relationships with its neighbours in Southeast Asia. Indochina is part of that neighbourhood.
2
Mead, Jonathan, and mikewood@deakin edu au. "The Australia-Indonesia security relationship." Deakin University. School of International and Political Studies, 2004. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20051017.144017.
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Wuryandari, Ganewati. "Human rights in Australian foreign policy, with specific reference to East Timor and Papua." University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2006. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0041.
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[Truncated abstract] This thesis focuses on human rights in Australia’s foreign policy from 1991 to 2004 taking East Timor and Papua as case studies. It encompasses the Paul Keating years (1991 to 1996) as well as John Howard’s three consecutive terms as Prime Minister (from 1996 to 2004). As a consequence of events unfolding in this period of time, the thesis does not consider Australian foreign policy towards East Timor beyond the 1999 referendum that resulted in the separation of East Timor from Indonesia and focuses on Papua until 2004. The primary empirical aim of this thesis is to compare and contrast the two administrations’ approaches and responses to human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua. Drawing upon a variety of theoretical concepts in human rights and foreign policy, this thesis shows that incorporating a concern for human rights in the foreign policy making process is problematic because the promotion of human rights often comes into conflict with other foreign policy objectives . . . The two case studies on human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua reflect the tensions between concepts of realism and idealism in Australian foreign policy. However, the situation of East Timor shows that public pressure is required to balance the disparity of national interest and human rights. The role of public pressure has been largely absent in debates on human rights and foreign policy. While this study focuses on East Timor and Papua as case studies, the discussion of the findings has far reaching implications for Australian foreign policy and international relations, especially concerning the scholarly debate over the place of human rights in foreign policy.
4
Chartprasert, Kiattikhun. "Australia and the Kampuchean problem : Thai perspectives." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112144.
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Throughout recorded history, Indochina has experienced conflict, turbulence and violence. One of the first recorded conflicts was in the first century A. D. when the Hung Sisters led a revolt in Northern Vietnam against Chinese domination. Ever since, relations with China have included long periods of peace and stability broken by conflict, invasion and resistance. But it was not until the United States directly participated in Vietnamese affairs following the French withdrawal after the battle of Dien Bien Phu and the Geneva Settlement of 1954 that the region has been the scene of "superpower rivalry". The wars which have engulfed the Indochina states over the past 30 years have brought untold human suffering and misery. When hostilities finally ceased as a result of the communist victories in Indochina in mid 1970s, the world looked forward hopefully to a long period of peace in which the well-being of the people of the region could be advanced and assured. Unfortunately, conflicts and instability have broken out anew.
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Albers, Martin. "The policies of Britain, France and West Germany towards the People's Republic of China, 1969-1982." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708129.
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Baughen, G. A. K. "The place of New Zealand as a security partner for Australia." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112132.
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Until recent years it was common for commentators on either side of the Tasman to
speak of the congruence of the security outlooks of Australia and New Zealand.
This view was founded not just on geostrategic considerations, or on the formal
alliance dating from 1944, but on a range of perceived similarities between the two
countries, historical, ethnic, cultural, economic, political. It was cemented by a
tradition of intimate military co-operation, and the associated Anzac mythology.
Nevertheless, Australia and New Zealand have never had identical security outlooks,
as has lately become better appreciated. The catalyst has been the policy of the
Lange and Palmer Governments in New Zealand towards nuclear defence, and
specifically towards visits of nuclear armed or powered ships and aircraft in New
Zealand. However, this is only the clearest expression of the dissimilarities between
Australia and New Zealand which have existed as a counterpoint to the trans-
Tasman security relationship. The relationship endures, but its shape is changing as
the two nations develop in sometimes divergent directions.
7
Styan, David A. "Franco-Iraqi relations and Fifth Republic foreign policy, 1958-1990." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/15/.
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This study analyses the evolution of France's relations with Iraq since 1958. It seeks to understand the motivations behind French government, state and private sector interests in Iraq. This is done in the dual context of France's economic rivalry with other western powers in the Middle East, and the Iraqi state's attempts to follow an independent foreign policy while using its oil revenues to rapidly industrialise and arm itself. The text first charts France's rivalry with Britain in the ex-Ottoman empire and its fears of Anglo-American domination of oil supplies. It then demonstrates that while France's early links with Israel continued under President De Gaulle, by the mid sixties they had been eclipsed by the commercial importance of trade with Arab states. The core text then focuses on France's relationship with Iraq since 1958, the year in which new governments came to power in both states. Despite the 1972 nationalisation of the Iraq Petroleum company, in which France had a 25% stake, French politicians and businessmen nevertheless gained favourable access to oil supplies, greatly increasing their exports of defence and high technology products, including a nuclear reactor, to Iraq during the seventies. The Iran-Iraq war (1980-88) intensified both bilateral trade links and the indebtedness of Iraq to France. By the mid-eighties what become a de-facto alliance generated severe problems for France's middle eastern policies, particularly towards Iran. The central themes of the study are the processes of foreign policy formation in France, and the extent and impact of economic interests underlying policy making. The thesis argues that substantial state ownership in France's oil, defence and aeronautical industries, coupled with the common interests and interpretations of a relatively homogeneous and interconnected corps of businessmen, politicians and civil servants, helps explain the continuity of French policy in the region. This is seen to be true despite the change of government (from Gaullist to Socialist) in France in May 1981.
8
Gale, Caitlin Maria. "Beyond Corsairs : the British-Barbary relationship during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1cdea6da-7ca9-4728-bef5-59e6850dbb73.
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The North African Barbary States are usually dismissed as an unimportant, though bothersome, pirate base of little consequence in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. This thesis challenges that idea by providing qualitative and quantitative evidence of Barbary's role in trade and diplomacy during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, especially as it affected Britain and how the British were able to carry out their military and political goals in the Mediterranean. The study is based on the correspondence between the British government and its military leaders in the region, the correspondence and reports generated by British consuls working in Barbary, import/export records, and a database tracking British shipping to and from North Africa during the conflict. To the British, Barbary was not an irritation but an asset. Britain was able to manage Barbary's trade and foreign policy over the course of the twenty-three-year conflict. This was accomplished in two key ways: as a source of supplies for British forces and through the diplomatic role provided by Britain's extensive consul network. Though the North African states were neutral for the majority of both wars, Britain worked strenuously to maintain and increase its trade and diplomacy with Barbary for the benefit of the British armed forces. British trade with Barbary, supported by the British-Barbary diplomatic relationship, directly contributed to British successes in the Mediterranean and Iberian Peninsula.
9
Condren, John. "Louis XIV et le repos de l'Italie : French policy towards the duchies of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, 1659-1689." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8259.
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Between 1659 and 1689, northern Italy was generally at peace, having endured almost three decades of continuous war from the 1620s. The Peace of the Pyrenees of November 1659, between the French and Spanish crowns, seemed to offer the young Louis XIV an opportunity to gradually subvert Spanish influence over the small princely families of the Po valley. The Houses of Farnese, Este, and Gonzaga-Nevers, respective rulers of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, had all been allies of France at various points in the Franco-Spanish War (1635-1659), but had gained scant reward for their willingness to jeopardise their own relationships with the king of Spain and the Holy Roman Emperor, despite the promises of material and diplomatic support which Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin had extended to them. As a consequence, they were reluctant to agree to again participate in alliances with France. This thesis examines how Louis XIV gradually came to lose the friendship of these three ruling families, through his arrogant disregard of their interests and their ambitions, and also by his contempt for their capabilities and usefulness. This disregard was frequently born out of the French monarch's unwillingness to jeopardise or to undermine his own interests in Italy – in particular, the permanent retention of the fortress of Pinerolo, in Piedmont, as a porte onto the Po plain. But although the principi padani comprehended the reasons for Louis's unwillingness to act as a benevolent patron, they resented his all-too-palpable distrust of them; his entrenched belief that they were unreliable; and his obvious love of war. The rulers and élites of the Italian states believed that Louis would undoubtedly seek, at some point in his reign, to attack Spain's possessions in Italy, and dwelt in perpetual dread of that day. This thesis provides the account of French policy towards the small Italian states after 1659 which is still absent from the historiography of Louis XIV's foreign policies.
