Journal articles on the topic 'France Foreign economic relations'
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1
Martin, Guy. "Continuity and Change in Franco-African Relations." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 1 (March 1995): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020826.
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While noticeable signs of change in relations between France and her former colonies in Africa began to appear in the post-cold war era, particularly since 1990, elements of continuity include their enduring historical and cultural ties; their informal, intimate, and secretive politico-diplomatic relations, typified by the bi-annual franco-African summit meetings; and the fact that when all is said and done, the contintent remains of great economic importance to France. As for the gradual process of democratisation which has swept throughout francophone Africa in recent years, there is evidence that this has been selectively supported by France according to criteria pertaining more to her core foreign-policy interests in Africa than to ideological, legalistic, or humanitarian considerations.
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Zouplna, Jan. "Speaking Trade, Aiming Beyond: Israel’s Economic Relations with France and Britain before 1956." Oriente Moderno 100, no. 3 (April 23, 2021): 419–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340236.
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Abstract Israel’s relationship with the West during the first half of the 1950s was not a walk in the park. Economic relations fitted into this general picture. Both Britain and France were sceptical as far as Israel’s potential was concerned. Their early prognoses tended to be quite gloomy. Simultaneously, economic relations provided a convenient communication channel at a time when overt association with the Jewish state was not desirable. The progress in Franco-Israeli economic ties during the years 1953-1955 illustrates this ambivalence in full. While prudence remained, the increase in bilateral trade managed to warrant the military supplies. Britain, constituting a traditional market, surpassed France as a trading partner. Given British political aloofness, the instrument of trade served primarily its immediate economic purpose. Based on archival sources gathered in all of the three countries, the paper traces the interplay of trade and diplomacy in the early years of Israel’s foreign relations.
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Arapi, Arshela, and Valentina Duka. "Economic Relations between Albania and France 1945–1990." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, no. 3 (November 27, 2017): 73–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ajis-2017-0023.
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Abstract France had trade deals with several Balkan countries, which were often carried out by private firms that exchanged mutual interest. It would be of interest that even with Albania resumed exchanges for a category of articles despite the lack of a regular convention. Their purpose was to resume the works on kerosene requirements. This brought about the improvement of the Albanian economy and meeting the needs of the France for these products, which in turn strengthened even more the economic and political relations of the two countries. With the insistence of the French side, on August 1956, a trade agreement was signed between Albania and France, where the French Government allowed the exchange of goods between the two countries as a compensation to French firms seeking to collaborate with our country. It is worth pointing out that the trade relations that Albania had with France until 1964 was generally satisfactory. Albania's export and import plans were satisfactorily fulfilled and a better basis for new successes in forecasts and plans for the future in 1965 was provided. In the official talks with the French side in mid eighties, the Albanian side proposed the establishment of a joint group within the Chambers of Commerce to look at the possibilities of France purchasing our minerals and the possibilities of Albania buying their equipment. Based on the credits opened by French firms and our foreign trade enterprises, the release of the respective goods was followed in both directions. Thus, our companies have been releasing confectionery, towels, clothespins, chairs etc. French companies have continued to release electronic equipment, clay, oil spill delta and various exchange parts. Several other economic agreements were signed between two countries which increased the level of Albanian exports towards France.
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Lefebvre, Bruno. "Posted workers in France." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 12, no. 2 (May 2006): 197–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890601200207.
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This contribution presents ongoing research that sets out to assess for the first time the situation of the foreign workers, from Europe and beyond, who work in France, in various economic sectors, as a result of the operation of networks of subcontractors. It appears that neither the legal framework nor the obligations of the foreign firms employing these workers are clear, in terms either of relations with government departments or of the legal arguments that may legitimately be invoked for the settlement of disputes. Trade unions, citizens' associations, locally elected officials and civil servants alike are strikingly ill-prepared to deal with this new phenomenon of the movement of workers in Europe.
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GOMÓŁKA, Krystyna. "ECONOMIC CONTACTS BETWEEN AZERBAIJAN AND THE EUROPEAN UNION." Historical and social-educational ideas 10, no. 6/2 (February 1, 2019): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2018-10-6/2-53-61.
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After regaining independence in the early 1990s, the Republic of Azerbaijan signed many international agreements. It also established relations with the European Union. Economic contacts between the partners were revived by the partnership and cooperation agreement’s entry into force in 1999. It assumed political dialogue, assistance in building democracy, cooperation in the sphere of economy and investment. In terms of trade in goods and services, the country have granted each other most-favored-nation clauses in the collection of customs duties and charges, transit clearance, composition and transhipment of goods, payment transfers for purchased goods and services. This has led to increased trade between the European Union and Azerbaijan. The most important trade partners of Azerbaijan in the years 2000-2017 were the following members of the European Union: Italy, France and Germany. The exports were dominated by Germany, France, Italy, the United Kingdom and Spain. The opening of the oil and gas sector to foreign companies has contributed to a significant inflow of foreign direct investment. More than 80% of the incoming investment is in the oil sector and the main activities are focused the construction of new gas and oil pipelines. The leading investors in this group in the years 2000-2013 were the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Germany, Italy, France and Cyprus.
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Kuvatov, Timur. "Peculiarities of French economic diplomacy in India." Current Economic Trends 2, no. 1 (September 25, 2022): 20–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.55030/2713-0266-2022-2-1-20-29.
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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the peculiarities of French economic diplomacy in India. In order to achieve it, the importance of the institution of economic diplomacy in France as such was considered and the structure of trade and economic relations between France and India was studied, the features of France’s foreign policy and the importance of India as a long-term economic partner were analyzed. The author used the historical and genetic methods alongside with the comparative one. As a result of the research, it was found out that cooperation between the two countries is performed in a number of areas, and the array of instruments with which the Fifth Republic conducts economic diplomacy especially increased after E. Macron’s accession to power in 2017. The French President anticipates new opportunities for the revival of French influence in South Asia.
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Makhmasobirova, Yulduz Uktamovna. "Institutional Factor in the Interstate Cooperation’s Development: The Example of Uzbek-French Relations." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 9, no. 2 (February 3, 2022): 335. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v9i2.3502.
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The development of any branch of the socio-political, economic or cultural life of a society is directly related to the work of specialized organizations/institutes that are responsible for this sector. Foreign policy has also developed, improved and, most importantly, stabilized with the advent of universal (as an institute state) and special bodies (ministries, agencies, diplomatic missions, etc.) external relations. The article examines the impact of institutional factors on the dynamics of development of interstate cooperation on the example of Uzbek-French relations. It provides a conceptual analysis of the institutionalization processes’ role on the state of bilateral cooperation and a comprehensive study of the evolution of the institutional basis of relations between Uzbekistan and France through a systematic approach. The introductory part of the article defines the practical and academic relevance of the research. The role of institutional factors in the effectiveness of foreign policy of the state and the disclosure of the potential of the state in the international arena is considered. The introduction also sets out the purpose, objectives and methods of research. The main part of the study is a brief theoretical and methodological substantiation of the activities of state foreign policy institutions. It also provides general information on the current state of cooperation between Uzbekistan and France. The current state of this cooperation is revealed through a system-institutional analysis: the author investigated bilateral relations between Uzbekistan and France in five conditional stages: 1992-2005, 2006-2008, 2009-2012, 2013-2017, 2018- at pp. The specificity of transformation of these conditional stages is revealed. The final part of the article provides an overview of the impact of institutionalization on society and the state, the formation, implementation and prospects of foreign policy, the success or inefficiency of international relations of the state. In addition, proposals were made for the further development of relations between Uzbekistan and France.
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Martin, Guy. "The Historical, Economic, and Political Bases of France's African Policy." Journal of Modern African Studies 23, no. 2 (June 1985): 189–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00000148.
