Relevant bibliographies by topics / France; Foreign policies; Europe

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'France; Foreign policies; Europe'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "France; Foreign policies; Europe"

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Lynch, Frances M. B. "De Gaulle's First Veto: France, the Rueff Plan and the Free Trade Area." Contemporary European History 9, no. 1 (March 2000): 111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300001053.

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Within one week of his election to the presidency of the Fifth Republic de Gaulle had taken a number of decisions which were to lay the basis for the foreign and economic policies pursued throughout his tenure of office. Contrary to all expectations de Gaulle confirmed his support for the European Economic Community, against the initial advice of his ministers he devalued the franc, and at variance with his partners in the EEC he vetoed Britain's plans to set up a free trade area in Europe. This article examines the reasons for de Gaulle's critical policy choices.
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Bajrektarevic, Anis. "Future of the global south: some critical foreign policy considerations." AEI Insights: An International journal of Asia-Europe relations 6, no. 1 (January 30, 2020): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.37353/aei-insights.vol6.issue1.2.

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Economic downturn, recession of plans and initiatives, systematically ignored calls for a fiscal and monetary justice for all, €-crisis, Brexit and irredentism in the UK, Spain, Belgium, France, Denmark and Italy, lasting instability in the Euro-Med theatre (debt crisis of the Europe’s south – countries scrutinized and ridiculed under the nickname PIGS, coupled with the failed states all over the MENA), terrorism, historic low with Russia along with a historic trans-Atlantic blow with Trump, influx of predominantly Muslim refugees from Levant in numbers and configurations unprecedented since the WWII exoduses, consequential growth of far-right parties who – by peddling reductive messages and comparisons – are exploiting fears of otherness, that are now amplified with already urging labour and social justice concerns, generational unemployment and socio-cultural anxieties, in ricochet of the Sino-US trade wars, while rifting in a dilemma to either let Bolivarism or support Monroeism. The very fundaments of Europe are shaking. Strikingly, there is a very little public debate enhanced in Europe about it. What is even more worrying is the fact that any self-assessing questioning of Europe’s involvement and past policies in the Middle East, and Europe’s East is off-agenda. Immaculacy of Brussels and the Atlantic-Central Europe-led EU is unquestionable. Corresponding with realities or complying with a dogma?
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Arslan, Gizem. "AN OVERVIEW OF THE EUROPEAN PROFILE FOR LANGUAGE TEACHER EDUCATION ON THE LANGUAGE TEACHER EDUCATION REFORMS IN TURKEY." Near East University Online Journal of Education 3, no. 1 (January 29, 2020): 37–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.32955/neuje.v3i1.181.

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English language is now the most commonly used lingua franca all over the world and has become an international language. Consequently, learning English is an important objective in the education system in every country as well as the EU member countries. This status of English language results in some fundamental changes in the foreign language education and foreign language teacher education policies of almost every country globally. This paper addresses the question whether the European Profile for language teacher education affects the foreign language teacher education policies and reforms in Turkey. The study also focuses on the general European profile for foreign language teacher education on Turkey contexts as well as the influence of the European profile for language teacher education on the foreign language teacher education reforms in Turkey. Keywords: English language, foreign language education, language teacher education profile in Europe, language teacher education reform in Turkey
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Gheciu, Alexandra. "Remembering France's glory, securing Europe in the age of Trump." European Journal of International Security 5, no. 1 (October 24, 2019): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eis.2019.24.

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AbstractThese days, when we hear the slogan ‘let's make our country great again’ we almost automatically assume the state concerned is the US, and the leader uttering the slogan is President Trump. This article invites readers to explore the discourse and practices through which another national leader is seeking to restore his country's ‘greatness’ and promote national and international security. The leader concerned is France's Emmanuel Macron. Why focus on the French president? Because since his election he has become the most dynamic European leader, on a mission to enhance France's international stature, and to do so via a broader process of protecting and empowering the EU. More broadly, France stands out as a country whose political leadership has long been committed to the goal of playing a global role. As Pernille Rieker reminds us, ‘Since 1945, French foreign policy has been dominated by the explicit ambition of restoring the country's greatness [la grandeur de la France], justified in terms of French exceptionalism’.1Macron has cast his vision of national/European greatness, security, and international order in opposition to the isolationist, rigidly nationalist visions articulated by his domestic opponents and, internationally, by President Trump. In his view, France and Europe can only be secure if they defeat the illiberal ideas advocated by the increasingly vocal political forces, particularly far-right movements, seeking to undermine the core values and multilateral principles of the post-1945 international order. Under these circumstances, an analysis of Macron's policies and practices of grandeur can help us gain a better understanding of the competition between liberal and illiberal worldviews – a competition that is increasingly pronounced within the Western world.
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Laforcade, Geoffroy de. "‘Foreigners’, Nationalism and the ‘Colonial Fracture’." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 47, no. 3-4 (August 2006): 217–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715206066165.