10
Auton, Luke Thomas Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "'A sort of middle of the road policy' : forward defence, alliance politics and the Australian Nuclear Weapons Option, 1953-1973." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. Humanities & Social Sciences, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40319.
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This thesis is about the importance of nuclear weapons to Australian defence and strategic policy in Southeast Asia between 1953 and 1973. It argues that Australia's approach to nuclear issues during this period, and its attitude towards the development and acquisition of nuclear weapons in particular, was aimed exclusively at achieving narrowly defined political objectives. Australia was thus never interested in possessing nuclear weapons, and any moves seemingly taken along these lines were calculated to obtain political concessions - not as part of a 'bid' for their acquirement. This viewpoint sits at odds with the consensus position of several focused studies of Australian nuclear policy published in the past decade. Although in general these studies correctly argue that Australia maintained the 'nuclear weapons option' until the early 1970s, all have misrepresented the motivation for this by contending that the government viewed such weapons in exclusively military terms. The claim that Australia was interested only in the military aspect of nuclear weapons does not pay due attention to the fact that defence planning was based entirely on the provision of conventional forces to Southeast Asia. Accordingly, the military was interested first and foremost with issues arising from extant conventional planning concepts, and the government was chiefly concerned about obtaining allied assurances of support for established plans. The most pressing requirement for Australia therefore was gaining sway over allied countries. However, the Australian government was never in a position to overtly influence more powerful allies against an undertaking that could escalate into limited war, and was similarly incapable of inducing its allies to retain forces in the region in spite of competing pressures. It was for this reason that Australia would seek to manipulate the nuclear weapons option. Indeed, access to such weapons offered Australia the opportunity to achieve greater integration in formulating allied planning, while the threat to manufacture them provided a means of convincing regional partners to maintain a presence in the area. The thesis therefore concludes that Australia carefully presented its options for procuring nuclear weapons to gain influence over its allies in response to strategic developments in Southeast Asia.
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Marks, Martha Staley. "United States policy toward Tunisian nationalism during World War II." PDXScholar, 1985. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3664.
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This thesis has attempted to describe the controversy between Robert Murphy and Hooker Doolittle over American policy toward the North Africans and French during World War II. The research was based primarily on material from State Department documents found in the National Archives supplemented by material from the French archives as well as memoirs, personal interviews, and histories of the period. In order for the reader to understand this particular dispute, the problem was developed in the context of the larger political scene as it evolved in North Africa. The controversy between de Gaulle and Giraud was described since it tended to dominate relations between the United States and France at that time. As a result of the research, it was obvious that Murphy's position prevailed, but not without raising important questions about the long term implications of this position.
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Zhang, Qing. "Management of construction international joint ventures between Australia and Asia." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2000. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/36103/1/36103_Zhang_2000.pdf.
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In recent years, many of South East Asian countries have experienced high
levels of economic growth. Coupled with their sheer population, this has led to
a huge demand for the improvement of infrastructure. The construction
market is growing rapidly in these countries, with governments encouraging
multinational companies to set up joint ventures with the local companies to
bring in advanced construction technology. International Joint Venture (IJV)
as a unique formation of project structure has become one of the most widely
used methods for multinational construction companies to enter into the Asian
market.
Australia is building closer relationships with Asian countries and is playing an
active role in the economy development of Asia Pacific region. Australian
contractors are also trying to gain a foothold in the international construction
market. They have the geographical advantage over their US or European
competitors to target the Asian market. Despite all this, the Australian
construction industry has been slow in accessing the Asian market, and has
experienced many difficulties.
As a result of the increasing interest in joint ventures in the business
environment and the high failure rate of the IJV, the study of IJV is gaining
increasing popularity among researchers. Most of the research has focused
on the motivations to joint venture. For example, past studies have
investigated joint ventures as means of coping with resource limitations and
uncertainty, reduction of risk and/or uncertainty, and expediting entry into a
new geographic or technological market. Another focus of joint venture research has been on joint venture performance and control. However, little
literature is available on how to manage the IJV between Australia and Asian
countries. As more and more Australian companies are forming joint ventures
in Asian developing countries, it is important to investigate the performance of
these joint ventures.
This research project aims at the Australian IJV in Asia. After the analysis of
existing joint venture problems, four areas of joint venture management - joint
venture formation, joint venture partnership and negotiation, joint venture
organisational management and joint venture project management have been
identified as the research concentration. Industry interviews and a
questionnaire survey has been used to collect data. Research findings are
further developed into a theoretical model for Australian IJV management.
13
Attard, Bernard. "The Australian High Commissioner's Office : politics and Anglo-Australian relations, 1901-1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7ab289a0-0ab1-4a3a-8f26-8bd3c791ee3f.
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The thesis is a history of the office of Australian High Commissioner in London from its creation in 1909 to the eve of the Second World War. It tests the validity of the conventional view that the office was invariably used as a political reward and, prior to the 1930s, marginal to the conduct of Anglo-Australian relations. It sets the office in the context of colonial representation in London since the 1850s, and notes the limits to the position of the High Commissioner created by the Agents- General of the Australian States and the institutions established by the Imperial government for the conduct of Anglo-Dominion relations. The careers of the first five High Commissioners are examined with reference to the principal issues in Anglo- Australian relations during their High Commissionerships, and their roles are analysed in terms of their relations with the Commonwealth government, the British authorities and, to a lesser extent, the Agents-General. The thesis argues that there was always scope for a High Commissioner to play a diplomatic role within Anglo- Australian relations, and that the post also gradually acquired functions in a more general system of inter-imperial consultation which mirrored the wider political development of the Dominions. The Australian government, however, was also hampered by a limited choice of candidates and invariably appointed senior politicians, as exercises in patronage, but also because they were the most eligible representatives. Yet, reflecting underlying values in Australian political culture, legislators were determined to create a non-political High Commissionership. The combination of political appointments and a non-political office, however, meant that High Commissioners often found it difficult to adapt to the demands of their new position and did not enjoy the full confidence of the government.
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Imamoto, Shizuka. "Racial Equality Bill Japanese proposal at Paris Peace Conference : diplomatic manoeuvres and reasons for rejection /." Electronic version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/699.
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Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Honours) at Macquarie University.Thesis (MA (Hons))--Macquarie University (Division of Humanities, Dept. of Asian Languages), 2006.
Bibliography: leaves 137-160.
Introduction -- Anglo-Japanese relations and World War One -- Fear of Japan in Australia -- William Morris Hughes -- Japan's proposal and diplomacy at Paris -- Reasons for rejection : a discussion -- Conclusion.
