Academic literature on the topic 'France Dictatorship'
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Journal articles on the topic "France Dictatorship"
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Ellis, G. "Napoleon Comes to Power: Democracy and Dictatorship in Revolutionary France, 1795-1804." French History 16, no. 2 (June 1, 2002): 239–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/16.2.239.
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Arapi, Arshela. "Political Relations between Albania and France 1945- 1990." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 5-1 (July 1, 2017): 171–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2018-0109.
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Abstract This paper focuses on the relations between Albania and France in the period 1945-1990 in the political optics, and aims to evaluate the dynamics of this cooperation, pointing to the different intensity at different times during dictatorship, byhilosophical demagoguery of the Albanian party and the identification of collaborative priorities extended over 20 years. Albanian - French cooperation spread in all fields. Since our country was still unconfirmed as a state, it needed the experience of other countries. France was a kind of guide to our country, as it was a developed country. Albania also linked with France by some traditional and conjunctural elements. France regarded Albania as very important, and considered it as an opportunity to expand its economy and improve its situation. France needed the mineral resources of Albania. In general, our relations with France has been normal and were concretized in several areas of mutual interest, such as trade and culture. In various speeches, the Albanian leadership has expressed the desire to strengthen more these relations on the basis of the recognized principles of equality, non-interference and mutual benefit. But at certain times, there was also anxiety, and in July 1984, there was a regress of state relations.
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Hanson, Stephen E. "Postimperial Democracies: Ideology and Party Formation in Third Republic France, Weimar Germany, and Post-Soviet Russia." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 20, no. 2 (May 2006): 343–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325406287176.
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Post-Soviet Russia, the early Third Republic in France, and the Weimar Republic in Germany can be understood as cases of “postimperial democracy”—a situation in which a new democratic regime emerges in the core of a former empire that has suddenly collapsed and where democratic elections continue for at least a decade. However, the regimes consolidated in these cases—republican democracy in France, Nazi dictatorship in Germany, and weak state authoritarianism in Russia—vary dramatically. These divergent results reflect the impact of new ideologies, which generated collective action among converts by artificially elongating their time horizons in an environment of extremely high uncertainty. In France, ideological clarity allowed radical republicans to outflank more pragmatic parties; in Germany, ideological clarity allowed the Nazis to mobilize more successfully than centrist parties; and in post-Soviet Russia, the absence of any compelling new political ideology—democratic or antidemocratic—has rendered political parties too weak to challenge even a very weak state.
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Gibault, Fabien. "Teaching French during the Mussolini dictatorship – a tool for the construction of a fascist identity?" XLinguae 15, no. 4 (October 2022): 206–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.18355/xl.2022.15.04.17.
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Textbooks are an important lever in foreign language teaching, especially in the periods before the advent of the internet and new technologies. It is a referent, symbolically and physically in front of the learner, a guide that holds the right and the truth. The fascist dictatorship in Italy (1922-1943) was no exception to this rule. In the context of a regime that revolutionised communication, school textbooks were very important, even those for the French language. This article proposes to illustrate the use of French textbooks for Fascist propaganda purposes around the following axes: the Fascist triptych, the concept of myth and the vision of France in school texts. The aim of this research is to present a concrete case of mind manipulation by a means that is certainly not very common: using language textbooks (which should therefore be open to other cultures) to ethnocentrate the population and train them in the most radical nationalism. Finally, we will try to draw a conclusion on the causes of these choices, and a real problematic, namely whether France was a model for fascism.
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LIUT, MARTIN. "‘Devenir compositeur’: Notes on the Insertion of Argentine Composers in the Contemporary French Music Scene (1970–2000)." Twentieth-Century Music 17, no. 3 (October 2020): 311–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478572220000146.
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AbstractThis article studies a group of nineteen Argentinean composers who settled in Paris between 1970 and 2000. In addition to social and political factors of Argentine history – including the last military dictatorship (1976–83) and the 1989 period of ‘hyperinflation’ (1989) – these composers wanted to develop their careers in a professional field with the history, size, and diversity of Paris. Since the 1970s, France began a strong state policy supporting the arts; this action promoted a process of internationalization of Paris's artistic life. Contemporary music was viewed by participants and creators as an open and cosmopolitan space. Although the paradigm of autonomy suggests that nationality is less relevant than the individuality of each composer, the latter continues to function as an identity marker and, therefore, as a classification strategy both in France and in Argentina.