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A Quarter of a century has elapsed since France granted independence to her former colonies in West and Central Africa. Yet to this day, France continues to wield considerable power and influence in these countries politically, economically, socially, and culturally, thanks to a tightly-knit network of formal and informal relations. France's African policy has been remarkably constant and stable through the various successive governments of the Fifth Republic. How can this persistent situation of dominance/dependency and this continuity in foreign policy be accounted for? More specifically, the present study tries to analyse the main characteristics and essential mechanisms of France/s post-colonial policy in Africa, all too often shrouded under a veil of secrecy, albeit premised on a number of historical factors for its ideological foundation. On this basis, a variety of economic and political interests have been developed which constitute the main elements of this policy and its principal explanatory variables. Eventually, it is concluded that a neo-colonial strategy has been adopted in order to preserve a status quo that is clearly favourable to the conservative interests of the western world in general, and to France in particular.
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LAKOMY, Miron. "Czynnik kulturowy w relacjach francusko-amerykańskich." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 1 (November 2, 2018): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2011.16.1.3.
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French-American relations certainly are among the most complex and at the same time most controversial in French foreign policy. The main factors that determine the nature of relations between France and the US include culture. A few features can be pointed out here to demonstrate their unique nature. Firstly, the importance of anti-American sentiments and Francophobia (anti-French sentiments) should be emphasized. The roots of these broadly shared attitudes may be sought both in the past (the experiences ofWWIand WWII) as well as in the present political relations between the two countries. The French nation is generally critical of American foreign policy, the US social and economic system. In the USA, in turn, we come across a similar attitude of Francophobia. This mainly stems from the commonly shared image of France as a difficult, chaotic and unpredictable ally. While anti-American sentiments and Francophobia do not translate into political decisions made either in Washington or Paris, they still influence the atmosphere of mutual relations, as became apparent when American restaurant owners boycotted French wines during the Iraqi crisis. At the same time, though, both nations recognize each other’s achievements in such fields as culture, art or human rights. Secondly, the “conflict of universalism” described by Stanley Hoffman is worth noting. As both countries deem themselves to be the cradle of such universal values as liberty, equality, justice and human rights, they both assign themselves with a unique status among other countries. It is true that the repertoire of values France and the US represent is nearly identical, yet they are frequently understood differently on both sides of the Atlantic. Thirdly, the French-American relations are also profoundly influenced by the common French belief in France being an exceptional and powerful country. The national perspective and the manifestation of France’s privileged position in the international arena are to a significant degree present in their relations with the US. Ezra Suleiman, among others, observed that the French political elite were allergic to any forms of political, economic or cultural domination. Other issues that influence the state of French-American relations concern differences in the economic or social system, or the role of religion in the life of the state.
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Hamidani, Salim. "Colonial Legacy in Algerian–French Relations." Contemporary Arab Affairs 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2020.13.1.69.
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The colonial period in Algeria was a time of suffering and struggle for Algerians who fought to win back their freedom and defend their values against French attempts to subjugate them. It was also a struggle to end foreign control over the country’s wealth and resources. National independence sought a sovereign state with free decision-making, away from French influence in particular, in a context of ideological polarization and mutual hostility between ex-colonial forces and independent states. The root of such hostility lies in what both parties lost, and resulted in a distinctive pattern of French–Algerian bilateral relations tainted by nostalgia from the French side and the struggle for parity from the Algerian side. The three decades following Algeria’s independence witnessed, to a certain extent, a national sentiment opposed to colonial France, and it is the sentiment that Algerian politicians attempted to use to manage relations between the two countries and obtain some benefits by invoking the past in speeches at a local level, and to overcome that past in building relations with France. As a security crisis and economic decline hit Algeria, it became apparent that the French regime was to exert effective influence on the country and control its foreign policy to meet French aspirations and ambitions in both Africa and the Arab world. This conclusion suggested to several observers the fall of the Algerian elite, responsible for decision-making, under French influence. Moreover, this elite group, while dealing with several regional issues, was not able to assert complete independence in its decision-making regarding foreign affairs, whether due to its past and formation or to the network of new relations built between the Algerian and French systems. This reality, which is deeply rooted in the Algerian foreign policy system, raises the question of the ability of the Algerian elite to pull away from its colonial inheritance and the grip of the French regime. One might therefore wonder how historical events and Algerian solid ties with the French administration shape French–Algerian relations and their political agendas.
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Semenenko, I., and I. Grishin. "World. Challenges of Global Crisis. France." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2013): 70–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-11-70-83.
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The publication presents the results of the recent theoretical seminar of IMEMO Center of comparative socio-economic and socio-political studies. The topic relates to the trends and prospects of socio-political transformations in the leading nations of the world under the conditions of current crisis. In particular, the participants of the seminar discuss the status of the French socio-political model, crisis hardships, new balance of political forces, features of foreign policy, France’s Syrian dilemma.
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Richard, Jean-Luc. "Unemployment of people of foreign origin in France: The role of discrimination." Canadian Studies in Population 40, no. 1-2 (May 24, 2013): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.25336/p6zw3s.
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This article has two primary objectives: (1) to understand the relationship between the origins of the children of immigrants and the likelihood of unemployment; and (2) to examine the possible role of discrimination in the likelihood of unemployment. The French Permanent Demographic Sample (EDP, a longitudinal database maintained by INSEE, which is the French equivalent of the English Longitudinal Survey) permits the study young foreign-born people who grew up in France and young people of foreign-origin who were born in France. The EDP is a census-based panel survey that, on average, comprises a 1 per cent sample of all immigrant groups. It contains information on a person’s nationality relative to his/her labour market position. According to most academics, it also contains valuable socio-demographic and socio-economic information on parents and their sons and daughters. The data registry was created in 1967 and includes data from the 1968, 1975, 1982, 1990, and 1999 censuses. The interest in individual trajectories requires us to consider the relations between personal labour market situations and the acquisition of French nationality. This relation must be analyzed in light of the population which consists of those children who, since childhood, have been in a position to acquire French citizenship. Although gaining citizenship is usually regarded as an important sign of civic and political assimilation among immigrants, it can also be seen as a factor in their economic assimilation. French nationality makes it easier for young immigrants to get jobs. It is better to be a young Algerian or Moroccan with French nationality than to be a young Algerian or Moroccan who does not have French nationality.
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Belov, V. B. "German Foreign Policy in the Face of Current Challenges." Journal of International Analytics 12, no. 3 (October 20, 2021): 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2021-12-3-38-58.
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The article analyzes the features of German foreign policy on the eve of the September (2021) elections to the Bundestag and the gradual overcoming of the crisis consequences of the coronavirus pandemic. The priorities of the foreign policy based on the value approach remain the European and transatlantic vectors, as well as relations with the main system-forming international organizations. The postulates of value are prompting Berlin to increasingly intensify criticism of Russia and China, incl. due to the signifi cantly increased, from his point of view, threats in relation to Germany and other states of the collective West. Germany still relies on France in European politics. Their tandem continues to determine the political and economic processes in the European Union, as well as to infl uence the formation of the EU mechanisms for overcoming the coronavirus crisis. Despite the rapid restoration of constructive relations with the new American administration, a number of controversial issues remain in bilateral relations, including defense spending and the economy. In recent years, Germany has been able to strengthen its positions in Europe and the world and expects to strengthen its role as a global actor, especially in international organizations. Nevertheless, the German expert community critically refers to its current foreign policy status quo. The author explores the latest trends in German foreign policy, gives an assessment of its development after elections to the Bundestag, pays special attention to the prospects for relations with the Russian Federation.
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Lyman, Serhii, and Katerina Borzenkova. "Political and economic interests of France in Кazakhstan: a view from the twenty-first year of the XXI century." 14, no. 14 (December 30, 2021): 16–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2310-9513-2021-14-02.