Japan as an ally of Britain, since the signing of Anglo-Japanese Alliance in 1902, entered World War One at British request. During the Great War Japan fought Germany in Asia and afforded protection to Australia. After the conclusion of the War, a peace conference was held at Paris in 1919. As a victorious ally and as one of the Five Great Powers of the day, Japan participated at the Paris Peace Conference, and proposed racial equality to be enshrined in the Covenant of the League of Nations. This Racial Equality Bill, despite the tireless efforts of the Japanese delegates who engaged the representatives of other countries in intense diplomatic negotiations, was rejected. The rejection, a debatable issue ever since, has inspired many explanations including the theory that it was a deliberate Japanese ploy to achieve other goals in the agenda. This thesis has researched the reasons for rejection and contends that the rejection was not due to any one particular reason. Four key factors: a) resolute opposition from Australian Prime Minister Hughes determined to protect White Australia Policy, b) lack of British support, c) lack of US support, and d) lack of support from the British dominions of New Zealand, Canada and South Africa; converged to defeat the Japanese proposal. Japanese inexperience in international diplomacy evident from strategic and tactical mistakes, their weak presentations and communications, and enormous delays in negotiations, at Paris, undermined Japan's position at the conference, but the reasons for rejection of the racial equality proposal were extrinsic.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xii, 188 leaves
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Vargo, Trina Y. "French and American foreign policies : concordances and discordances in the light of ideological differences 1981-1984." Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61971.
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Walsh, Sebastian John. "Britain, Morocco and the development of the Anglo-French entente." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610042.
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Van, Deusen Karl J. "U.S.-Portuguese relations and foreign base rights in Portugal." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 1990. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA237179.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 1990.Thesis Advisor(s): Bruneau, Thomas C. Second Reader: Yost, David S. "June 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on October 15, 2009. DTIC Identifier(s): Military Bases, Political Science, Theses, United States, Portugal, Azores, Security Assistance Program, France, West Germany, European Community, Western European Union, Madeira, Trade. Author(s) subject terms: Portugal, Azores, Lajes, Flores, Beja, Overseas Bases, Security Assistance, Slazar, Soares, Silva, Emigration, Emigrant's Remittances, Trade, Foreign Direct Investment, WEU, CFE. Includes bibliographical references (p. 180-185). Also available in print.
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Murphy, T. A. "The Snowy Mountains Engineering Corporation as an instrument of Australian foreign policy." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/130322.
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Australia's foreign policy may be drafted in Canberra, but it is
implemented in the jungles of Java and the bazaars of Dar-es-Salaam,
as well as in the offices and boardrooms in Washington, London or Bonn.
The aim of this sub-thesis is to examine the role of the Snowy
Mountains Engineering Corporation (SMEC) as an instrumentality for the
practical implementation of Australia's foreign policy, particularly in
relation to developing countries, and more specifically in the AsiaPacific
Region. Towards this end a comparison and contrast will be
made of two SMEC overseas projects. As well as covering some specific
details, it is hoped that these two case studies will present SMEC's
overseas operations in microcosm.
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Raphala, Mmapitsi Grateful. "A critique of the foreign policy of France towards Africa :case studies of Central African Republic and Ivory Coast, 2007-2014." Thesis, University of Limpopo, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/2010.
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Thesis (M. A. (International Politics)) --University of Limpopo, 2017Many Western and Central African countries were colonised by France from the early 17th century until the early 1960s. However, Africa has continued to be the private hunting ground for France in the post-independence period. This is because France still needs African resources, particularly its oil. In fact, Africa holds a strategic position for French foreign policy. Therefore, when France gave independence to its African colonies, it did not really mean it was completely disengaging from Africa. In essence, a package was imposed on Francophone African countries which tied them to the revitalised African states to preserve French colonial status. Moreover, France‟s heavy involvement in African countries has earned it a perception of being a police officer of the continent. Within this premise, due to protracted conflicts in French African countries, Francophone Africans bank their hope on France to assist in offering just and lasting solutions to the complex challenges facing their countries. This should be understood within the context that France maintained a significant colonial empire in the continent for almost a century and a half. Nevertheless, France attempts to uphold hegemonic foothold in Francophone Africa through political, economic and cultural connections while the security of Africans is threatened. With this in mind, this study critiques the French foreign policy towards Africa and it uses Ivory Coast and Central African Republic as case studies. These two countries are chosen given their recent conflicts and their assistance in critiquing the French position in African complex challenges. This study also adopted the use of document review and interviews to generate data.
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Hoyle, Maxwell Bruce, and mikewood@deakin edu au. "Australia and East Timor: elitism, pragmatism and the national interest." Deakin University, 2000. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20050915.110809.
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For over two decades the issue of East Timor's right to self-determination has been a prickly issue in Australian foreign policy. The invasion by Indonesian forces in 1975 was expected, as Australian policy-makers had been well informed of the events leading up to the punitive action being taken. Indeed, prior discussions involving the future of the territory were held between the Australian Prime Minister and the Indonesian President in 1974. In response to the events unfolding in the territory the Australian Labor Government at the time was presented with two policy options for dealing with the issue. The Department of Defence recommended the recognition of an independent East Timor; whereas the Department of Foreign Affairs proposed that Australia disengage itself as far as possible from the issue. The decision had ramifications for future policy considerations especially with changes in government. With the Department of Foreign Affairs option being the prevailing policy what were the essential ingredients that give explanation for the government's choice?
It is important to note the existence of the continuity and cyclical nature of attitudes by Labor governments toward Indonesia before and after the invasion. To do so requires an analysis of the influence Doc Evatt had in shaping any possible Labor tradition in foreign policy articulation. The support given by Evatt for the decolonisation of the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia) gave rise to the development of a special relationship-so defined. Evidence of the effect Evatt had on future Labor governments may be found in the opinions of Gough Whitlam. In 1975 when he was Prime Minister, Whitlam felt the East Timor issue was merely the finalisation of Indonesia's decolonisation honouring Evatt's long held anti-colonialist tradition existing in the Australian Labor Party. The early predisposition toward Indonesia's cohesiveness surfaced again in the Hawke and Keating Labor governments of later years. It did not vary a great deal with changes in government
The on-going commitment to preserving and strengthening the bilateral relationship meant Indonesia's territorial integrity became the focus of the Australian political elites regional foreign policy determinations. The actions taken by policy-makers served to promote the desire for a stable region ahead of independence claims of the East Timorese. From a realist perspective, the security dilemma for Australian policy-makers was how to best promote regional order and stability in the South East Asian region. The desire for regional cohesiveness and stability continues to drive Australian political elites to promote policies that gives a priority to the territorial integrity of regional states. Indonesia, in spite of its diversity, was only ever thought of as a cohesive unitary state and changes to its construct have rarely been countenanced. Australia's political elite justifications for this stance vacillate between strategic and economic considerations, ideological (anti-colonialism) to one of being a pragmatic response to international politics.
The political elite argues the projection of power into the region is in Australias national interest. The policies from one government to the next necessarily see the national interest as being an apparent fixed feature of foreign policy. The persistent fear of invasion from the north traditionally motivated Australia's political elite to adopt a strategic realist policy that sought to shore up the stability, strength and unity of Indonesia. The national interest was deemed to be at risk if support for East Timorese independence was given. The national interest though can involve more than just the security issue, and the political elite when dealing with East Timor assumed that they were acting in the common good. Questions that need to be addressed include determining what is the national interest in this context? What is the effect of a government invoking the national interest in debates over issues in foreign policy? And, who should participate in the debate? In an effort to answer these questions an analysis of how the ex-foreign affairs mandarin Richard Woolcott defines the national interest becomes crucial.
Clearly, conflict in East Timor did have implications for the national interest. The invasion of East Timor by Indonesia had the potential to damage the relationship, but equally communist successes in 1975 in Indo-China raised Australia's regional security concerns. During the Cold War, the linking of communism to nationalism was driving the decision-making processes of the Australian policy-makers striving to come to grips with the strategic realities of a changing region. Because of this, did the constraints of world politics dominated by Cold War realities combined with domestic political disruption have anything to do with Australia's response?