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Heinzen, James W. "“Alien” Personnel in the Soviet State: The People’s Commissariat of Agriculture under Proletarian Dictatorship, 1918-1929." Slavic Review 56, no. 1 (1997): 73–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500656.
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Land policy must be carried out by an apparatus that has not grasped the tasks and ideas of Soviet construction in the countryside and that is riddled with elements that are alien and even hostile to Soviet power.—N. M. Shvernik, section chief, People’s Commissariat of Workers' and Peasants' Inspectorate, 1924“Anyone who reads the letters that passed between the Intendants and their superiors or subordinates,” wrote Alexis de Tocqueville, “cannot fail to be struck by the family likeness between the government officials of the past and those of modern France.” He added that not only the personnel and institutions but even the internal bureaucratic terminology of the old regime was similar to that of postrevolutionary, republican France. Despite their obsession with the French Revolution, Russia’s revolutionary rulers had probably not read Tocqueville’s cautionary tale about the persistence of the old-regime state. If they had, they might have learned quite a bit.
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Vermeule, Adrian. "Intermittent institutions." Politics, Philosophy & Economics 10, no. 4 (February 22, 2011): 420–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470594x10392341.
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Standing institutions have a continuous existence: examples include the United Nations, the British Parliament, the US presidency, the standing committees of the US Congress, and the Environmental Protection Agency. Intermittent institutions have a discontinuous existence: examples include the Roman dictatorship, the Estates-General of France, constitutional conventions, citizens' assemblies, the Electoral College, grand and petit juries, special prosecutors, various types of temporary courts and military tribunals, ad hoc congressional committees, and ad hoc panels such as the 9/11 Commission and base-closing commissions. Within the class of intermittent institutions, one may distinguish periodic from episodic institutions. The former come into being on a schedule set down in advance, while the latter come into being at unpredictable intervals. The Electoral College is a periodic institution, while the Roman dictatorship is an episodic one. This article attempts to identify the benefits and costs of intermittent institutions, both as a class and in their periodic and episodic varieties. The largest goals are to state some general conditions under which intermittent institutions prove superior or inferior to standing institutions, and to illuminate the temporal dimension of institutional design.
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Lindseth, Peter L. "The Paradox of Parliamentary Supremacy: Delegation, Democracy, and Dictatorship in Germany and France, 1920s-1950s." Yale Law Journal 113, no. 7 (May 2004): 1341. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4135771.
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GERMANESE, DONATELLA. "“WE WILL MAKE EUROPE THERE”: ITALIAN INTELLECTUALS IN SEARCH OF EUROPE AND AMERICA IN HITLER’S GERMANY." Modern Intellectual History 14, no. 2 (March 18, 2015): 451–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244315000074.
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In the early 1940s, Felice Balbo and Giaime Pintor judged and re-envisioned Europe from a shared observation point in Turin with two institutional settings: the publishing house Giulio Einaudi Editore and the Italian Committee for the Armistice with France. Their privileged perspective—so far little known outside Italy—offers interesting clues about forms of opposition to Fascism and National Socialism by a generation that grew up under dictatorship. Drawing on unpublished sources and memoirs, this essay retraces a dialogue among friends, showing how young members of the Italian intelligentsia designed eccentric scenarios to overcome a nazified Europe. An overly enthusiastic reception of American culture, illusions about impending insurrections in Germany, and a general attraction to German culture helped Balbo and Pintor in becoming active antifascists.
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Matsvimbo, Tichaona Byson. "Analyzing the Democratic Peace Theory on US-French Foreign Policy in Afghanistan, Libya, and Syria in 21st Century." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VII, no. IX (2023): 792–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2023.70967.