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The riots that shook the French banlieues in 2005, while unique in their geographic extension and political resonance, are but the most recent manifestation of an ongoing escalation of violence and repression that has periodically rocked the economically devastated, socially fractured and highly cosmopolitan cityscape of post-industrial France. The stigmatization of unemployed youths and outcast working-class families as ‘foreign’ is a complex and multi-layered phenomenon. This article traces the history of the so-called ‘immigrant problem’, and of policy responses to it, from the time of the Algerian war to the republican nationalist backlash against multiculturalism over the past two decades. The trauma of decolonization, increased visibility of Maghrebi, West African, Antillian and other communities with origins outside of Europe, fears of ‘islamicization’, and political/ideological controversies over how the nation's history should be remembered and taught to future generations, have weighed heavily on the representation of immigrants and their descendants as unassimilated threats to national cohesion. Far from limiting their agency to criminality and random social violence, the youths of the banlieues have played an active role in redefining the terms in which citizenship and national identity, as well as the colonial heritage of France, are cast in the arena of public debate, challenging state policies and well-entrenched historical myths in the process.
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Lymar, Marharyta. "Transformations of the US European Policy in the 2nd Half of the 20th Century." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 8 (2019): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.08.01.

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The article deals with the European aspects of the US foreign policy in the 2nd half of the 20th century. It also includes studies of the transatlantic relations of the described period and the exploration of an American influence on European integration processes. It is determined that the United States has demonstrated itself as a partner of the Western governments in the post-war reconstruction and further creation of an area of US security and prosperity. At the same time, it is noted that the American presidents have differently shaped their administrations’ policies towards Europe. The greatest supporter of the European integration processes was President Eisenhower. Among other things, the US President believed that Europe would become a key ally of the United States, thus, he considered the union of Sweden, Greece, Spain and Yugoslavia as a solid foundation for building a “United States of Europe”. After Eisenhower administration, European affairs, to a lesser extent, were taken up by such Presidents as Johnson, Carter, Reagan and Clinton. Showing no personal interest, Kennedy, Nixon and Bush-Sr. were forced to support the transatlantic dialogue, understanding the inevitability of European integration and the need for the United States to cooperate with the new consolidated actor. The United States aimed to strengthen its position in the European space, moving to that purpose by using NATO mechanisms and applying the policies of American protectionism against the communist threat. The main competitor of the United States for strengthening national positions in Europe was France led by General de Gaulle, who believed that the affairs of Europe should be resolved by European governments without the American intervention. However, NATO continued to serve as a springboard for the U.S. involvement in European affairs. At the end of the 20th century, through the close links between the EU and NATO, the USA received new allies from Central and Eastern European countries. It is concluded that after the end of World War II, Europe needed an assistance that the United States willingly provided in exchange for the ability to participate in European issues, solving and partly controlling the integration processes. The study found that, despite the varying degree of the American interest in transatlantic affairs, Europe has consistently been remaining a zone of national interest for the United States.
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Johnson, Karin. "21st Century International Higher Education Hotspots." Journal of International Students 10, no. 1 (February 15, 2020): v—viii. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jis.v10i1.1851.