Certainly, Australia itself was experiencing a constitutional crisis in late 1975. The Senate had blocked supply and the Labor Government did not have the funds to govern. The Governor-General by dismissing the Labor Government finally resolved the impasse. What were the reactions of the two men charged with the responsibility of forming the caretaker government toward Indonesia's military action? And, could the crisis have prevented the Australian government from making a different response to the invasion?
Importantly, and in terms of economic security, did the knowledge of oil and gas deposits thought to exist in the Timor Sea influence Australia's foreign policy? The search for oil and gas requires a stable political environment in which to operate. Therefore for exploration to continue in the Timor Sea Australia must have had a preferred political option and thoughts of with whom they preferred to negotiate. What was the extent of each government's cooperation and intervention in the oil and gas industry and could any involvement have influenced the Australian political elites attitude toward the prospect of an independent East Timor? Australia's subsequent de jure recognition that East Timor was part of Indonesia paved the way for the Timor Gap (Zone of Cooperation) Treaty signing in 1989. The signing underpinned Australia's acceptance of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor.
The outcome of the analysis of the issues that shaped Australia's foreign policy toward East Timor showed that the political elite became locked into an integration model, which was defended by successive governments. Moreover, they formed an almost reflexive defence of Indonesia both at the domestic and international level.
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Chipman, John. "France as an African power : history of an idea, and its post colonial practice." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670330.
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Rae, Michelle Frasher. "International monetary relations between the United States, France, and West Germany in the 1970s." Texas A&M University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1969/48.
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Gray, Rachael J. "U.S. foreign relations after the cold war : a unilateral approach, an isolationist strategy, a hegemonic goal." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2009. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1264.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Baird, Clayton Ray. "Style and substance: Franklin D. Roosevelt and U.S.-French relations, 1938-1942." Texas A&M University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/1073.
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Historians of American diplomatic history during the Roosevelt administration have long debated whether President Roosevelt tricked Americans into the Second World War. Historians have looked at the personalities of Roosevelt and his key advisors to see if a hidden agenda was followed. U.S.-French relations highlight this divide. Did Roosevelt conspire in the fall of France, as the conspiratorialists claim, or did he simply react?
With most historians focusing on Roosevelt himself, few have examined the systemic causes of America's failure to aid France. This study investigates how Roosevelt's style of governance and administration affected American foreign policy toward France. It concludes that the system of foreign-policy-making Roosevelt established made the outcome of American policy toward France-in particular the fall of France in 1940-nearly inevitable.
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Bukaitė, Vilma. "Political and diplomatic relations between the Republic of Lithuania and France in 1919–1940." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2013. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2013~D_20130701_092603-04021.
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The thesis deals with the dynamics of the political and diplomatic relations between Lithuania and France in 1919–1940. The influence of France on the process of the international recognition of Lithuania’s independence is reflected. The impact of France on solving the issue of Vilnius between 1920 and 1923 and the position of France on the relations between Lithuania and Poland are analysed. The relations of the Government of Lithuania and French administration in Klaipėda region between 1920 and 1923 are considered. The attitude of France as a signatory of Klaipėda Convention in defending the interests of the inhabitants of Klaipėda region between 1925 and 1939 is investigated. The impact of the political relations between Lithuania and the USSR on the relations with France is assessed. The influence of France on Lithuania’s participation in the projects of unification of the Baltic States is analysed. The attempts of the Government of Lithuania to strengthen the state’s security when joining the Eastern Pact in 1934–1935 are analysed. The attempts of the Lithuanian State to obtain a political support of France after Poland issued the ultimatum in 1938 and with Germany exerting pressure in 1934-1935 and 1938-1939 for Klaipėda region are examined. The position of France on Lithuania’s occupation and annexation is defined. Historical sources stored in the Lithuanian Central State Archives and the Centre for Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France were... [to full text]Disertacijoje nagrinėjama Lietuvos ir Prancūzijos politinių bei diplomatinių santykių dinamika 1919–1940 m. Atspindima Prancūzijos įtaka Lietuvos nepriklausomybės tarptautinio pripažinimo procesui. Analizuojamas Prancūzijos poveikis Vilniaus klausimo sprendimui tarptautinėse institucijose 1920–1923 m. ir Prancūzijos pozicija dėl Lietuvos santykių su Lenkija. Tiriami Lietuvos vyriausybės santykiai su prancūzų administracija Klaipėdos krašte 1920–1923 m. Nagrinėjama Prancūzijos kaip Klaipėdos konvencijos signatarės laikysena ginant Klaipėdos krašto gyventojų interesus 1925–1939 m. Įvertinamas Lietuvos ir SSRS politinių ryšių poveikis santykiams su Prancūzija. Analizuojama Prancūzijos įtaka Lietuvos dalyvavimui Baltijos valstybių vienijimosi projektuose. Tiriamos Lietuvos vyriausybės pastangos sustiprinti valstybės saugumą, įsijungiant į Prancūzijos ir SSRS 1934–1935 m. kurtą Rytų paktą. Tiriamos Lietuvos valstybės pastangos gauti Prancūzijos politinę paramą, 1938 m. gavus Lenkijos ultimatumą ir 1934–1935 m. ir 1938–1939 m. pr. Vokietijai taikant spaudimą dėl Klaipėdos krašto. Apibrėžiamas Prancūzijos požiūris į Lietuvos okupaciją ir aneksiją. Disertacijos rengimui naudoti Lietuvos centriniame valstybės archyve, bibliotekų rankraštynuose, Prancūzijos užsienio reikalų ministerijos Diplomatinių archyvų centre saugomi ir publikuoti istoriniai šaltiniai.
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Talbott, Siobhan. "An alliance ended? : Franco-Scottish commercial relations, 1560-1713." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1999.
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This thesis explores the commercial links between Scotland and France in the long seventeenth century, with a focus on the Scottish mercantile presence in France’s Atlantic ports, particularly during periods of domestic and international upheaval. This study questions long-held assumptions regarding this relationship, asserting that the ‘Auld Alliance’ continued throughout the period, despite the widely held belief that it ended in 1560. Such assumptions have led scholars largely to ignore the continuing commercial relationship between Scotland and France in the long seventeenth century, focusing instead on the ‘golden age’ of the Auld Alliance or the British relationship with France in the eighteenth century. Such assumptions have been fostered by the methodological approaches used in the study of economic history to date. While I acknowledge the relevance of traditional quantitative approaches to economic history, such as those pioneered by T. C. Smout and which continue to be followed by historians such as Philipp Rössner, I follow alternative methods that have been recently employed by scholars such as Henriette de Bruyn Kops, Sheryllynne Haggerty, Xavier Lamikiz, Allan Macinnes and Steve Murdoch. These scholars have pioneered methodologies that prioritise private sources, allowing us to delve into the motivations and actions of the individuals who actually effected trade, be they merchants, factors, skippers or manufacturers. The core of my research has therefore entailed the discovery and use of previously untapped archival material including account books, letter books and correspondence, which illuminate the participation of these individuals in international trade. Such a study, while filling a specific gap in our understanding of Scotland’s overseas relations, applies a more social methodology to this topic, suggesting that scholars’ approaches need to be fundamentally altered if we are truly to understand the whole picture of Scotland’s, or indeed any nation’s, commercial relationships or wider economic position.
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Vercauteren, Pierre. "Des politiques européennes à l'égard de l'URSS: la France, la RFA et la Grande-Bretagne de 1969 à 1989." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211974.
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Pichonnier, Christopher. "La France et la Hongrie (1989-2004)." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017BOR30018/document.