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The main thrust of this paper is to critically analyze the relevance and potential of Democratic Peace Theory in promoting peace, security and stability in international relations. United States of America and France as the cradles of contemporary democracy, in this paper shall be used as models of democratic peace theory. This analysis and evaluation is merely based on designated secondary material or paper review. France and America have analogous foreign policy which for bilateral or multilateral relations demand democracy, rule of law, accountability, transparency, decentralization, devolution of power and respect for human rights in recipient regimes. The study wants to comprehend how French and American foreign policies in Afghanistan, Libya and Syria complied with tenants of democratic peace theory. Contemporary academic contributions are lacking consensus on whether French and American foreign policies are idealist (pro-democratic) or realist (pro-authoritarian) in international relations. The formation of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) which the two are the most influential members is widely debatable between realists and idealists. The organization has very dreadful since Cold War and particularly promotes the self-interests of the Allies, the Capitalist world. In light of fighting dictatorship and restore democracy, America and France are highly criticized for promoting internal political instability, gross human abuse, environmental insecurity, endless fighting and infrastructural destruction.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "France Dictatorship"
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Goupy, Marie. "L'essor de la théorie juridico-politique sur l'état d'exception dans l'entre-deux guerres en France et en Allemagne : une genèse de l'état d'exception comme enjeu pour la démocratie." Phd thesis, Ecole normale supérieure de lyon - ENS LYON, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00683729.
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Les droits français et allemand ont, par des dispositions constitutionnelles ou des lois d'exception, contribué à l'avènement des régimes autoritaires des années 30 et 40. Et l'on sait qu'à la suite de la seconde guerre mondiale, les attaques se sont multipliées contre la doctrine positiviste, accusée d'avoir favorisé une attitude de passivité à l'égard de l'instrumentalisation du droit par les forces antidémocratiques. C'est pourquoi,à l'encontre de la neutralité des théories juridiques et politiques de l'avant-guerre, il est assez généralement admis depuis que les valeurs de la démocratie méritent d'être défendues, en particulier en distinguant l'état d'exception (légal ou non) démocratique et de l'état d'exception antidémocratique. Or, loin de naître après la seconde guerre mondiale, l'idée d'après laquelle le formalisme juridique rendrait les constitutions démocratiques impuissantes à se préserver de leurs ennemis émerge dès l'entre-deux guerres chez le sulfureux juriste allemand Carl Schmitt. C'est la genèse du déplacement qui conduit à faire de l'état d'exception une question proprement démocratique et substitue à la question du respect de la légalité celle de la préservation de la démocratiequi fait l'objet de notre travail de doctorat. Nous examinons d'abord comment les conflits qui scindent la réflexion juridique portant sur les pouvoirs de crise répondent en France à la crise du parlementarisme en prenant appui sur les travaux de Hauriou, Duguit et Carré de Malberg ; nous montrons ensuite qu'elle correspond en Allemagne à de véritables alternatives opposants des conceptions antinomiques de la démocratie en prenant appui sur les travaux de Schmitt, que nous éclairons par l'étude des auteurs auxquels le juriste fait référence - en particulier Kelsen.
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Frodge, Brittany. "The Institutionalization of Spanish Art (1939 - 1992) | La institucionalizacion del arte espanol (1939 - 1992)." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1408715972.
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Capdepón, Ulrike. "Die Verschwundenen des Spanischen Bürgerkriegs : Zwischen globalen Normen und lokalen Erinnerungsdiskursen." Universität Potsdam, 2009. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2009/3401/.
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Die Debatte um die Verschwundenen des Spanischen Bürgerkriegs ist lange nicht beendet. Auch nach der Transition des Landes bleiben etliche Fragen offen und der Staat trägt wenig zu ihrer Aufklärung bei. Die Autorin befasst sich intensiv mit der lokalen Erinnerungskultur Spaniens. Sie analysiert dabei deren Bezug auf internationale Normen und Aufarbeitungserfahrungen in Lateinamerika.
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Sancho, Galán Jordi. "El PSUC y la Universidad. Organización, movimientos y movilización universitaria durante el franquismo (1956-1977)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/673788.