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The Institute of International Education (IIE) 2018 Open Doors report highlighted that the United States is the leading international education destination, having hosted about 1.1 million international students in 2017 (IIE, 2018a). Despite year over year increases, U.S. Department of State (USDOS, 2018) data show that for a third year in a row, international student visa issuance is down. This is not the first decline. Student visa issuance for long-term academic students on F visas also significantly dropped following the 9/11 attacks (Johnson, 2018). The fall in issuances recovered within 5 years of 2001 and continued to steadily increase until the drop in 2016. Taken together, the drops in international student numbers indicate a softening of the U.S. international education market. In 2001, the United States hosted one out of every three globally mobile students, but by 2018 it hosted just one of five (IIE, 2018b). This suggests that over the past 20 years, the United States has lost a share of mobile students in the international education market because they’re enrolled elsewhere. The Rise of Nontraditional Education Destination Countries Unlike the United States, the percentage of inbound students to other traditional destinations such as Canada, the United Kingdom, France, and Germany, has remained stable since the turn of the 21st century. Meanwhile, nontraditional countries like the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Russia are garnering more students and rising as educational hotspots (Knight, 2013). The UAE and Russia annually welcome thousands of foreign students, respectively hosting over 53,000 and 194,000 inbound international university students in 2017 (UNESCO Institute for Statistics, 2019). This is not happenstance. In the past 5 years, these two countries, among others, have adopted higher education internationalization policies, immigration reforms, and academic excellence initiatives to attract foreign students from around the world. The UAE is one of six self-identified international education hubs in the world (Knight, 2013) and with 42 international universities located across the emirates, it has the most international branch campuses (IBCs) worldwide (Cross-Border Education Research Team, 2017). Being a country composed of nearly 90% immigrants, IBCs allow the UAE to offer quality higher education to its non-Emirati population and to attract students from across the Arab region and broader Muslim world. National policy and open regulations not only encourage foreign universities to establish IBCs, they alsoattract international student mobility (Ilieva, 2017). For example, on November 24, 2018, the national government updated immigration policy to allow foreign students to apply for 5-year visas (Government.ae, 2018). The Centennial 2071 strategic development plan aims for the UAE to become a regional and world leader in innovation, research, and education (Government.ae, 2019), with the long-term goal of creating the conditions necessary to attract foreign talent. Russia’s strategic agenda also intends to gain a greater competitive advantage in the world economy by improving its higher education and research capacity. Russia currently has two higher education internationalization policies: “5-100-2020” and “Export Education.” The academic excellence project, known as “5-100-2020,” funds leading institutions with the goal to advance five Russian universities into the top 100 globally by 2020 (Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation, 2018). The “Export Education” initiative mandates that all universities double or triple the number of enrolled foreign students to over half a million by 2025 (Government.ru, 2017). These policies are explicitly motivated by boosting the Russian higher education system and making it more open to foreigners. Another growing area is international cooperation. Unlike the UAE, Russia has few IBCs, but at present, Russian universities partner with European and Asian administrators and government delegates to create dual degree and short-term programs. Historically, Russia has been a leading destination for work and education migrants from soviet republics in the region, but new internationalization policies are meant to propel the country into the international education market and to attract international students beyond Asia and Europe. Future Trends in 21st Century International Education Emerging destination hotspots like the UAE and Russia are vying to become more competitive in the global international higher education market by offering quality education at lower tuition rates in safe, welcoming locations closer to home. As suggested by the softening of the U.S. higher education market, international students may find these points attractive when considering where to study. Sociopolitical shifts that result from events such as 9/11 or the election of Donald Trump in combination with student mobility recruitment initiatives in emerging destinations may disrupt the status quo for traditional countries by rerouting international student enrollment to burgeoning educational hotspots over the coming decades.
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Dalton-Puffer, Christiane. "Content-and-Language Integrated Learning: From Practice to Principles?" Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 31 (March 2011): 182–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0267190511000092.

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This article surveys recent work on content-and-language integrated learning (CLIL). Related to both content-based instruction and immersion education by virtue of its dual focus on language and content, CLIL is here understood as an educational model for contexts where the classroom provides the only site for learners’ interaction in the target language. That is, CLIL is about either foreign languages or lingua francas. The discussion foregrounds a prototypical CLIL context (Europe) but also refers to work done elsewhere. The first part of the discussion focuses on policy issues, describing how CLIL practice operates in a tension between grassroots decisions and higher order policymaking, an area where European multi- and plurilingual policies and the strong impact of English as a lingua franca play a particularly interesting role. The latter is, of course, of definite relevance also in other parts of the world. The second part of the article synthesizes research on learning outcomes in CLIL. Here, the absence of standardized content testing means that the main focus is on language-learning outcomes. The third section deals with classroom-based CLIL research and participants’ use of their language resources for learning and teaching, including such diverse perspectives as discourse pragmatics, speech acts, academic language functions, and genre. The final part of the article discusses theoretical underpinnings of CLIL, delineating their current state of elaboration as applied linguistic research in the area is gaining momentum.
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Wesseling, H. L. "France, Germany and Europe." European Review 10, no. 3 (July 2002): 301–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798702000224.