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After the collapse of the USSR, the region of Central Asia attracted a lot of attention from politicians and entrepreneurs of Western countries, including France. The priority of the national interests of the Fifth Republic in the region is the establishment of political, economic, cultural relations with the largest Central Asian state, Kazakhstan. The purpose of the article is to analyze the history and current state of French-Kazakh relations, to study the entire complex of French interests in Kazakhstan during 1991-2021. The article proves that over the 30 years of its independence, Kazakhstan has built relations with France, observing the foundations of its traditionally multi-vector foreign policy, and France has all this time considered Kazakhstan as the main bulwark of regional stability and security. An indicator of the level of relations between the two countries was that France became the first EU country with which Kazakhstan signed a Strategic Partnership Agreement in 2008, and in 2021 - the Roadmap for Economic and Investment Cooperation until 2030. The results of the analysis of the study indicate that the most dynamic relations between the two countries are developing in the economic sphere, and the key interests of 170 French companies are mainly associated with the joint development of large oil, gas and uranium fields. It has been proven that the COVID-19 pandemic, which negatively affected the global economy, led to a significant drop in French investment activity in Kazakhstan. Another factor that will spoil bilateral relations is the pressure of the Kazakh authorities on the opposition, facts of human rights violations in Kazakhstan. The analysis presented in this article, the study of the positive and negative experience of these bilateral relations will be important for the development of appropriate strategies of international interaction for other post-Soviet countries, in particular, Ukraine.
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Tursunov, Sergey. "Modernization of Maghreb countries in the context of external economic relations." Asia and Africa Today, no. 7 (2022): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750017882-2.
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The article analyses how Maghreb countries’ involvement into the global economy, international trade and investment activity, particularly with France and European Union in general, affects their attempts to modernize their economy and to what extent they are efficient. Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia have made many steps towards closer integration with Europe, along with certain measures aimed at loosing the barriers for trade with the African continent, including trade relations inside Maghreb itself. However, their economies still hugely rely on the demand of the European market and foreign direct investments coming from the North of the Mediterranean Sea. Another point of great importance is the migration from these countries to EU, which also has a serious impact on their economic development. While liberation of trade and strengthening ties with the developed countries were expected to boost the local economies, improve their technological level through fostering production activity, and induce knowledge spill from multinational corporations to North African companies, the actual result yet does not seem so bright. Currently, Maghreb countries are stuck at their role of either exporters of crude materials like Algeria, or outsource producers of spare parts for particular European high-tech manufacturers who seek here cutting production costs by using the opportunity of paying lower salaries than in developed countries. The role of three Maghreb countries in international economy is, however, significantly different, although they are all dependent on their ties with their former common colonial metropole, France. Investigation of the factors that curb getting benefits from the involvement in global economic activity, as well as nuances of economic development in each of the three countries inside the international context, is the focus of the article.
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Gordon, Alexander. "TRANSMIGRATION AND FORMATION OF THE DIASPORAS : CHINESE IN FRANCE." Vostokovedenie i Afrikanistika, no. 2 (2021): 26–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rva/2021.02.02.
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The prerequisites and stages of formation of the modern Chinese diaspora in France are considered as part of the global process of development of cross-border migration and its transition to a new quality - the formation of diasporas. The ties of diaspora with China and their perception in the French society are characterized. The dual attitude towards China in France is emphasized: fear of its foreign economic expansion, on the one hand, and assessment of the prospects of economic relations, on the other hand. The composition and characteristics of the Chinese diaspora are analyzed. The prerequisites for the business success of the Chinese are revealed, and contradictory attitudes to them in French society are stated: «a model minority (mêdel minority)» in public opinion and «racism of resentment» in the «collective unconscious».
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Radomska, Ewa. "Bezpośrednie inwestycje zagraniczne we francusko-chińskiej współpracy gospodarczej w kontekście dwustronnych relacji Unii Europejskiej z Chinami." Sprawy Międzynarodowe 72, no. 3 (September 27, 2019): 171–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2019.72.3.13.
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The goals of the paper are: to analyse the scale and nature of foreign direct investments (FDI) in the economic cooperation between France and China; to explain the main reasons for the Chinese capital commitment in the form of FDI in the European Union (EU) and France as well as French one in China; and to identify the conditions and barriers in the flow of FDI and the main activities undertaken by France and the EU to introduce more symmetry in relations with China. The following research hypothesis has been adopted: FDI are an important element of the economic cooperation between France and China, which is developed despite barriers including differences in potentials and asymmetry in market access. In the face of China’s growing activity in the global economy, noticing the benefits, France does not question the bilateral relations but puts more emphasis on the need to create coherent and coordinated strategy towards China at the EU level. This analysis allowed formulation of a few main conclusions. The recent dynamic inflow of Chinese FDI to the EU (including France) is closely connected with China’s measures aimed at reinforcing its position in the global economy. The dynamic and nature of Chinese FDI coming to France and other EU countries, asymmetry in access to markets, the Belt and Road Initiative, changes in the US trade policy and divisions among EU member countries pose challenges to the EU. France is fully committed to creating a common EU strategy towards China and restoring the balance within the EU-China strategic partnership.
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Shipilov, Alexander Yu. "Relations between the Non-Aligned Countries of Africa and the Second World (1960-1980s): The Case of Sierra Leone." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 4 (December 30, 2022): 700–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-4-700-713.
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The research covers Sierra Leone’s relations with the Second World through the prism of Sierra Leone’s foreign policy. Two periods of Sierra Leone’s foreign policy are considered: during the Westminster bipartisan model from 1961 to 1970, and when the authoritarian regime led by President Siaka Stevens was established from 1971 to 1985. The central issue of the research is analysis of Sierra Leone’s cooperation with the Soviet Union. The aim of the research is to identify the factors that guided the non-aligned countries within the bipolar confrontation of the second half of the 20th century in building their relations with the socialist bloc. The relevance of the topic is related to the fact that the logic and principles of building relations of small non-aligned countries with both limited power resources and little political and economic ambitions with key world powers are less reflected in studies. The research is based upon comparative and historical-genetic methods as well as case studies. The author makes use of materials from the Sierra Leone Public Archives. The author concludes that Sierra Leone’s relations with the Second World were based on economic pragmatism rather than ideological or political proximity. For Sierra Leone, relations with socialist countries served as a tool for diversifying its foreign policy. This set Sierra Leone apart from its neighboring West African states, which either maintained an orientation towards first-world countries, namely France and the US, or reoriented themselves towards the Soviet Union.
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Shamshur, Oleh. "Ukraine–France: Contemporary Cooperation." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 447–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-31.
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In 2014, in the course of the Revolution of Dignity, Ukraine consciously opted for European values. Thus, cooperation with one of the founding member states of the EU bears strategic importance. The author believes that the the interaction between the two countries is based on ancient relations between France and Ukraine. Apart from political relations, France and Ukraine are bound by creative endeavours of many artists. After celebrating the 25th anniversary since the establishment of diplomatic relations between our countries, the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine and France opened an exhibition dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the foundation of Ukrainian diplomatic service. The author stresses that France was the first Western state with which Ukraine signed the 1991 Interstate Agreement on Mutual Understanding and Cooperation. Moreover, it was in Paris where the Charter of Paris for a New Europe was signed, the document which allowed Ukraine to join the CSCE as a full-fledged member. Taking into account the current development in the east of Ukraine, the author underscores that France and Germany were the initiators of the Normandy Format negotiations. France consistently supports the territorial integrity of Ukraine, while not recognising the annexation of Crimea and takes a firm stand towards Russia. The author mentions the establishment of the France-Ukraine friendship group, headed by Valerie For-Muntean. Apart from political cooperation, economic ties between the two states are also gaining momentum. Nowadays, Ukraine is examining modern initiatives of France in ecology, energy efficiency, etc. The article outlines the interation of the two states in the educational sphere. France is encouraging numerous riveting projects intercultural projects displaying the best specimens of modern Ukrainian art. New intercultural contacts are also gaining ground. The author highlights the main events held at the culture and information centre of the Embassy and reports about the multidisciplinary festival Week-End a l’Est – Kyiv. Yet another recent development has been the inauguration of the web platform Nouvelle Ukraine, whose aim is to raise awareness about Ukraine in France, contribute to the positive image of the country, and build economic and cultural contacts. According to the author, the cooperation of Ukraine and France is only beginning to gain momentum and has infinite potential. Keywords: France, Ukraine, the EU, France-Ukraine friendship group, Ukrainian-French ties.