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Aquest treball estudia la relació entre el Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya (PSUC) y els moviments i la mobilització universitària durant el franquisme, concretament, centrant-nos en la segona meitat de la dictadura, el període 1956-1977. Tenen especial rellevància en el nostre enfocament a aquesta relació la pràctica dels militants de base del PSUC a la Universitat, una perspectiva, per tant, «des de baix». Mitjançant els militants del PSUC ens aproximem a la configuració i desenvolupament de la Universitat i dels universitaris com a agents d'oposició a la dictadura franquista. El que els comunistes duran a terme des de la dècada dels cinquanta a partir d'una política d'oposició que situa en la centralitat la mobilització social i els moviments socials, una pràctica, per tant, de "guerra de posicions", en la que serà fonamental per el treball en la societat civil. Serà, també, per tant, una pràctica d'hegemonia que portarà al PSUC a ser, en primer lloc, el partit dels moviments socials i, a partir d'aquests, a convertir-se en el partit de l'antifranquisme. En el principal intel·lectual col·lectiu de l'oposició al règim franquista.
Ens aproximem a aquesta pràctica des dels militants del PSUC a la Universitat, el que va ser un dels primers espais socials d'oposició a la dictadura en el que els comunistes tindran no tan sols una presència destacada, sinó, fins i tot, en anys determinants, protagonista i dirigent. Serà així tant per allò que fa referència a la configuració del moviment universitari com per a la consecució d'alguns dels seus principals èxits, entre els quals destaca la creació del Sindicat Democràtic d'Estudiants de la Universitat de Barcelona (SDEUB). Serà també important per explicar la mobilització social dels darrers anys de la dictadura.
Ens aproximem, al mateix temps, a partir dels militants del PSUC a la Universitat en part als canvis socials que es produeixen tant a les universitats com en el moviment comunista en les dècades que van de 1956 a 1977.En este trabajo se estudia la relación entre el Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya (PSUC) y los movimientos y movilización universitaria durante el franquismo, concretamente, centrándonos en la segunda mitad de la dictadura, el período 1956-1977. Tienen especial relevancia en nuestro enfoque de esta relación la práctica de los militantes de base del PSUC en la Universidad, un enfoque, por lo tanto, «desde abajo». A través de los militantes del PSUC nos aproximamos a la configuración y desarrollo de la Universidad y de los universitarios como agentes de oposición a la dictadura franquista. Lo que los comunistas desarrollarán desde medianos de la década de los años cincuenta a partir de una práctica política de oposición que sitúa en la centralidad la movilización social y de los movimientos sociales, una práctica, por lo tanto, de «guerra de posiciones», en la que será fundamental el trabajo en la sociedad civil. Será, también, por lo tanto, una práctica de hegemonía que llevará al PSUC a ser, en primer lugar, el partido de los movimientos sociales y, a partir de estos, a convertirse en el partido del antifranquismo. En el principal intelectual colectivo de la oposición al régimen franquista. Nos acercamos a esta práctica desde los militantes del PSUC en la Universidad, el que fue uno de los primeros espacios sociales de oposición a la dictadura en el que los comunistas tendrían no solo una presencia destacada, sino, incluso, en años determinantes protagonista y dirigente. Fue así tanto por lo que se refiere a la configuración del movimiento universitario como para la consecución de algunos de sus principales éxitos, entre los que destaca la creación del Sindicat Democràtic d’Estudiants de la Universitat de Barcelona (SDEUB). Será también importante para explicar la movilización social de los años finales de la dictadura. Nos aproximamos, al mismo tiempo, a partir de los militantes del PSUC en la Universidad, en parte a los cambios sociales que se producen tanto en las universidades como en el movimiento comunista en las décadas que van de 1956 a 1977.