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In 1999, a book appeared in Paris with the rather alarming title De la prochaine guerre avec l'Allemagne (‘On the future war with Germany’). It had not been written by some sensationalist science-fiction writer, but by none other than Philippe Delmas, a former aid to Roland Dumas, who was twice minister of Foreign Affairs under the Mitterrand administration.
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Abboud, Samer. "Analysing Middle East Foreign Policies: The Relationship With Europe." Journal of International Relations and Development 11, no. 1 (March 2008): 83–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/jird.2008.2.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "France; Foreign policies; Europe"

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Cohrs, Patrick O. "The unfinished transatlantic peace order after World War I : Britain, the United States and the Franco-German question, 1923-1925." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.391010.

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Borzillo, Laurent. "Les forces expéditionnaires bi/multinationales en Europe : analyse comparée des politiques d’alliance de la France et de l’Allemagne (1991-2016)." Thesis, Montpellier, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020MONTD001.

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Pourquoi des États créent-ils des forces expéditionnaires bi/multi-nationales ? Pourquoi celles-ci ne sont pas utilisées au final ? L’objectif de cette thèse est d’apporter une explication à ce paradoxe, illustré parfaitement par la brigade franco-allemande et les groupements tactiques de l’Union européenne. Bien que ces deux unités ne soient pas les seules en Europe pouvant être qualifiées de forces expéditionnaires, nous avons décidé de choisir ces deux cas d’études, afin d’analyser également à travers les mesures relatives à celles-ci, les processus décisionnels tant en France qu’en Allemagne. Nous nous sommes par conséquent focalisés sur ces unités et sur les politiques d’alliances à l’origine de celles-ci. Concrètement, notre recherche s’inscrit dans la lignée des travaux portant sur les alliances, mais également au sein du champ de l’analyse comparée de la politique étrangère. L’explication théorique développée pour expliquer les décisions étudiées s’appuie sur la théorie des rôles de Kal Holsti. Selon nous les décisions ne sont prises que par un groupe limité d’acteurs et résultent des rôles auxquels ces derniers adhèrent pour leur pays. Des arrangements institutionnels, ainsi que des conflits et des rapports de force modèrent ces rôles. Par ailleurs, en cas de décision ayant une portée institutionnelle, on constate une dépendance au sentier vis-à-vis d’anciennes mesures. Les décisions en faveur de la brigade franco-allemande et des groupements résultent in fine de la domination des rôles de promoteur du renforcement des capacités militaires européennes et d’allié fidèle, parmi les acteurs à l’origine de ces décisions. D’autres rôles présents en France et en Allemagne tendent au contraire à freiner l’emploi de ces unités, en particulier celui de grande puissance (pour la France) et celui de puissance civile (pour l’Allemagne). Plusieurs rôles coexistent en effet au sein de chaque appareil décisionnel et chacun voit son poids en termes d’influence fluctuer. Ceci résulte de la variation selon les décisions étudiées des acteurs impliqués, ainsi que des luttes et des rapports de force entre eux.Notre thèse se divise en sept chapitres. Dans les trois premiers, nous reviendrons sur la littérature consacrée aux forces étudiées et aux alliances, sur notre méthodologie, ainsi que sur les relations internationales en Europe des trente dernières années. Les parties suivantes traitent de l’évolution de la brigade franco-allemande en force expéditionnaire, de la création des groupements tactiques, des choix de partenaires au sein de ceux-ci et enfin du non-emploi de ces troupes militaires. Ces différentes thématiques constituent les quatre chapitres empiriques de notre recherche. En conclusion de celle-ci, on peut estimer que les chances de déploiement des unités étudiées dans les années à venir demeurent plutôt faibles. L’explication théorique développée pour ce travail et basée sur la théorie des rôles offre également un outil de compréhension du fonctionnement des appareils politico-militaires français et allemands. Validé pour cette analyse, il lui reste désormais à être testé sur d’autres cas d’étude et États
Why do states create bi/multinational expeditionary forces? Why have not they been used yet? The objective of this PhD dissertation is to explain this paradox, which is well exemplified by the Franco-German brigade and the European Union Battle Groups (EUBG). Although these two units are not the only ones in Europe that can be qualified as expeditionary forces, we chose these two case studies to analyze, among others, the decision-making processes in both France and Germany.We have therefore focused on these two units and on the alliance policies that are at the origin of these units. In practice, our research builds on the work on alliances and the field of comparative foreign policy analysis. The theoretical framework developed to explain the foreign policy decisions is based on the theory of roles by Kal Holsti. Our findings indicate that these decisions are made only by a limited group of actors and result from the roles those actors assume for their country. Institutional arrangements, as well as conflicts and power struggles, moderate these roles. In addition, there is strong evidence for path dependency in cases where decisions have an institutional scope.The decisions in favor of the Franco-German brigade and the EUBG ultimately resulted from the role of a promoter of reinforced European military capabilities and the role of a faithful ally, which dominated among the actors behind these decisions. Other roles present among the French and German decision-makers tend, on the contrary, to slow down the use of these units. This is particularly true for the role of a great power (France) and the role of a civilian power (Germany). Several roles coexist indeed within each state and each sees its amount of influence fluctuate. This variation in roles’ influence depends on the actors involved, as well as on power struggles and relations.Our dissertation is divided into seven chapters. In the first three we will return to the literature on expeditionary forces and alliances, to our methodology, and to the international relations in Europe over the past thirty years. The following chapters deal with the development of the Franco-German brigade as an expeditionary force, the creation of battle groups, the choice of partners within them, and finally the non-employment of these military troops. These are the four empirical chapters of our research.In conclusion, we estimate that the probability of deployment of the studied units in the coming years remains rather low. Relying on role theory, our theoretical explanation serves as a tool for understanding the functioning of the French and German political-military decision-making structures. While validated for this analysis, this theoretical framework now has to be tested on other case studies
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Goryunov, Vladislav. "Russian national security and Central Europe : Russian perspectives and policies." Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2436/97351.