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Les relations entre la France et la Hongrie ont été, au fil de l’histoire, placées à la fois sous le signe de la complexité et celui de l’ambiguïté, souvent marquées par une certaine distance et parfois empreintes de ressentiments. Au cours de l'époque de l'époque moderne, l'occupation turque, puis la longue association de la Hongrie aux Habsbourgs ont contribué à dresser, entre les deux pays, des barrières, et à freiner le développement de liens plus conséquents. De manière similaire, au cours du XXe siècle, alors que beaucoup de facteurs géographiques, culturels ou humains auraient du conduire la France à nouer avec la Hongrie les mêmes rapports de confiance et d'amitié qu'avec les autres capitales d'Europe centre-orientale, les deux Guerres mondiales – et les périodes révisionnistes et communistes qui les ont suivis en Hongrie –, mais aussi la profonde blessure infligée aux Hongrois par le traité du Trianon, ont constamment rejeté les deux États dans des camps opposés et contribué à créer, dans un pays dont l'intelligentsia était pourtant historiquement prompte à « tourner son regard vers Paris », le mythe d'un « amour sans retour » envers la France. Longtemps considérée comme une zone d'influence germanique exclusive, la Hongrie ne représenta ainsi jamais réellement un partenaire privilégié pour la France à l'est du continent et les relations entre les deux pays demeurèrent très largement irrégulières et dissymétriques. Dans ces conditions, les bouleversements des années 1989-1990, tout en offrant l'occasion de redessiner un nouveau paysage européen tourné vers l'avenir, ont autorisé la possibilité d'un nouveau départ des rapports entre les deux États. En se plaçant dans la lignée des recherches réalisées sur les relations entre la France et la Hongrie au cours du XXe siècle, ce travail offre une première analyse du resserrement global des liens entre les deux États dans un contexte nouveau. En partant du constat que les relations franco-hongroises changent de dimension à partir de 1989 – une transformation qui est exposée et analysée – ce travail cherche à comprendre si cette mutation représente la marque d’une modification de la nature réelle de la politique française en Hongrie, alors même que celle-ci n’avait été jusqu’alors traitée que comme une périphérie globalisée dans le cadre d’une « politique de l’Est » très large, et d'autre part si la période marque la fin des absences de Marianne en Hongrie et de plus de « 300 ans d’amour impossible » entre les deux pays. Au crépuscule de la guerre froide et à l'aube de l'élargissement de l'UE, face à l'ampleur des rattrapages à effectuer et à la pesanteur des stéréotypes à surpasser, les années 1989-2004 marquent-elles la fin des relations ambiguës et asymétriques entre la France et la Hongrie et le commencement d'une nouvelle ère des relations franco-hongroises ? Le travail se décompose en quatre parties : une mise en perspective générale du sujet et une première analyse de l'idée de « nouveau départ », une étude de l'évolution des relations culturelles entre les deux États, un développement sur le renforcement des liens économiques bilatéraux, et enfin une étude des relations entre les deux pays à la lumière de la question de l'élargissement euroatlantiqueThroughout history, relations between France and Hungary have been complex and ambiguous, often characterized by a certain distance and sometimes marked by a genuine resentment. During the early modern period, the Turkish occupation and the long association of Hungary to the Habsburg Empire certainly contributed to building barriers between the two states and thus to slowing down the development of stronger ties. In a similar manner, during the 20th century, even though many factors – geographical, cultural, as well as societal – should have led France to develop a similar relationship of confidence and friendship with Hungary as those it had with other central European capitals, the two World Wars – and the revisionist and communist periods that followed in Hungary – as well as the deep “injury” inflicted on the Hungarians by the Treaty of Trianon have constantly pushed both states into opposing camps. In a country where the intelligentsia was historically quick to “look towards Paris”, these factors and events contributed to creating the myth of an “impossible love” between the two countries. Considered for a very long time as a German zone of influence, Hungary never really represented a favored partner for France in the eastern part of the continent, and the relations between the countries remained largely irregular and asymmetrical. Under these conditions, the major upheavals of the years 1989-1990, while offering an opportunity to redesign a new Europe, also allowed a chance for a new start in French-Hungarian relations. This thesis provides the first analysis of the overall strengthening of French-Hungarian relations in this new historical context. Starting with the observation that French-Hungarian relations undergo a change of dimension from 1989 – a transformation that will be discussed and analyzed – our work tries to understand on the one hand whether this mutation represents a modification of the real nature of French foreign policy towards Hungary, given that the country was mostly treated until then as part of the global periphery; and, on the other hand, whether this period marks the end of an absent France in Hungary. At the twilight of the Cold War and the dawn of the EU's enlargement, does the period from 1989 to 2004 mark the end of an ambiguous and asymmetrical relationship between France and Hungary and the start of a new era for French-Hungarian relations? The thesis is divided into four main parts : the first part provides a general overview of the topic and tests the idea of a “new beginning” of French-Hungarian relations. The second part delivers an analysis of the evolution of cultural relations between the two countries from 1989 to 2004. The third part is dedicated to the strengthening of economic ties between the two states. Finally, the last part studies the evolution of the relations between the two countries throughout the process of the EU and NATO's enlargement
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Haize, Daniel. "L'action culturelle et de coopération de la France à l'étranger : un réseau, des hommes." Thesis, Montpellier 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010MON10065.
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Les études réalisées sur la politique culturelle extérieure de la France, le soft power, appréhendent, pour l'essentiel, le sujet dans une perspective "d'en haut", en se concentrant sur la politique de l'Etat. L'analyse de la gouvernance de la politique culturelle extérieure de la France par le prisme du terrain, objet de cette recherche, montre que son centre de gravité est constitué par ses acteurs (le "réseau" à l'étranger ainsi que les hommes qui y exercent) plus que par l'administration centrale du ministère des Affaires étrangères. La politique culturelle extérieure est une politique publique dont il convient d'apprécier la substance à partir des initiatives locales au moins autant qu'au travers des discours et normes : elle peut être ainsi considérée comme la mise en scène de l'action culturelle conçue et menée par les agents du réseau culturel à l'étranger. Cette recherche s'est appuyée sur une analyse documentaire maniant à la fois la littérature grise (rapports internes, parlementaires, etc.), la presse écrite, la réalisation d'une enquête originale auprès des postes diplomatiques, ainsi que sur le bilan d'une expérience personnelleStudies on French foreign cultural policy, the so-called "soft power", almost always treat the issue from a "top-down" viewpoint focusing on the State policy. The analysis of the governance of French foreign cultural policy through the prism of the field ("bottom-up analysis"), which is the purpose of this research, shows that its center is based on its actors (the "network" abroad and the men who work within it) rather than being formulated by the central Department of the Foreign Office. Foreign cultural policy is a public policy which substance should therefore be valued from local initiatives as well as from speeches and rules: it may then be seen as the setting of cultural activities designed and conducted by the agents of the cultural network abroad. This research is based on a documentary analysis which includes the “grey literature” (internal and parliamentary reports, etc), the press, a specific survey within diplomatic posts and the results of a personal experience
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Hubbard, Christopher. "From ambivalence to activism: Australia and the negotiation of the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2001. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1517.