This thesis studies the relationship between the Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya (PSUC) and the university social movements and mobilization during Franco's regime, focusing specifically on the second half of the dictatorship, i.e. the period 1956-1977. Of particular relevance in our perspective on this relationship is the practice of the PSUC's grassroots activist at the university-. A point of view, therefore, "from below". Through the militants of the PSUC we approach the configuration and development of the university and the university students as "agency" of opposition to Franco's dictatorship. This phenomenon developed from the mid-1950s onwards on the basis of a political practice of opposition that placed social mobilization and social movements at the center. That is to say practice of "war of position", in which the PSUC identified work inside civil society as a determining element. It was, therefore, a practice of hegemony that would lead the PSUC to be, ad first, the party of the social movements and, later on, to become the party of anti-Francoism. The PSUC would in did became the main collective intellectual of the opposition to Franco's regime. We analyzed this practice by the members of the PSUC at the University, which was one of the first social spaces of opposition to the dictatorship in which the communists would not only had a prominent presence, but even, in decisive years, leading and directing role. This role was manifested both in terms of the configuration of the university movement and in the achievement of some of its main successes, including the creation of the Sindicat Democràtic d'Estudiants de la Universitat de Barcelona (SDEUB). At the same time, based on case of the members of the PSUC at the University of Barcelona, we also take a look at the social changes that took place both in the universities and in the communist movement in the decades between 1956 and 1977.
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Programa de Doctorat en Història Comparada, Política i Social
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Lopez-Rodriguez, Irene. "Taking the Bull by the Horns: Representing Gender through Animals in Franco's Spain." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/42508.
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This dissertation analyzes the (de)construction of gender and nation through animal symbols in Franco’s Spain. The project explores, first, a web of miscellaneous discourses articulated around the official bestiary rhetoric that serve in the composition of uniform gender models tailor-made for the virile totalitarian state. The selection of texts presented is eclectic, both in its nature and form. It encompasses a wide repertoire of multi-media discourses (i.e., scientific, religious, legal, educational, political, commercial, humorous and popular) presented visually (movies, posters, comics, cartoons, flags, advertisements, logotypes), aurally (songs, harangues, sermons, speeches, radio programs) and in the written form (literary excerpts, newspapers, magazines, medical and religious treatises, conduct manuals, epistles), and whose aim is, ultimately, to illustrate the dissemination and scope of zoomorphic images in the representation of nation and gender during the Francoist dictatorship.
Apart from providing a panoramic view of the gendered fauna, these historical documents will also serve as the unifying thread to unravel the complexities of several censored artistic productions that cunningly resort to the prevailing bestial iconography to attack the androcentric state. By focusing on the animalized portrayals of the female characters of la Gata [the She-Cat] in Margarita Alexandre and Rafael María Torrecilla’s movie La gata (1956), la Loba [the She-wolf] in Rafael de León, Andrés Moles and Manuel López Quiroga’s copla “La Loba” (1960), and the surrealistic centaur woman Albina in Ana María Moix’s novel Walter, ¿por qué te fuiste? (1973), this work attempts to illustrate the co-existence of a counter discourse able to re-define the monolithic pillars of gender and nation upon which the Francoist regime was constructed.
Finally, to highlight the relevance of animal symbolism in the formation of concepts of gender and nation, this dissertation notes a similar deployment of the Francoist bestiary rhetoric in the nationalist discourse of the far-right Spanish political party VOX (2013-present).
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Nayden, Brooke A. "TTranquilo Sanlucar: Discrepancies Between Rural and Urban Communities in Francoist Spain." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/620.
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Franco’s dictatorship remains a divisive issue within Spain. The contemporary debate rages on: mass graves are still being discovered and Spaniards continue to fight for and against historical memory laws that promote “forgetting” as a means of coping with the tumultuous past. This thesis is centered on oral history collected in the major city of Seville and the comparatively insignificant beach town of Sanlúcar de Barrameda. While only an hour apart by car, these Andalusian municipalities experienced the Spanish Civil War and the postwar period quite differently. The voices of a few express the reality of many in this thesis which combines oral history, archival research, and the intriguing world of scholarship on Franco’s Spain. The rural nature and ignored classes that largely made up Sanlúcar in contrast with the urban Seville indicate the drastically different, and in many cases, harsher experience of agricultural Andalusia.
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Fortuño, Bonet Francesc. "Franquisme i associacionisme a la Catalunya rural: El Priorat 1939-1959." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Rovira i Virgili, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/401580.
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La present investigació analitza l’evolució que va tenir l’associacionisme durant la dictadura franquista, concretament entre els anys del que es coneix com a Primer Franquisme (1939-1959). Per fer-ho s’ha escollit com a marc geogràfic la comarca del Priorat, un espai que serveix per concretar el nostre àmbit de treball al món rural, a més de tenir certes particularitats en la seva evolució general que la fan susceptible a ser treballada.