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Crook, Christopher Thomas. "Empire and Europe : a reassessment of British foreign policies, 1919-1925." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2017. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/71476/.

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This thesis is a reassessment of British foreign policies from the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 until the Treaties of Locarno in 1925. It initially argues that much of the historiography of this period is unbalanced in its judgement of the different governments because it views them from a teleological perspective that fails to differentiate this period from the inter-war years as a whole. The problem with this approach is that the rise of Hitler and the causes of the Second World War became so dominant in such analyses that most issues within these years have only been judged within that wider context. The thesis argues that an assessment of the foreign policies between 1919 and 1925 must take greater account of all the diplomatic, military and economic difficulties in the years after the Great War, and also recognise the degree of stability achieved by the end of 1925. The difficulties included the expansion of the British Empire as a result of Versailles, ongoing financial and economic problems including wartime debts, the complexities of the Irish negotiations, and the major European issues that had not been resolved at Versailles. Britain was still a great power and its foreign policies are analysed both as an imperial power, including the newly acquired territories in the Middle East, and as a major European power. After an analysis of primary and secondary sources, it is argued that despite all the difficulties, and the seeds of long-term decline in imperial matters, British foreign policies contributed to greater stability in international affairs by the end of 1925. This is especially true of the achievements at Locarno in respect of Germany's western borders and in establishing Germany as an equal diplomatic partner. There were also no obvious new diplomatic hostages to fortune. Whether Britain and other powers could build on this greater stability after 1925 is a different issue, but that should not detract from recognition of the achievements during these six years.
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Fortier, Amanda L. "The effects of Islam on the goverment policies of Britain, France, and the Netherlands." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2009. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1259.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
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Political Science
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KISER, EDGAR VANCE. "KINGS AND CLASSES: CROWN AUTONOMY, STATE POLICIES, AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN WESTERN EUROPEAN ABSOLUTISMS (ENGLAND, FRANCE, SWEDEN, SPAIN)." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184073.

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This dissertation explores the role of Absolutist states in the transition from feudalism to capitalism in Western Europe. Three general questions are addressed: (1) what are the determinants of variations in the autonomy of rulers? (2) what are the consequences of variations in autonomy for states policies? and (3) what are the effects of various state policies on economic development? A new theoretical framework, based on a synthesis of the neoclassical economic literature on principal-agent relations and current organizational theory in sociology, is developed to answer these three questions. Case studies of Absolutism in England, France, Sweden, and Spain are used to illustrate the explanatory power of the theory.
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Albers, Martin. "The policies of Britain, France and West Germany towards the People's Republic of China, 1969-1982." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708129.

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Aggestam, Lisbeth. "A European foreign policy? : role conceptions and the politics of identity in Britain, France and Germany /." Stockholm : Department of Political Science, Stockholm University, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-274.