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This Dissertation presents a study of Australia's involvement in the negotiation and early interpretation of the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), an instrument which remains the most important global nuclear arms control measure in international law. Using data from recently released Australian government documents, the study analyses the process by which Australia was transformed from an ambivalent nuclear sceptic within the Western alliance, into a steadfast global campaigner against the spread of nuclear weapons. It concludes that Australia's urgent search during 1967 and 1968 for coherence in its policy on nuclear weapons acquisition, largely played out within sections of the Australian bureaucracy and political leadership, was not only the catalyst for that transformation, but also an important step in Australia's search for "middle power" status in both a regional and wider sense. The study uses an interdisciplinary theoretical model which asserts the complementary nature of international law and international relations theory in explanations of relations between states. That model proposes that each discipline is capable of enhancing the insights of the other, in order to account - more closely in concert than each does individually - for the rule-following behaviour of nation-states. Beginning in Chapter One with a critique of the NPT and the regime of institutions and understandings which surround it, the study moves, in Chapter Two, to a review of the domestic and international context in which Australia's nuclear weapons policy debate was conducted, while introducing the elements of division within the Australian federal bureaucracy which largely prosecuted that debate. Chapters Three and Four analyse the debate in detail, concluding that its inconclusive result induced Australia's refusal to agree to America's request for immediate accession to the NPT. This, in tum, resulted in Australia exercising, through its recalcitrance, disproportionate influence over the US on the interpretation of the terms of the treaty. Chapter Five moves analysis to the international arena, and the forum of the United Nations General Assembly, in which Australia finally found the limit of America's willingness to accommodate the concerns of a small but significant Western ally located in a region of strategic importance. Chapter Six examines the process by which Australia's influence over the US on the interpretation of the terms of the NPT was translated into guidance to other nuclear threshold states through the Western alliance. It also examines the level of influence exerted by Australia through its bilateral discussions with other states over the terms of the treaty. It concludes that Australia, mainly through the former process, could claim a significant role in the formulation of the world's most important multilateral nuclear convention through its insistence on interpretative clarity. Finally, the study draws general conclusions on the significance of Australia's nuclear weapons debate for its aspirations to "middle power" status. It concludes that its indisputable leadership role, after 1972, in global nuclear disarmament efforts of many kinds, is an example of that status. Its most important theoretical conclusion concerns the demonstrated utility of an interdisciplinary model for the study of relations between states.
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Popescu, Ştefan. "L'Albanie dans la politique étrangère de la France (1919-juin 1940)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA010642/document.
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Entre 1919-1939/40, la France était prise dans un jeu délicat à l'égard de l'Albanie : elle reconnaissait la primauté des intérêts politiques et économiques italiens en Albanie mais, en même temps, la France était consciente que tout cela risquait de mettre en péril l'indépendance albanaise. L'intérêt de la France en Albanie était le maintien de l'indépendance de ce pays afin qu'il ne devient une arrière base de l'Italie contre la Yougoslavie. II y avait aussi un autre intérêt français, une volonté de «présence» en Albanie qui était générée par le statut de la France de grande puissance. C'est en vertu de cet aspect que la France entend être « présente » en Albanie par deux institutions visibles, un lycée et une mission archéologique, qui compensent assez bien le développement limité des relations politiques et économiques. De ce fait, malgré la proximité géographique et l'intensité des échanges politiques et économiques, l'Italie n'arrive pas s'imposer en Albanie comme puissance culturelle dominante. Dans l'entre-deux-guerres, la France et l'Albanie se redécouvrent réciproquement. C'est dans cet intervalle qu'on assiste à l'établissement des premières relations institutionnelles bilatérales et c'est à cette époque qu'on signe les premiers documents juridiques bilatéraux. C'est entre les deux guerres que se constitue une communauté d'albanais en France et que les premiers groupes organisés de touristes français arrivent en Albanie, que se nouent les premières relations économiques bilatéralesBetween 1919-1939/40, France was caught in a tricky game towards Albania: it recognized the primacy of the Italian political and economic interests in Albania but, at the same time, France was aware that ail this might endanger the Albanian independence. The interest of France in Albania was the maintenance of the independence of this country to prevent it becoming a rear base of the Italy against Yugoslavia. There was also another French interest, a willingness of "présence" in Albania, generated by the France's great power status. It was under this aspect that France intends to be "présente" in Albania by two visible institutions, a high school and an archaeological mission, that offset for pretty much the limited development of political and economic relations. Thus, despite the geographical proximity and the intensity of the political and economic exchanges, Italy can't win in Albania as a dominant cultural power. .In the interwar period, France and Albania rediscover each other. It is in this interval that we are witnessing the establishment of the first bilateral institutional relations and it was at this lime that we sign the first bilateral treaties. lt is between the two wars that born a community of Albanians in France and the first organized groups of French tourists arrive in Albania, that bind the first bilateral economic relations
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Bouillon, Pierre-Hubert. "Entre partenaires et adversaires, une ouverture asymétrique et stratégique : la France face à la Roumanie et à la Hongrie (1968-1977)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA010690.
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La France, durant la détente, mena une politique étrangère qui mit à profit les déviations internes de la Hongrie et internationales de la Roumanie par rapport à l'URSS. La politique française poursuivit des objectifs à la fois bilatéraux et multilatéraux : elle inscrivit son action dans un cadre hérité du passé, mais aussi dans un processus mouvant, celui d'Helsinki. Cette époque s'avéra une transition d'un point de vue aussi bien international que national : de la crise tchécoslovaque en 1968 au regain de tensions dans la seconde moitié des années 1970, les vecteurs d'influence de la France dans l'ancienne Europe centrale et oriental évoluèrent et s'enrichirent. Un partenariat difficile fut mis en place avec la Roumanie, qui avait entretenu de liens politiques étroits avec la France avant sa satellisation par l'URSS. Quant à la Hongrie, un dialogue naquit avec elle. Les limites des relations culturelles et militaires furent à l'inverse patentes. Ces deux démocraties populaires furent en effet perçues en France à travers tout un spectre de représentations, qui allait de l'adversaire militaire et idéologique au partenaire diplomatique pouvant converger avec l'Ouest. A contrario, les rapports économiques acquirent une signification croissante et furent encadrés par l'État. Ils répondirent à la volonté politique de développer les industries de haute-technologie en France, de s'opposer l'hégémonie des États-Unis en la matière, et de mettre à profit l'asymétrie de développement entre l'Est et l'Ouest pour saper la domination de l'URSS sur son glacis. En dépit de divergences au sein de l'État l'ouverture française fut ainsi menée de manière globalement cohérenteFrance, during the "détente", led a foreign policy which took advantage of Hungary's and Romania' peculiarities compared to the USSR, Bucharest as for the international and Budapest as for the domestic policies. The French aims were both bilateral and multilateral. The French policy was developed in framework inherited from the past, but in a more fast-changing framework too, the Helsinki process. The period appeared to be a transition from the international and national points of view: from the Czechoslovak crisis in 1968 to the new tensions du ring the second half of the 1970s, the French way to influence former Central European countries changed and was enhanced. A difficult partnership was set up with Romania which country France had politically influenced before 1945, and a dialog created with Hungary. However concerning cultural and military relations, limitations were obvious. Indeed, these two people's democracies were seen in France through a whole spectrum of representations, from a military and ideological adversary to a diplomatic partner which was maybe able to converge with the West. On the contrary, economic relation became more and more important and were strongly supported by the government. Those relations were linked to a political determination to develop high-technology industries in France, to resist the United State hegemony in those fields and to undermine the Soviet rule on its empire by taking advantage of the asymmetrical level of development between the East and the West. Therefore, in spite of differences am on the state's administrations, the way the French relations were opened up to the East proved to be mostly consistent
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Heurtebize, Frédéric. "L'attitude de washington face à l'euro-communisme en france et en italie 1974-1981." Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030129.