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Ludlow, N. Piers. "The Real Years of Europe? U.S.-West European Relations during the Ford Administration." Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 3 (July 2013): 136–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00373.
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Little has been written about transatlantic relations during the presidency of Gerald R. Ford. This article shows that, contrary to what most of the recent historiography suggests, the brief period under Ford did make an important difference in U.S.-West European relations. During the Ford administration, the whole architecture of transatlantic relations was rearranged, creating structures and features that endured well after Ford and his secretary of state, Henry Kissinger, had left office. In particular, the Ford years witnessed the emergence of a pattern of quadripartite consultation between the United States, Britain, France, and West Germany on foreign policy issues; and the advent of multilateral economic summitry. Each of these innovations transformed the pattern of U.S.-West European dialogue.
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Kistaubayeva, А. K. "Labor immigration of Kazakhs to France." BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 133, no. 4 (2020): 77–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2020-133-4-77-86.
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This article examines the state of labor immigration of the Kazakh Diaspora, as well as studying the possibilities of conditions for economic adaptation of Kazakhs in developed capitalist countries. The purpose of this study is to identify the causes of labor migration of Kazakhs to France. Based on this goal, the study solves the following tasks aimed at studying the history and current situation of Kazakhs living in France, in the focus of analyzing the policy of the French government in relation to immigration workers and employees in the 1945- 1980-ies; the reasons for labor immigration of Kazakhs to France. Western Europe has become a center of attraction for foreign workers coming here, primarily from the less developed countries of the continent, as well as from Turkey. In the last ten years, inter-state migration of workers in Western Europe has grown to unprecedented proportions. Every year, more than a million workers were sent from one European country to another in search of work. The reasons lay in the political and economic crisis, the increase in the unemployment rate, which was the result of an increase in the number of migrants among Kazakhs in France. The post-war economic situation caused the demand for workers to restore the economy destroyed by the war, and led to an increase in the level of tariffs (wages). Scientists believe that the active replenishment of the French labor market with cheap foreign labor from other countries is due to the convenient location of France.
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Zueva, K. "Current French–US Partnership." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 11 (2015): 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-11-47-55.
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The article examines US–France relations, in particular within the NATO framework, as well as positions of France in the Alliance, its participation in NATO operations and its desire to play a more active role in this organization. The pilot of American interests in the Asian-Pacific region and events in Ukraine revive aspirations of Europeans for more active building of the “European defense”. The France-Britain military collaboration is developing intensively. However, France considers the formation of the “European army” as a question of a very long-term perspective. The article also examines the stance of France on the free trade zone between the EU and the U.S. The Atlantic solidarity is one of the most important directions in the French foreign policy. In power, Francois Hollande continues his predecessor's policy in this sphere. Nowadays, France demonstrates the accordance with the US almost in all international issues from Syria to Ukraine. France has shown its dependence on the US policy in such questions as “Mistrals” delivery to Russia and the attitude to the Ukrainian crisis. The scandal around the American ANB spying after French political and business elite did not destroy this dependence. The participation of France in NATO is the most important format of transatlantic relations. The French expert association and opposition forces constantly criticize the transatlantic direction of Hollande's foreign policy. The greater and greater part of French elite stands for the returning of an independent voice of France in international affairs. The great anxiety in French society is provoked by the U.S. pulling into the crusade against Russia. However, in the present situation, French leaders are not going to spoil relations with their transatlantic partner, because they believe that only together with the U.S. they can counter contemporary challenges of the modern world.
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DeVore, Marc R. "Preserving Power after Empire: The Credibility Trap and France’s Intervention in Chad, 1968–72." War in History 27, no. 1 (September 20, 2018): 106–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344518758359.
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France’s 1968–72 intervention in Chad constitutes a forgotten turning point in the Fifth Republic’s foreign relations. Interconnected institutions and treaties gave France a disproportionate influence over its African ex-colonies. French security guarantees underscored this system, however, whereby francophone African leaders continued to accept French economic and political leadership. French leaders discovered in Chad, however, that they had fewer choices and needed to dedicate more resources to fulfilling these commitments than President Charles de Gaulle had intended. Prosperous ex-colonies’ leaders judged French commitments’ value according to how France responded to crises in its least-valued ex-colonies. Thus, although French analysts viewed intervening in Chad as irrational from a cost–benefit perspective, they found themselves pressured into it.
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Kulakova, V. Yu. "About the Theory of Civil Procedural Legal Relations." Courier of Kutafin Moscow State Law University (MSAL)), no. 12 (March 17, 2022): 148–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/2311-5998.2021.88.12.148-156.
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The article describes the characteristics of civil procedural legal relations in the Russian civil process. The analysis of the theoretical foundations of the construction of models of civil procedure, the relationship between its participants in common law countries, in Germany and France. The author believes that as a result of borrowing the institute of disclosure of evidence from a foreign process, a new type of procedural relations arising between participants in the process without the participation of the court is fixed in the civil procedural legislation of Russia. It is noted that this is caused by the objective processes of globalization and unification in the world, as well as the political and economic transformations taking place inside Russia, which inevitably have an impact on the civil process. The article substantiates the need to return to the theoretical understanding of the views on civil procedural legal relations established in the doctrine of procedural law.
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Ménudier, Henri. "L’antigermanisme et la campagne française pour l’élection du Parlement européen." Études internationales 11, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 97–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701019ar.
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Anti-German sentiment in France has deep roots that extend back to the middle of the 19th century. A permanent theme of French foreign policy, it manifested itself with force during the campaign for the European elections of June 10, 1979. This explosion can be explained in terms of the fear of a part of the political forces to see themselves dragged too far into a process of European integration that would contribute to submitting France to the economic forces of a Germany very dependent on the United States. The Communists were the main standard bearers of this campaign in which the Gaullists and other politicians participated. An examinationt of the themes of their public statements shows that references to the Third Reich, to trials of former Nazis and to the role that present leaders of the FRG played under Hitler predominated. Criticism of German domestic politics was primarily concerned with the threat to freedoms in the FRG and with the rise of politicians such as Franz Josef Strauss. Comparisons of the economic, commercial and industriel statistics of the Federal Republic of Germany and France fed concerns that prompted once again speculation with respect to German reunification and the association of nuclear weapons with the FRG. In attacking social-democracy the FCP attempted to further undercut Franco-German relations and to accentuate its split with the French Socialist Party. The anti-German campaign did not, in fact, have a great impact on public opinion or government policy. Nevertheless, both the range and persistence of these themes show that xenophobia in general and anti-German sentiment in particular are not on the point of disappearing in France.
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Houweling, Henk, and Mehdi Parvizi Amineh. "VIII. The US and the EU in CEA Relations with Regional Powers." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 2, no. 3 (2003): 521–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915003322986389.
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AbstractThe US and the EU are important external actors in the post-Soviet CEA region. One challenge confronting US policymakers is balancing commercial interests in the region with security interests and foreign policy goals. These include a desire to contain Iran, partly because of its support for radical Islamic forces in the Middle East, to prevent regional conflicts, assist NATO-member Turkey—a critical ally in an area that is of top US-security interest, and to normalize its relations with China, whose military potential and alliance with Russia is perceived as a threat to its own security interests. Commercially, the EU is not as involved in CEA as the US. The main powers in the EU—Britain, France and Germany— give priority to other regions over CEA. Britain puts emphasis on the Baltic States, France focuses on North Africa, and Germany has been more preoccupied with the development of Eastern Europe. As a group, the member countries of the EU act mostly in the context of economic assistance and diplomatic contacts. Military agreements have been signed on a bilateral basis mostly with Georgia.