Estudiar l’associacionisme durant aquell període ens permet, a part de veure les principals característiques de les entitats, fer un treball exhaustiu sobre com va ser l’establiment de la dictadura al món rural, sobretot en els aspectes que fan referència a la repressió i la instauració dels poders locals. Tot això és necessari per veure que l’evolució que tingueren les associacions estigué molt condicionada per les actituds de les autoritats, a més de mostrar la duresa de la repressió franquista en matèria associativa.La presente investigación analiza la evolución que tuvo el asociacionismo durante la dictadura franquista, concretamente durante los años del llamado Primer Franquismo (1939-1959). Para hacerlo se ha escogido como marco geográfico la comarca del Priorat, un espacio que sirve para concretar nuestro ámbito de trabajo en el mundo rural y que además reúne ciertas particularidades en su evolución general que la hacen susceptible a ser trabajada. Estudiar el asociacionismo durante dicho período nos permite, aparte de ver las principales características de las entidades, hacer un trabajo exhaustivo acerca del establecimiento de la dictadura en el mundo rural, sobretodo en aspectos como la represión y la instauración de los poderes locales. Todo esto es necesario para ver que la evolución que tuvieron las asociaciones estuvo muy condicionada a las actitudes de las autoridades, además de mostrar la dureza de la represión franquista en materia asociativa.
This research analyzes the evolution that associativism had during the Franco dictatorship, specifically between what is known as the first Francoism (1939-1959). To do so, the Priorat region has been chosen as the geographical framework, this region serves to narrow our field of work in rural areas, it also has certain characteristics that make it susceptible to being studied. Studyig the associativism during this period allows us to see the main characteristics of the entities, as well as to do an extensive work on how was the dictatorship established in rural areas, especially in issues related to the repression and the establishment of local authorities. All this is necessary to see that the associations development was closely influenced by the attitudes of the authorities, in addition to showing the hardness of the Franco regime regarding associations.
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Verdi, Elisa Favaro. "Produção geográfica e ruptura crítica: a geografia uspiana entre 1964 e 1985." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8136/tde-08042016-123008/.
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Esta dissertação de Mestrado analisa a produção acadêmica do Departamento de Geografia da Universidade de São Paulo como momento fundamental do movimento de ruptura crítica da Geografia brasileira na segunda metade do século XX. A partir da hipótese de que os antecedentes da renovação podem ser encontrados na produção geográfica do referido departamento e nos periódicos da Associação dos Geógrafos Brasileiros (SILVA, 1983), empreendeu-se o levantamento e a análise das dissertações de Mestrado, teses de Doutorado, Livre-Docência e Cátedra defendidas no Departamento de Geografia da USP entre 1964 e 1985. Tal recorte temporal refere-se ao período da ditadura civil-militar no Brasil e constitui o contexto sócio-histórico de desenvolvimento da renovação crítica na ciência geográfica brasileira. Compreendemos que o estabelecimento da relação entre texto a produção acadêmica - e contexto a ditadura civil-militar - (CANDIDO, 1981) revela as determinações da produção e consolidação de um pensamento crítico em um momento de repressão. A análise das dissertações e teses demonstrou a existência de um diálogo entre a Geografia brasileira e a Escola Francesa de Geografia, a qual fundamentou diversas perspectivas teóricas e metodológicas nos trabalhos analisados a partir, essencialmente, da obra de três geógrafos franceses: Pierre Monbeig, Pierre George e Yves Lacoste. Neste trabalho analisamos também o diálogo entre a produção acadêmica do Departamento de Geografia da USP e a obra destes três autores. Compreendemos que a renovação crítica se consolidou como uma ruptura em relação à perspectiva da Escola Francesa de Geografia, construindo uma Geografia baseada no materialismo histórico que analisa a relação entre sociedade e espaço dialeticamente. As dissertações e teses analisadas, portanto, revelam um movimento de ruptura metodológica, fruto de um processo de ruptura crítica em relação à tradição herdada da Escola Francesa de Geografia e de ruptura política em relação à ditadura civil-militar, constituindo assim o chamado movimento da Geografia Crítica no Brasil.This dissertation analyzes the academic production of the Department of Geography at the University of São Paulo as a fundamental moment of