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Plewa, Piotr. "The ebbs and flows of temporary foreign worker policies lessons from and for North America and Europe /." Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company; downloadable PDF file, p, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1891582871&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=8331&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Niemoller, Bernd. "West German foreign policy, France and the question of a political Europe, 1958-1963." Thesis, Cardiff University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.413156.

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Books on the topic "France; Foreign policies; Europe"

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Šević, Željko, and Radmila Jovančević. Foreign direct investment policies in South-East Europe. London: Greenwich University Press ; University of Zagreb Faculty of Economics and Business ; Political Culture, Publishing and Research Institute, Zagreb, 2006.

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Gelman, Harry. Gorbachev's policies toward Western Europe: A balance sheet. Santa Monica, CA: Rand, 1987.

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Gelman, Harry. Gorbachev's policies toward Western Europe: A balance sheet. Santa Monica, CA: Rand, 1987.

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Shambaugh, David L. The China-Europe relationship: Perceptions, policies and prospects. Abingdon Oxon, Oxford: Routledge, 2007.

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Russia, France, and the idea of Europe. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003.

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Gelman, Harry. Gorbachev's policies toward Western Europe: A balance sheet : executive summary. Santa Monica, CA: Rand Corp., 1987.

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European diplomatic history, 1789-1815: France against Europe. Malabar, Fla: Krieger, 1987.

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Danforth, Prince, ed. France 2004. Hoboken NJ: Wiley Pub., 2003.

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France, Allemagne et "Europe verte". Berne: P. Lang, 1995.

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Foreign policy and discourse analysis: France, Britain, and Europe. London: Routledge/LSE, 1997.

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Book chapters on the topic "France; Foreign policies; Europe"

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van der Burg, Martijn. "Revolution and Warfare: The North Before Conquest." In Napoleonic Governance in the Netherlands and Northwest Germany, 23–44. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-66658-3_2.

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AbstractThis chapter lays the foundation for an understanding of Napoleonic governance in the Netherlands and Northwest Germany. Dutch and German lands were governed in many different ways in the early modern age. During the eighteenth century attempts at reform were made in both areas, with varying results. The French Revolution was both admired and feared, especially as it became clear that the ‘liberation’ of Europe entailed aggressive expansionism. France’s growth showed the difficulties of imposing rules and practices on a hitherto foreign population. Which policies were effective, which not? True, German secularization and mediatization (the historic Reichsdeputationshauptschluss of 1803), and repeated coup d’états in the Batavian Republic, restructured governance on the right bank of the Rhine. Yet, both in the Netherlands and Northwest Germany, the combination of awe of, and fear for, the French Empire strengthened identity formation, whether local, regional, or national, which was not necessarily beneficial for future integration into France.
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Salem, Ahmed Ali. "Tunisia’s foreign policy towards France before and after an undemanding “revolution”." In African Foreign Policies, 159–79. New York: Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429328237-10.

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Simón, Luis. "France and Germany." In Foreign Policies of EU Member States, 66–82. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY: Routledge, 2017.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315276724-5.

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Sepos, Angelos. "Foreign and Security Policies: ‘Trilateral’ Europe?" In Which Europe?, 308–21. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230289529_21.

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Lanquetin, Marie-Thérèse, Jacqueline Laufer, and Marie-Thérèse Letablier. "From Equality to Reconciliation in France?" In Gendered Policies in Europe, 68–88. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230378056_4.

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Dobrescu, Madalina, Tobias Schumacher, and Stelios Stavridis. "Southern Europe." In Foreign Policies of EU Member States, 83–98. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY: Routledge, 2017.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315276724-6.

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Pearsall, Jon. "France." In Land and Housing Policies in Europe and the USA, 76–98. 4th ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003170235-5.

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Zielonka, Jan. "National Bonds, Foreign Policy and the Future of Europe." In Poland's Kin-State Policies, 150–56. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003190288-12.

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Richter, Friederike, and Martial Foucault. "French Foreign Policy: Make France Great Again?" In Foreign Policy Change in Europe Since 1991, 127–53. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-68218-7_6.

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Whitman, Richard G., and Emma J. Stewart. "The Foreign Policies of Europe and its States." In Developments in European Politics, 262–80. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-0-230-34523-2_15.

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Conference papers on the topic "France; Foreign policies; Europe"

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Banincova, Eva. "Implications of the Global Financial Crisis on the Banking Sector in Eastern Europe and Baltic States." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00263.