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Ignatiev, P., and P. Bovsunivskyi. "EGYPT’S FOREIGN POLICY UNDER ABDEL FATTAH EL-SISI." ACTUAL PROBLEMS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, no. 134 (2018): 4–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2018.134.0.4-15.
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The article covers revolutionary changes in Egyptian foreign policy after the rise to power of Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. The authors note that the new President introduced a multidimensional policy, taking steps away from traditional dependence on the United States of America. To this end Egypt diversified suppliers for armed forces with the assistance of France and the Russian Federation, simultaneously expanding economic ties with China and the EU countries. The focus on the GCC monarchies that provide significant financial assistance to the regime also remains the important component of the Egyptian foreign policy. The article states that the aggravation of water shortages forces Egypt to conduct more active relations with African states, primarily with the Nile basin countries, but those attempts are “too little, too late”. The authors conclude that after exhausting all diplomatic means, Egypt can apply military force to protect its own water security against Ethiopia, but such policy will lead to direct clash with the United States of America and deterioration of Egyptian influence in Africa.
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Bystrova, V. S. "The women’s diplomacy in 16th century France: the example of Louise of Savoy." Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 28, no. 1 (April 13, 2022): 24–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2022-28-1-23-34.
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This article is dedicated to researching the women's diplomacy in France in the first half of the XVI century from the perspective of gender history. Despite the fact that ambassadorial offices were mostly occupied by men, women could still perform as diplomats both officially and informally. The image of a woman as a politician is revealed on the example of diplomatic activity of Duchess of Angoulme Louise de Savoy, mother of Francis I de Valois. The article determines her position among the power elites from contemporaries' point of view. The article also reveals the role of a high-ranking lady in exercising diplomatic functions and highlights the features of the official correspondence form of the king's mother. The main directions of foreign policy during the regencies of Louise of Savoy are determined. The role of royal women in exercising diplomatic functions in relation to the political aspects of making the Ladies' Peace in 1529 in Cambrai is considered. The author concludes that personality factors, political authority and personal relations played a major role in women's diplomatic work. In the conditions of instability of the French crown, Louise of Savoy manages to avoid the political and economic crisis in the country and create a unique precedent in the sphere of foreign affairs. This allowed her successors to expand diplomatic networks further by continuously conducting correspondence. Apart from concluding traditional dynastic alliances, diplomatic activity included negotiations, carried out by ladies either through trusted ambassadors or in person, signing peace agreements, and forming their own female diplomatic clientele.
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LYSENKO, G. І., M. KOSTIUKOVA, V. GALIASOVSKYI, and O. BALAN. "HIGHER EDUCATION IN FRANCE THROUGH THE EYES OF UKRAINIAN STUDENTS." Ukrainian Journal of Civil Engineering and Architecture, no. 2 (July 9, 2022): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.30838/j.bpsacea.2312.260422.45.850.
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Problem statement. The Bologna Process has initiated the formation of a single European Higher Education Area. Today's students, through academic mobility programmes, have a unique opportunity to obtain academic experience and professional competences developed during their studies at higher education institutions in other countries. In particular, master students from Prydniprovska State Academy of Civil Engineering and Architecture (PSACEA) under agreement with National Engineering School of Saint-Etienne (France), had the opportunity to access the educational process at French Higher Technical Education Institution and conduct a comparative analysis of the educational process within the study of the discipline “Methods of teaching in higher education institution”. The purpose of the article is to conduct a comparative analysis of higher education systems in Ukraine and France on the basis of data from the State Statistics Service of Ukraine and Statistical Guidelines and reference materials of France and characterize the professional development methods of French teachers (on the example of the National Engineering School of Saint-Etienne). Conclusions. In today's globalised world, quality higher education has become a significant means of ensuring a high level of professional qualifications in all spheres of human activity. The increasing demand for higher education, as well as the increasing students number, add pressure to higher education and blur the boundaries between the economic and political sectors. Student exchanges and double degree programs provide opportunities for innovative student learning, as well as increasing the education effectiveness, which in turn leads to increased demand for this sector of public life. Despite the high cost of higher education, French universities are very popular among foreign students, including Ukrainian, as they contribute to the formation of relevant professional competencies for young people, providing greater opportunities in the further employment process. Although the number of foreign students in Ukraine is lower (compared to France), domestic our higher education institutions are also beginning to be in high demand among foreign applicants, thus strengthening not only the field of education but also international economic relations. For the Ukrainian system of teachers’ professional development, it is appropriate to study and partially implement the experience of French higher technical school. In particular, the variety of proposed methods and forms of professional development deserves attention, as it indicates the efforts of educational managers in France to create a pedagogical environment psychologically comfortable and as professionally appropriate.
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Ronzitti, Natalino. "The Treaty of Quirinale between Italy and France." Italian Yearbook of International Law Online 31, no. 1 (November 11, 2022): 253–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116133-03101013.
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Abstract On 26 November 2021, France and Italy signed a Treaty on enhanced cooperation, currently named the Treaty of Quirinale after the residence of the President of the Italian Republic, where the ceremony of signature was held, echoing the Treaty of the Elysée between France and Germany signed by Charles de Gaulle and Konrad Adenauer. However, the Treaty of Quirinale is not aimed at ending any secular conflict like that between France and Germany, which was supplemented by the Aachen Treaty (2019). The French-Italian Treaty is more of a proclamation than a document endowed with rights and duties. The obligatory provisions are mainly those aimed at organising cooperation between the two countries with the establishment of new institutions or enabling the presence of each country in the other’s relevant existing institutions. The cooperation invests the main political sectors of the administration, such as foreign policy, defence, economic and social development, European integration, cultural affairs and neighbour relations. There is not a coordination between the Quirinale Treaty and the Elysée/Aachen Treaty. In case of different views (for instance on the reform of the United Nations Security Council), diplomacy should find the proper solution.
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Olsen, Kim B. "Diplomats, Domestic Agency and the Implementation of Sanctions: The MFAs of France and Germany in the Age of Geoeconomic Diplomacy." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 15, no. 1-2 (March 10, 2020): 126–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-bja10001.
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Summary Tasked with the implementation of complex geoeconomic instruments such as trade and investment regulations, targeted economic assistance and sanctions regimes, European ministries of foreign affairs (MFAs) are increasingly exposed to a field introduced as geoeconomic diplomacy. This article argues that traditional literature on states’ strategic use of economic power has underestimated how MFAs of liberal and tightly integrated market economies are challenged in their abilities to realise geoeconomic objectives. Mitigating such challenges requires diplomats to engage extensively with multiple domestic state and non-state actors relevant to the state-market nexus. Through a comparative case study of France and Germany, the article demonstrates how major European MFAs have recently streamlined their organisational approaches to the geoeconomic field in various ways, and analyses how French and German diplomats were bound to manage multifaceted, yet different, domestic agency relations in their quests to successfully implement the European Union’s sanctions regime against Russia in 2014-2016.
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Chernega, Vladimir. "FRANCE’S LATIN AMERICAN POLICY: EVOLUTION DURING THE YEAS OF THE FIFTH REPUBLIC." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 3 (2022): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.03.05.
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The article examines the evolution of the French foreign policy towards the Latin America in the period of the Fifth Republic. It is noted that this policy was uneven, because it depended on the preferences of each president who plays a major role in determining the country’s foreign policy priorities. Charles de Gaulle, in the framework of his policy of restoring the «greatness» France, attached great importance to political, economic and cultural ties with Latin America and made a very important personal contribution to building up such ties. Georges Pompidou and Valery Giscard d’Estaing did not show much interest towards the region, although they encouraged trade and economic exchanges with it, allowing to sell French goods there, and in return receive row materials and semi-finished products for their own industry. On the contrary, François Mitterrand developed political and cultural relations with the Latin America countries, with the focus on supporting the «progressive» forces and democratization processes. Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy took a more pragmatic approach, but they did a lot to develop economic and political co-operation with the region both at the bilateral level and trough the EU. François Holland, who believed that the Latin America had a «great future», promoted the relations with it even more actively. At the same time, protecting the interests of French agricultural producers he practically blocked negotiations between the EU and the common market MERCOSUR on a free trade zone and association. Under Emmanuel Macron Latin America «dropped out» of French policy priorities, which led to the loss of the former dynamics of relations. The coronavirus pandemic has dealt a severe blow to mutual trade and economic exchanges. However, some prospects of enhancing co-operation still exist.