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Principalement représentée par les partis communistes italien et français, quoiqu'à des degrés divers, la mouvance eurocommuniste entendait mettre en œuvre un socialisme compatible avec le système politique occidental. Cette volonté se traduisait par un engagement en faveur des libertés et du pluralisme politique, par une prise de distance avec le modèle soviétique et par la volonté de former des alliances. En 1972, en France, socialistes et communistes scellent l’Union de la gauche tandis qu’en Italie, en 1973, le PC appelle à un compromis historique avec la Démocratie chrétienne. Quoique différente à maints égards, la situation dans les deux pays fait renaître outre-Atlantique une crainte qu’on croyait écartée : l’arrivée au pouvoir de PC en Europe de l’Ouest. Cette étude s’attache à examiner l’attitude des États-Unis – notamment l’exécutif et son appareil diplomatique – face à cette menace. La période à l’étude (1974-81) couvre l’émergence, l’apogée et le déclin de l’eurocommunisme et correspond aux présidences Ford (1974-77) et Carter (1977-81). Cette thèse se fonde principalement sur l’examen des archives américaines (présidence, département d’État et CIA) ainsi que sur de nombreux entretiens. L’administration Ford, et Henry Kissinger en particulier, se montra plus inquiète que l’administration Carter. Par ailleurs, quels que furent les dirigeants au pouvoir, la situation italienne suscita plus de craintes que la situation française, à tel point que, sous Carter, le Parti socialiste jouit d’un capital de sympathie élevé au sein de l’administration. Cette étude souligne aussi des différences significatives d’appréciations entre l’exécutif, d’un côté, et les ambassades, les différents services d’analyse et de renseignement américains de l’autre. Pour ces derniers, la participation de ministres communistes dans des gouvernements d’Europe occidentale eût certes causé de réelles difficultés, mais des difficultés surmontablesEurocommunism refers to a trend among West European communist parties that aimed at promoting a communism compatible with Western-style democracy. It entailed embracing democratic "bourgeois" values, criticizing the Soviet model and fostering political coalitions with long-despised parties. French communists and socialists thus formed the Union of the Left in 1972 while the Italian CP called for a "historic compromise" with the Christian Democrats one year later. The period under study (1974-81) spans the birth, climax and decline of that trend but also the presidencies of Gerald Ford (1974-77) and Jimmy Carter (1977-81).Though different in many respects, the political situation in both countries – however sincere, or not, those CPs were in Washington’s view – exacerbated one long-gone fear: the coming to power of communists in Western Europe. This dissertation examines how the US – mainly the White House and its diplomatic and intelligence bureaucracy – regarded that threat. It draws substantially from American archival material (White House, State Department and CIA) and from numerous interviews with former actors and witnesses of that period. This dissertation argues that the Ford administration, whose diplomacy was led by Henry Kissinger, was more concerned about Eurocommunism than the Carter administration. It also argues that the Italian situation caused more concern than the French situation, so much so that members of the Carter team had sympathies for the French socialists. Finally, this study reveals significant differences in judgment – between, on the one hand, the executive branch, and, on the other hand, the embassies and the analytical and intelligence services – as to how threatening Eurocommunism was to American and Western interests. Throughout the decade, overall, the latter proved more relaxed than American leaders about the possible consequences of the CPs’ coming to power
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Berananda, Usana. "Australia's involvement in the Cambodian peace settlement : the Red Book initiative." Thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145650.
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Dugis, Vinsensio. "Australian-Indonesian relations, a study of political, economic and defence cooperation (1986-1996)." Thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/111279.
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This thesis analyses the relationship between Australia and Indonesia between 1986-1996 and particularly focuses on cooperation in the areas of politics, economics and defence. It is argued that the relationship between Australia and Indonesia has become stronger due to the mutual interests of the two countries.Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Adelaide, Dept. of Politics, 1997
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Munro, Ronald. "The Australia-Korea relationship, 1889-1953." Phd thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151164.
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Scrivener, Richard James. "Australia's relations with Iran and the Australia-US Alliance, 1979-2005." Phd thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111463.
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Australia has been a close ally of the US for over five decades. Strategic alignment with Washington has been, and remains, a central tenet of Australian strategic thinking and the US alliance continues to serve as an ideational framework for the formulation of Australian foreign policy. In contrast, Australia's relations with Iran since the 1979 Iranian Revolution have been at the lower end of the scale of importance, and based principally upon a trade relationship that has been dominated by the export of Australian agricultural commodities. Considered together, these two very different international relationships present an interesting problem, on two levels, for the study of Australian foreign policy.
First, the extreme animosity between Washington and Tehran highlights a particular problem for Australian foreign policy-how to manage a potential clash of interests with a superpower ally. Second, the Australia-Iran relationship has been dominated by trade interests, while Canberra's interests in supporting the US alliance are predominantly strategic. Thus, the foreign policy challenges that have at times arisen because of Australia's relations with Iran in the context of the US alliance reflect the problem of balancing trade and strategic interests in Australian foreign policy.
For most of the period between 1979 and 2005 Australia has managed these two relationships through a policy of non-linkage between strategic and international trade interests. This thesis presents an analytical framework that explains Australian policies of non-linkage in terms of the impact of domestic political dynamics on the foreign policy formulation process. The framework employs the concept of an issue area to analyse how domestic political and economic interests coalesce around specific foreign policy concerns, and demonstrates that the interaction between interests associated with strategic and international trade issue areas has determined whether Australia pursues policies of linkage or non-linkage with respect to its relations with Iran and the US.
This thesis contributes to the study of Australian foreign policy by offering a framework that: 1) organises the plurality of foreign policy interests in the domestic political domain into issue areas, 2) explains the domestic political dynamics that determine the capacity of each issue area to shape the formulation of foreign policy within Cabinet. It contributes to the broader field of Foreign Policy Analysis by demonstrating that the application of issue area analysis provides new perspectives on, and insights into, the relationship between domestic politics and foreign policy.
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Leggatt, Nick. "China and France in the nineteenth century." Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1957/33355.
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In studying Western, especially French, imperialist action in China during the nineteenth century, this thesis argues that contemporary Sino-Western relations took various forms across various social strata on both sides, and the general terms used to classify them are erroneous: in effect, there was no "Chinese" response to "the West," since there were several, and vice-versa. In the first main section of the thesis, the historiographical accepted wisdom about China's reactions to Western intrusion are repudiated or qualified. The next section of the thesis deals with French imperialism, through the eyes of the French and other Westerners. In so far as one can speak generally of French aims, it is demonstrated that the French both at home and abroad in general exploited China almost solely for national prestige. The next part looks at the variety of responses among four classes of Chinese people to Western intrusion, and the lasting legacy of Western thought as it relates to change in China. It is posited that although imperialist actions certainly served as a catalyst for Chinese nationalism, the transition between "traditional" and "modern" China was not a completely new break caused entirely by Western influence, but a series of rational changes brought about at least as much by China's domestic structure as external relations.Graduation date: 1999
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Baba, Gurol. "The wavy cross : Australia, Turkey and the US 1945-1975." Phd thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150120.
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Saito, Tadashi. "Trade without diplomatic relations : a comparative study of China-Japan and China-Australia trade relations in the 1960s." Master's thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/128709.
Full textAbstract:
This sub-thesis deals with Sino-Japanese and Sino-Australian trade
relations from 1960 to 1972. During this period, both Japan and Australia
maintained trade ties with China (the People's Republic of China), although
they had broken off diplomatic relations with her.1 The main interest here
is how and why these trade relations were maintained without diplomatic
relations. This, then, is a study of trade relations between states which
have no diplomatic relations.
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Smith, Robert Hugh 1942. "Policing and Australian security in the South Pacific : with special reference to police education and training programs." 1995. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8608.
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Jia, Wen. "The demise of the 'new diplomacy'? : assertive China & the Australian case." Phd thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149952.