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In 2008-09 the banking sectors of four Central and East European States and three Baltic States have experienced a large-scale financial crisis in the EU for the first time since becoming foreign-owned. Amongst the new EU member states Baltic States and Hungary were the worst affected economies. The paper first explores why the extent of crisis varied among these seven states by distinguishing major differences in the pre-crisis bank lending practices which reflect different macroeconomic developments and exchange rate policies in these states. Based on the analysis of bank performance indicators since 2008 and my interviews with representatives of major banks active in the region, the important role of foreign banks in mitigating the risks of financial contagion is outlined. The implication from the crisis is examined mainly from the perspective of the financial supervision and regulation in the enlarged EU. By inspecting the concrete experience of financial supervision authorities in the Baltic States the paper shows why the host country supervisors were not able to curb excessive lending and risk-taking by large Scandinavian banks. Since it is expected that the new EU regulatory and supervisory framework will reinforce the financial stability in the case of large cross-border banking groups, the paper addresses the issues in the financial crisis prevention, management are resolution in the new EU member states which will improve based on the new EU regulatory and supervisory framework for credit institutions.
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Zarea, Mures F., Dimitri N. Toumbas, Christian E. Philibert, and Isabelle Deo. "Numerical Models for Static Denting and Dynamic Puncture of Gas Transmission Linepipe and Their Validation." In 1996 1st International Pipeline Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/ipc1996-1883.

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Gas transmission pipe resistance to external damage is a subject of great attention at Gaz de France and in Europe. Existing results cover part of the necessary criteria for the residual life of damaged pipelines, but more knowledge is needed on defect creation. We propose to complement existing experimental work which is limited to the explored range of parameters by validated numerical models. The first, simple static denting model aims at optimizing the conditions for calculating the residual stress distribution needed to assess the fatigue life of dents and dents and gouges. The second, more complex dynamic puncture model calculates both the puncture force and the puncture energy for a given pipe, excavator and tooth geometry. These models can contribute to enhance the external damage prevention policies of transmission pipeline operators.
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Gazioğlu, Şaziye, and Fatoş Otcuoğlu. "The Central Asian Countries and the Energy Sector: Economics, Politics and Legal Aspects." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00434.

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This paper is written with aim of investigating the importance of the natural resources within the Central Asian energy sector. The geopolitics position of the Central Asian Countries place them in the centre of conflicting powers; that is to say, on the one hand they are providing energy to Europe and USA, and on the other hand they are next to China, which has the highest and growing demand for energy consumption. In political arena, China accordingly seeks to prevent the independence of East Turkistan, which has historical links to Turkistan (West) in Russia. In this regard, we examine the energy policies and trade between states, and we particularly focus on the gas and oil pipelines from said countries to Europe. We also examine the demand from Caucasian and the Central Asian Countries by European, and Pacific Countries and, as well as, the USA. Correspondingly, we discuss the political conflicts upon the energy investments, and mainly concentrate on the investments in Central Asian and Commonwealth of Independent States (“CIS”), and the political risks and legal disputes relating to foreign energy investment and stability implications in this regard.
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Akbulut, Gizem. "The Role of Extensive and Intensive Margins in Export Growth of Turkey to Central and Eastern European Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01643.

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In the recent years, Central and Eastern Europe Countries-10 (CEEC-10) countries are implementing policies for developing in international trade relations and these countries are relatively small and open economies. On the other hand, they increase both provide a dynamic increase in exports and export market share, to facilitate the European Union (EU) and their activities to integrate into world trade. The purpose of this study, with CEEC-10 of Turkey’s sectoral export growth rates decomposes into extensive and intensive margins. Also intensive margin decomposes into price and quantity components. By building on the methodology pioneered by Feenstra (1994) and Hummels and Klenow (2005) and then “the decomposition of export growth rates” method developed by Bingzhan (2011). Intensive margin is the growth in products that were exported in both periods. Extensive margin is the growth in product variety or new trade partners. In the empirical part of the study were used the BACI international trade database from CEPII. The database provides the export values and quantities for Turkey to CEEC-10 at the Harmonized System’s (HS96) six-digit level over period 2006 to 2013. Foreign trade activities of countries is an important channel both to gain of international qualification and to the realization of economic growths and/ or in terms of sustainability of the current growth rates. According to results of a study, with CEEC-10 Turkey’s export is mainly explained generally by the quantity growth rather than price growth. In other words, export growth carries with the low added value product.
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