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Yakovlev, P. "Spain: Post-Crisis Development Model." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2015): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-10-50-61.
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November 20, 2015 marked 40 years since the demise of Spanish dictator Francisco Franco. With his passing Spain entered into an era of tremendous economic and socio-political changes. At the stage of democratic development Spanish nation achieved three key objectives: it built an open and modern economy; in political sphere a relatively effective de facto two-party system was created; social protection was provided to the bulk of the population. All this strengthened Spain’s international positions and provided it an attractive image. The country attracted millions of immigrants. The world crisis of 2008–2009 stopped the growth of the Spanish economy. Spain was in crisis long six years and only recently began to come out of it basing on a new development model (a “rebound” model). By a number of parameters it is different from the pre-crisis paradigm of the growth. The crisis had serious impact on Spain’s foreign relations. In particular, serious reputational losses challenged Madrid’s efforts to counter the crisis, to reduce the negative effects of external shocks on the international scene and to find opportunities to give additional impetus to the development of the country. These challenges defined new foreign policy agenda: protecting financial and economic interests of Spain abroad, strengthening the positions of the Spanish companies in world markets, coordination of anti-crisis actions with partners in the European Union. Madrid stands for a sort of integration core within the EU, consisting of six founding countries of the European Economic Community (Belgium, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands and France), as well as Spain and Poland. This projected grouping is intended to serve as the vanguard of the movement in the direction of making the EU more effective.
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Andreff, M., and W. Andreff. "OUTWARD-PROCESSING TRADE BETWEEN FRANCE AND CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES." Acta Oeconomica 51, no. 1 (February 1, 2001): 65–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aoecon.51.2000-2001.1.4.
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France outward-processing trade (OPT) with the Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs) and Maghreb developed with a high momentum from 1993 to 1997, higher in the former than in the latter area. A crowding out effect of France OPT with Maghreb by France OPT with the CEECs is evident. A substitution relationship between French foreign direct investment (FDI) and OPT is statistically tested, and detrimental to OPT in the case of the CEECs. In Maghreb, French FDI is crowded out by the development of France OPT. The substitution of French FDI to OPT in the CEECs is explained by a number of factors like the abolition of tax privileges for OPT in the EU-CEEC relations, a market-seeking FDI, a non significant impact of labour costs on both FDI and OPT, a determinant role of institutional reforms and lower country-risk in attracting FDI instead of OPT.
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Giurlando, Philip. "France’s déclassement in the Eurozone." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 74, no. 4 (December 2019): 559–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702019896299.
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In France, the adoption of the euro was partly motivated by the desire for equality with Germany, but asymmetry has increased in terms of economic prowess and international status, leading to a sense of déclassement. This paper identifies links between France’s status reduction, a consequent feeling of humiliation, and the foreign policy positions associated with that collective emotion. Evidence of France’s déclassement includes macroeconomic trends, semi-structured interviews with a sample of elites, the secondary literature, and the domestic political disputes that have emerged as a result of this reduction of national status. The paper also systematically compares France to Italy, as in many ways it is similar to that country, but with one key difference: the political forces which have been loudest about Italy’s humiliation vis-à-vis Germany obtained power and governed from May 2018 to August 2019. Their orientations and positions provide a peek into the kinds of international political decisions associated with both déclassement and humiliation, and provide further evidence on the links between status reduction, group-level emotion, and inter-group behaviour.
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Lymar, Margaryta. "European integration in the foreign policy of Dwight Eisenhower." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 7 (2019): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.07.27-36.
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The article deals with European integration processes through the prism of the President Eisenhower foreign policy. The transatlantic relations are explored considering the geopolitical transformations in Europe. It is noted that after the end of World War II, Europe needed assistance on the path to economic recovery. Eisenhower initially as Commander in Chief of NATO forces in Europe, and later as the U.S. President, directed his foreign policy efforts to unite the states of Western Europe in their post-war renovating and confronting the communist threat. For that reason, Eisenhower deserved recognition by the leading European governments and became a major American figure, which symbolized the reliable transatlantic ally. Eisenhower’s interest in a united Europe was explained by the need for the United States in a strong single European partner that would help to strengthening the U.S. positions in the international arena. The United States expected to control the European integration processes through NATO instruments and mediated disputes between the leading European powers. Germany’s accession to the Alliance was determined as one of the key issues, the solution of which became the diplomatic victory of President Eisenhower. The U.S. government was building its European policy based on the need to integrate the Western states into a unified power, and therefore endorsed the prospect of creating a European Economic Community (EEC). It was intended that the union would include Italy, France, Germany and the Benelux members, and form a basis for the development of free trade and the deeper political and economic integration of the regional countries. It is concluded that, under the Eisenhower’s presidency, Europe was at the top of priority list of the U.S. foreign policy that significantly influenced the evolution of the European integration process in the future.
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Kotova, Elena. "The German Question in the Foreign Policy of the Austrian Empire in 1850—1866." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016050-4.
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For centuries, the House of Austria (the Habsburgs) maintained its leadership in the Holy Roman Empire, and later in the German Union. But in the middle of the 19th century the situation changed, Austria lost its position in Germany, lost to Prussia in the struggle for hegemony. The article examines what factors influenced such an outcome of the German question, what policy Austria pursued in the 50—60s of the 19th century, what tasks it set for itself. The paper traces the relationship between the domestic and foreign policy of Austria. Economic weakness and political instability prevented the monarchy from pursuing a successful foreign policy. The multinational empire could not resist the challenge of nationalism and prevent the unification of Italy and Germany. Difficult relations with France and Russia, inconsistent policy towards the Middle German states largely determined this outcome. The personal factor was also important. None of the Austrian statesmen could resist such an outstanding politician as Bismarck.
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Goodman, John B., and Louis W. Pauly. "The Obsolescence of Capital Controls?: Economic Management in an Age of Global Markets." World Politics 46, no. 1 (October 1993): 50–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950666.
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Between the late 1970s and the early 1990s, after decades of trying to limit short-term international capital movements, advanced industrial states moved decisively in the direction of decontrol. What has driven this remarkable policy convergence? The answer lies not in ideological change or shifts in relative political power, but in the prior development of international financial markets and in the increasing globalization of business. In a policy environment fundamentally reshaped by these factors, financial institutions and multinational firms were able to threaten or implement strategies of evasion and exit. Thus, the usefulness of controls declined as their effective costs rose sharply. In this light, the cases of Japan, Germany, Italy, and France are examined. The analysis points to the tightening link between short-term capital movements and foreign direct investment, issues that have long been treated as conceptually distinct. It also underlines the intricate connection between national policies governing capital movements and those aimed at managing international financial markets.
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Özdeşer, Hüseyin. "Analysis of the Economic Impacts of the Euro, the Efficiency of the Euro in the Optimum Currency Area, and the Place of the Euro in Global Economics." European Review 28, no. 2 (January 7, 2020): 258–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798719000449.
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The introduction of the euro has led to three dominant currencies in the financial markets, namely the euro, dollar and yen. The use of the euro as the single currency is a key element for economic and political unification in the EU (European Union). While some of the criteria for achieving monetary integration between the European Monetary Union (EMU) member countries in the euro area have been satisfied, some problems still remain. As the euro is not the currency of a single country like the dollar, the dollar still retains its dominant position in the international markets. After the Brexit referendum, apprehension regarding the collapse of the EU has reached a peak. Originally introduced in 12 EU member countries, and since extended to 19, the euro may potentially embrace 27 member countries. In this study, the economic impacts of the euro on the per capita income, inflation rate and foreign direct investment are analysed. The analysis will be performed on three countries participating in the EMU, namely, Germany, France and Italy.