Full textAbstract:
15 years since introducing a kinder, softer, more nuanced approach known as 'new diplomacy' for shorthand, a series of recent assertive acts on the part of China suggest a departure from this approach. This apparent shift is puzzling to scholars of Chinese foreign and security policy, who for some time now have been pointing to the tremendous benefits that China has accrued through its pursuit of its 'new' diplomatic approach, particularly in the Asia-Pacific region. Two broad schools of thought have been identified in this investigation to account for this apparent puzzle. The first 'Strong China' school argues that the departure from the 'new' diplomatic approach is quite a natural and inevitable consequence of China's growing strength and its desire for greater international influence and eventually, hegemony. This school of thinking suggests that the 'new diplomacy' was a temporary adaptive measure adopted for purely instrumental purposes by the Chinese government. It is thus already becoming a thing of the past as China's power grows. An opposing 'Weak China' school suggests that China's assertive behaviour is a reflection not of China's growing strength, but of internal weaknesses that are yet to be overcome. The 'Weak China' school predicts that the departure from the 'new' diplomatic approach is likely to be a temporary phenomenon. As China's power and confidence grows, and as China gains greater exposure to international norms and institutions, a more consistent adherence to the 'new' diplomatic approach seems a more likely outcome. This thesis examines three cases from Australia's recent experience with China's apparent departure from its 'new' diplomatic approach -a novel research contribution in its own right given that none of these cases have been subjected to rigorous scholarly analysis -to argue that the answer to the puzzle outlined above actually lies somewhere between the 'Strong China' and the 'Weak China' schools. On the one hand, it argues that advocates of the 'Strong China' school are correct in asserting that China's apparent departure from its 'new' diplomatic approach has been a direct outcome of its growing power. On the other, they are also incorrect in identifying China's growing power being the underlying cause for that departure. Rather, it argues that China's growing power is actually exacerbating China's internal fragilities in line with what advocates of the 'Weak China' school suggest. However, where supporters of the 'Weak China' school argue that this departure is a temporary phenomenon, this thesis argues that they have underestimated the quite deep and enduring nature of those internal fragilities. As China's power grows, those fragilities will likely be emphasised, not reduced, hence leading to more rather than less assertive behaviour on the part of China. The thesis therefore sides with the 'Strong China' school in arguing that China's recent departure from its 'new' diplomatic approach is more likely to be a lasting one. However, it sides with the 'Weak China' school in emphasising that the departure is a reflection not of China's inherent strength and international ambition, but its growing weaknesses that are being exacerbated by China's continuing rise. Hence, in order to adequately account for China's recent departure from its 'new' diplomatic approach, the thesis concludes that a synthesis of the arguments associated with seemingly opposing 'Strong China' and 'Weak China' schools of thinking is called for.
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Okamoto, Jiro. "Australia's foreign economic policy and ASEAN." Phd thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149958.
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Applegate, Craig John. "The external costs associated with Australia's foreign debts : analysis and measurement." Phd thesis, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/128798.
Full textAbstract:
An important macroeconomic issue in Australia is whether
Australia's foreign debt, particularly that of the private sector,
imposes an external cost on other residents of the country. The
traditional source of an external cost associated with foreign debt
is ruled out in the Australian case as it is found not to have any
monopsony power in the world capital market. However, an
external cost can also come from interaction between private and
public debt.
This interaction could occur in the event of default, in
which the government intervenes with the debt repayment of the
private sector. The possibility of default, although examined in the
literature, has not been explicitly incorporated in the Australian
foreign debt debate. In light of this, a model is developed in which
it is sometimes optimal for the government to intervene in
repayments of private sector foreign debt. The external cost
imposed by the private sector foreign debt takes the form of the
imposition of an ex-ante expected default penalty on other
borrowers within an economy.
In the 1980's, the governments of those countries which
have had problems in repaying their debts and which have also
had large private sector foreign debts, have tended to interfere in
the repayment of those private foreign debts. The scale of
Australia's foreign debt as a proportion of G.N.P. is found to be
roughly comparable to that of Latin America. Between January 1990 and March 1993 , the
Commonwealth of Australia is found to have paid an average of
0.55 percent on its seven-year borrowings in the Eurodollar
market above the rate paid by the I.M.F'/World Bank. This is
interpreted as the default risk premium on Australia's debt. It
appears to be possible that it may be in the interest of the
Australian government to interfere in the foreign debt repayments
of both the public and private sector in the future. The analysis in
chapter seven indicates that it is possible for foreign debt to result
in an external cost in these circumstances.
A time-series analysis for the Australian government
eurodollar debt is carried out for the period 1986 to 1993, when
the Commonwealth's credit-rating was downgraded. The economic
variables identified in the literature, however, were found to be
statistically insignificant in this case. The chosen factors for default
risk premia are those that are considered to be relevant to the two
major theories used in the empirical analysis. These are the
efficient risk-sharing and default-based penalty theories of
sovereign debt. These include exogenous shocks and variables
relating to both the benefit and penalty for default.
Although theory and recent history suggest that such an
external cost exists, in the case of Australia for the period covered,
the determinants of this external cost are difficult to establish.
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Chapman, Paul (Paul Noel). "The policy implications of Japanese foreign direct investment in Australia." 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phc4662.pdf.
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Henry, Adam. "Manufacturing Australian foreign policy 1950 - 1966." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150822.
Full textAbstract:
The transition from the liberal foreign policy approach of the Chifley Labor Government to the more strident anti-communism of the conservative Menzies Government after 1949 is a significant event in 20th Century Australian history. During the period 1950-1966 the Menzies Government faced a range of challenges such as relations with the USA, responses to the USSR and China and the question of Indonesia and decolonisation in post-war Southeast Asia. In response the Menzies Government developed new foreign policies, encouraged a particular style of diplomacy and helped to establish a new Cold War attitude towards Australian international affairs. In the 1950s, the Cold War, the United Nations (UN) and the establishment of new overseas diplomatic missions (particularly in Asia) placed growing administrative and bureaucratic demands on the machinery of Australian diplomacy. From the mid 1950s the Department of External Affairs (DEA) was restructured in order to meet such demands. This process allowed the Department to establish what were considered to be the defining characteristics and attitudes of a new professional Australian diplomacy. The selection and training of new diplomatic recruits is one such area in which this occurred. This period saw growing interest from politicians, diplomats and academics for developing new types of foreign policy analysis about communism in South East Asia, or the Cold War in general. While some networks between politics, bureaucracy and academia linked to foreign policy analysis had existed in the 1930s and 1940s, from the 1950s new and more powerful relationships were being established. Various academics, many from the Australian Institute of International Affairs (AlIA) and the Australian National University (ANU) forged close and ongoing contacts with the DEA. The relationships between small groups of key individuals and institutions ultimately wielded significant influence on issues such as the Cold War and Australian foreign policy debates. By the 1960s this small foreign policy network had built a vital relationship with the Ford Foundation of New York. This relationship certainly helped to define dominant attitudes towards Australian foreign policy debates. The ANU, AIIA, DEA and Ford Foundation network established a style of foreign policy analysis that was openly (or at least cautiously) sympathetic to the policies of Canberra and Washington often accepting the official justifications at face value.
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Welshe, Gillian. "Joint US-Australian defence facilities : some implications for Australian defence policy." Thesis, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144284.
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Dungey, Mardi. "International influences on the Australian economy." Phd thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/146002.
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Methven, Philip. "The French approach to regional security in the South Pacific." Thesis, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145754.
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Hackforth-Jones, Simary. "The ALP's foreign policy towards Indonesia 1983-1996 : cooperating for peace?" Master's thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151221.
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