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Richet, Xavier. "Geographical and Strategic Factors in Chinese Foreign Direct Investment in Europe." Asian Economic Papers 18, no. 2 (June 2019): 102–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00700.
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Recently, the volume of Chinese FDI made in Europe has reached the level of European FDI in China (now constrained by restrictions and risks). It equaled the level of FDI made by Chinese firms in the United States before they began to decline in the last two years. The Chinese economic presence in Europe is divided into three parts in terms of volume, destination, and type of acquisition: The heart of Europe is made up of the three major destinations (Germany, UK, France), where more capital-intensive investments are made, followed by other Western European countries (EU-15). New member states (NMS) that joined the EU in 2004, 2007, and 2013, and Western Balkan countries, in accession to the EU, are associated with China in the 16+1 Format (with the exception of Kosovo) and are another gateway to Europe. They receive less direct investment because of smaller market opportunities but China is building infrastructure (ports, highways, railways)—segments of the Silk Road that will bring Chinese products to the mature markets of the EU.
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Filippov, Vasily R. "African politics in Paris during the pandemic." LOCUS people society cultures meaning 11, no. 3 (2020): 151–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2500-2988-2020-11-3-151-168.
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The article discusses the possible transformation of the geopolitical situation in the Francophone countries of Tropical Africa in the context of the coronavirus pandemic, based on the information published in the French media. And also, the analytical report, sent by experts of the Paris Center for Analysis, Forecasting and Strategy (CAPS), to the President and the French Foreign Ministry was used. The article contains a list of the main epidemiological, social, humanitarian, and political threats that will destabilize the situation on the Black Continent, as well asmade a prediction attempt of the dynamics of international relations in the post-coronavirus period. The aim of this study is to find out how the balance of forces of traditional and relatively new actors in international relations has been changed in the countries of Tropical Africa in the period of present observation. Particular attention is paid to the initiatives of the Champs Elysees, designed to preserve the traditional political, economic, and military dominance of the Fifth Republic in African countries, the territories of which were part of the French colonial empire. Emanuel Macron’s proposals regarding forgiveness of external debts and economic assistance to African countries are analyzed. It is concluded that the initiatives of the President of France cannot be implemented in political practice and are aimed only at countering the growth of anti-French mood in the Sahel. A political analysis of the situation comes to the conclusion that, as a result of the economic and political upheaval caused by the coronavirus pandemic, it is very likely that the interests of France will be supplanted from Tropical Africa by China and, in part, by Russia.
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Philippov, Vasiliy Rudolfovich. "Paris vs. Beijing: Confrontation on the African Continent." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 84–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-1-84-96.
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The subject of this study is the competitive relations in the political and economic spheres that have developed on the African continent in the 21st century between the French Republic and the People’s Republic of China. The author focuses on the main conflict-generating factors that caused the latent confrontation between the two countries that arose in the face of a changing geopolitical situation in the world in general and in Africa in particular. The methodological basis of this study is the comparative historical method; the work is based on the principles of historicism, reliability and scientific objectivity. Using the method of historical reconstruction allowed the author to trace the dynamics of relations between France and China over the past two decades. The work is based on the study of factual historical material, a chronicle of the events of the last decade; analytical materials published on the pages of French and Russian mass media were used. The author concludes that the basis of the conflict between Paris and Beijing lies in the desire of the Champs Elysees not only to preserve the political, economic and military-strategic preferences of France in the countries that were formerly colonies of the French Empire, but also to protect French interests in the English-speaking countries of East Africa. The rapid growth of China’s influence on the African continent, the ever more obvious expansion of the Heavenly Empire into the economies of African countries, forces France to change the paradigm of its foreign policy. If the predecessors of E. Macron, denying in words the policy of “Françafrique”, relied on the use of military force and covert operations of the French security services then the current head of the Fifth Republic in his relations with African countries prefers to use his resources on “soft power” politics. The experience gained by E. Macron during his first (not very successful) African tour in 2017 prompted him to change the tone of communication with the leaders of African countries from patronically arrogant to friendly and trusting.
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Zueva, K., and P. Timofeev. "The Presidency of E. Macron in France: The Results of the First Term (2017–2022)." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 10 (2022): 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-10-45-55.
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The article analyzes the results of the first Emmanuel Macron’s presidential five-year term. The authors highlight that the period 2017–2022 proved to be a time of ambitious undertakings and difficult trials for France. The young president sensitively caught the French desire for change and set about solving urgent problems. The improvement of public finances and reboot of the economy, modernization of the administration of the Republic with expansion of “social lifts”, the return of France’s leadership in the European Union and strengthening of the EU’s position in the world – these were the main goals of Macron. Nevertheless, these plans ran into serious objections: inside the country – via the mass protests of working classes defending social guarantees and the opposition of parliamentarians facing the strengthening of presidential power, in the international arena – due to the EU problems and the rivalry of France with a number of other powers. The COVID‑19 pandemic has become a real “black swan” for the president, forcing him to adjust the initial settings. However, E. Macron had some achievements on his way – such as the Labor Code reform, political confidence laws, transformation of the ENA, development of the European Union initiatives, especially the Franco-German plan to save the EU economy during the 2020 pandemic. The authors conclude that despite Macron’s re-election, his second term will become very difficult: the loss of an absolute majority in the National Assembly in the June 2022 elections showed that a tripolar system has been formed in France, so the centrist Macron will have to take the positions of the extreme right and left forces into account when building his economic and domestic policy. As for his foreign policy, the main troubles lie in the serious aggravation of the international situation in Europe.
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Osipov, Evgeny Aleksandrovich. "Soviet-Algerian Relations in 1962-1971 in the Context of the Rivalry Between Moscow and Paris. Based on the Materials of the RGANI and the Archive of the French Foreign Ministry." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 11 (November 2022): 9–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2022.11.39116.
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Based on documents from the archives of the French Foreign Ministry and the Russian State Archive of Modern History, the article analyzes Soviet-Algerian relations through the prism of the rivalry between Moscow and Paris in the period from Algeria's independence in 1962 to the nationalization in 1971 by the Algerian leadership of oil transportation facilities and 51% of the shares of French oil companies operating in the Arab state. In the first years after the signing of the Evian Agreements of 1962, loans provided by the USSR, supplies of Soviet equipment, the start of a program to train national personnel, as well as assistance from other socialist countries helped Algeria to stabilize the socio-economic situation in the country. Up until 1968, Moscow's actions in Algeria did not affect strategically important areas for France. However, the aggravation of French-Algerian relations due to Paris' non-compliance with the Algerian wine purchase agreement and, more importantly, the Algerian leadership's desire for independence from France in the oil sector and, at the same time, the beginning of supplies of Algerian wine to the USSR in 1968 and Moscow's assistance in the exploration and exploitation of oil fields in Algeria led to the beginning of the Soviet-French rivalry for the Algerian market. As a result, France and other Western countries were able to impose serious competition on the USSR, significantly reducing Moscow's capabilities in the Algerian direction. The USSR promoted Algeria's independence from France in the oil sector, but failed to make Algeria part of the socialist bloc. The main beneficiary of the Soviet-French rivalry was Algeria itself, which received significant support from the USSR in creating modern industry, agriculture and in the field of training qualified personnel, while retaining ample opportunities to enter Western markets.
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Borko, Yuri. "The Birth of the Soviet School of European Integration Studies. Part 2." Contemporary Europe, no. 98 (October 1, 2020): 46–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope520204653.
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The first part of the article shows that in the mid-1960s some Soviet researchers of the European integration problems concluded that integration did not correspond to the Leninist-Stalinist theory of the general crisis of capitalism. On the contrary, it corresponded to some Western concepts of the custom union, the common market, and economic integration. A new approach to the European integration studies was offered by the Institute of World Economy and International Relation (IMEMO), established in 1956. For many decades IMEMO was serving as the focal point for the European integration studies, and was providing the Soviet leadership with analytical information. The number of inquiries from authorities increased significantly. Firstly, it can be explained by the achievements of integration. Secondly, it was due to the growth of economic cooperation between the USSR and the EEC. Thirdly, Moscow defined new foreign policy priorities towards Western countries including Europe. There were two turning-points of bilateral relations: with France – in 1966, and with Germany – in 1969. The Organization for security and cooperation in Europe (OSCE) was established during final session of the top-level Conference of European States in Helsinki in August 1975. Fourthly, experience of the EEC was relevant for the COMECON
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Morillas, Pol, Thomas Gomart, Ferdinando Nelli Feroci, George Pagoulatos, Charles Powell, Nuno Severiano Teixeira, Filippa Chatzistavrou, et al. "What role should southern Europe play after the pandemic and the war in Ukraine? Towards a shared agenda for EU reform." Notes Internacionals CIDOB, no. 271 (April 20, 2022): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24241/notesint.2022/271/en.
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Relations between southern European member states have often been marked by a loose cooperation or, worse, by logics of competition. Precisely when regional groupings within the EU are increasingly shaping the agenda, these dynamics have hindered the capacity of France, Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain to pursue shared interests and objectives, while acting as a force for good for the European integration project. Recent events such as the post-pandemic recovery or the war in Ukraine show that, when cooperation occurs, positive results can be achieved. Southern member states can capitalise on a certain ideological affinity and a pro-European vision, despite their governments belonging to different political groups. They share converging interests in the areas of fiscal policy and economic governance, strategic autonomy in energy and technology and even foreign policy priorities, particularly towards the Mediterranean and relations with other global powers. This joint publication by six southern European think tanks identifies several policy areas for fruitful cooperation between southern European member states.
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Dadalko, V. A., Ya G. Sud'bina, and S. V. Dadalko. "The issues of international cooperation of Russia in countering the economic crime." National Interests: Priorities and Security 16, no. 7 (July 16, 2020): 1264–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.24891/ni.16.7.1264.
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Subject. We analyze the aspects of Russia's cooperation with other countries in countering the economic crime. Objectives. The article analyzes methods and goals of Russia's cooperation with other countries, dealing with general issues and aspects coordinated by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, Federal Security Service, Federal Customs Service and Federal Service for Financial Monitoring. Methods. The study is based on the economic analysis, methods of classification and modeling, deduction and synthesis. Results. We studied what various international relations organizations of Russia do in countering the economic crime. We unveil some aspects of such a cooperation, i.e. legal attache, international treaties, common security council, communications, international compliance. Russia was found to cooperate most actively with Austria, Belarus, Belgium, Cyprus, Latvia, France, the USA, Spain, Germany, Kazakhstan, Palestine, Israel, Azerbaijan and Armenia. Conclusions and Relevance. States need the international cooperation and its advancement to effectively counteract with the economic crime. It is especially important as the transnational crime proliferates. However, the international cooperation is impossible if institutional, legal and regulatory aspects are not refined. The article suggests what should be dine to make the cooperation more effective.
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Dagdag, A. "ANALYSIS OF THE STRUCTURE OF EXPORTS AND IMPORTS OF ALGERIA." Scientific Review Theory and Practice 11, no. 4 (2021): 1190–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.35679/2226-0226-2021-11-4-1190-1202.
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In the context of the trends of integration and internationalization characteristic of the world economy, it seems natural to be interested in assessing the role and nature of the participation of individual countries in world trade. With the reduction of barriers to trade, the expansion of the totality of integration associations (including global ones, the WTO format), participation in world trade as a factor of economic growth plays an increasingly important role for developed and developing countries. An important feature of the participation of countries in world trade is the formed structure of exports and imports, reflecting the state of competitiveness of the national economy, the nature of participation in the world market and, in some cases, the chosen model of economic growth. Historically, the formation of the sectoral and commodity structure of Algeria's exports was influenced by factors that were not fully favorable for the country. During the period of colonial management of the Algerian economy by France (until the 1960s), the export structure was mainly represented by agricultural products entering the French market. Subsequently, hydrocarbons dominate the export structure. The current state of export-import relations is being influenced by negative factors in the form of a decrease in world prices for energy resources (the main commodity exported by the country), stagnation in the target markets of the country's foreign economic activity (EU). At the same time, for Algeria, the stability of economic development, as well as the level of development of public finances, largely depends on the stability of energy supplies. For this reason, there is some interest in both the impact on the state of the country's foreign trade activity of the consequences of the deterioration of the macroeconomic conjuncture of the energy market, and the likely changes in the structure of Algeria's export-import relations, which could reduce dependence on the state of the energy market.
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Reich, Simon. "Roads to follow: regulating direct foreign investment." International Organization 43, no. 4 (1989): 543–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300034445.
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The United States faces a formidable and growing economic challenge from Japan. Over the last decade, the American state has characteristically responded to the loss of domestic market dominance in the manufacturing sector to foreign firms by invoking the principles of free and fair trade in order to delegitimate this foreign competition and legitimate the imposition of trade barriers designed to encourage the investment of multinational corporations (MNCs) in the United States. These tactics have largely succeeded in attracting investment and thus aided domestic employment and the balance of trade. The short-term benefits, however, have been achieved at long-term, unforeseen, undesirable economic and political costs in terms of both the balance of payments and state autonomy. Alternative state responses to the threat posed by Japanese MNCs, while consistent with principles of free trade, challenge the traditional liberal conception of the scope and domain of state behavior and provide more effective policies in achieving both short- and long-term objectives. This article draws on data relating to the treatment of subsidiaries of American automobile manufacturers by European governments with competing indigenous producers in specifying two variables critical to identifying policy alternatives: first, the degree of access granted by the state to foreign firms (limited or unlimited access) and, second, the type of support provided by the state to domestic firms (discriminatory or nondiscriminatory intervention). The analysis suggests that there are four possible policy combinations, which generally reflect the four different postwar state policies pursued by West Germany, France, Britain, and the United States. Of these four, the combination employed by West Germany has proved most effective in pursuing policies consistent with liberal trade principles while reconciling short-term employment and fiscal goals with the broader long-term objectives of sustaining state autonomy and balance-of-payments surpluses in the face of foreign competition. British policies, which have consistently proved the most ineffective, have sacrificed long-term objectives for short-term ones. As a result of structural changes during the 1970s, the American state's chosen policy combination was altered and now replicates the traditional British formula. The United States therefore risks comparable economic and political consequences.
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Sabaydash, Marina Vladislavovna. "Retrospective analysis of the USSR sea trade ports operation in conditions of new economic policy (1921-1928)." Vestnik of Astrakhan State Technical University. Series: Economics 2020, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 78–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.24143/2073-5537-2020-1-78-90.
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The article highlights the specific features of implementing the new economic policy in the seaports of the USSR. The general laws of economic development of the commercial sea ports during the NEP period have been formulated. Statistical data on port capacity from the UK, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, the USA, and France were used for the first time, and an assessment of the economic development of domestic sea ports was made in comparison with the above countries. It was stated that the drop in cargo turnover of the Soviet ports in relation to 1913 was the most significant, and the post-war restoration was slower in comparison with European ports, with the railway and inland water transport of the USSR. It was proved that the decrease in port turnover in the USSR was a consequence of a decrease in the foreign trade volume and short sea shipping. Maintaining the state monopoly of foreign trade, which in the NEP period transformed into the state capitalism, negatively affected outward and inward trade. The intensity of coastal shipping service grew slowly due to the low specialization of the regions. The seaport management system was studied; its centralization and similarity with the port management system of the Russian Empire were stated. There have been presented the study results of property relations in seaports. It was determined that the landowners in the ports were state departments represented by central ministries (people's commissariats), the owners of other property were state and sectorial governmental bodies, joint-stock companies with a predominance of state ownership. Sea trade ports were funded from the budget of the People's Commissariat of Communication Means. Port financing was ten times less than financing of railways and several times less than inland water transport financing