the critical rupture movement of the Brazilian Geography in the second half of the twentieth century. From the hypothesis that the antecedents of this movement can be found in the geographical production of that department and in the journals of the Associação dos Geógrafos Brasileiros (SILVA, 1983), it was undertaken the survey and analysis of the Master\'s dissertations, Doctoral, Post-Doctoral and Chair theses presented at USPs Department of Geography between 1964 and 1985. Such a time frame refers to the period of the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil and constitutes the socio-historical context of the critical renewal movement in the Brazilian geographic science. We understand that the establishment of the relationship between text - the academic production - and context - the civil-military dictatorship - (CANDIDO, 1981) reveals the determinations of the production and the consolidation of a critical thinking during a time of repression. The analysis of the academic production demonstrated the existence of a dialogue between the Brazilian Geography and the French Geography School, which had based different theoretical and methodological perspectives in the analyzed production, especially the work of three French geographers: Pierre Monbeig, Pierre George and Yves Lacoste. In this dissertation we analyze the dialogue between the academic production of USPs Department of Geography and the work of these three authors. We understand that the critical renewal was consolidated as a rupture with the perspective of the French School of Geography, building a Geography based on historical materialism that examines the relationship between society and space dialectically. The analyzed dissertations and theses therefore reveal a methodological rupture movement, the result of a process of critical rupture with the tradition inherited from the French Geography School and political rupture with the civil-military dictatorship, thus constituting the so-called Critical Geography movement in Brazil.
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Bernaldo, Lopez Cristina. "Regards documentaires sur la folie dans le cinéma espagnol, du franquisme à la Transition démocratique." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA080111.
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Le présent travail a pour but l´élaboration d´une étude intersectionnelle entre la psychiatrie et le cinéma documentaire depuis la dictature franquiste jusqu’à la transition démocratique. En ce qui concerne la psychiatrie, la fin de la Guerre Civile espagnole suppose un abandon des politiques psychiatriques menées au cours de la période précédente et le début des principes fondés sur le contrôle des chaires universitaires et des publications, en laissant de côté les politiques de soins dans les hôpitaux psychiatriques. La préoccupation sociale pour la situation des malades mentaux n´a commencé à se faire sentir en Espagne que depuis le début des années 1970 quand la nouvelle génération de psychiatres s’est lancée dans contestations avec l'ambition de changer l'institution, au niveau théorique et au niveau des soins. Le cinéma documentaire, de son côté, a été accaparé pendant la dictature presque en exclusivité par le NO-DO, acronyme de Noticiarios y Documentales, entité en charge de la production de propagande audiovisuelle du régime. À la mort de Franco, le cinéma documentaire a été un tremplin pour faire sortir des aspects de la société jusqu´à lors interdits ou restés dans l´ombre, comme ce fut le cas pour la folie. À travers l´étude des deux concepts, notre travail a pour ambition d’ identifier le message spécifique de la psychiatrie franquiste et voir la manière dont il a été transmis au travers des bulletins d´actualités et des documentaires produits par l’entité NO-DO pour ensuite nous interroger sur l’intérêt porté par le cinéma documentaire de la Transition sur les problèmes de la psychiatrie, et dans quelle mesure il remettait en cause l’ordre scientifique et thérapeutique de la période précédente. Déjà établi comme un agent important dans la construction de l'Histoire, nous considérons que l'étude du cinéma documentaire est un outil essentiel pour aider à mettre en lumière des aspects qui n'avaient pas encore été rendu visibles, dans ce contexte, ceux liés à la maladie mentaleThe aim of this work is to present an intersectional study between psychiatry and documentary film during the Francoist dictatorship and the democratic transition. The end of the Spanish Civil War marks the abandonment of the psychiatric policies applied during the previous historical period and the beginning of new principles based on controlling university chairs and publications and dissolving the treatment policies previously carried out by psychiatric hospitals. Social awareness of mental health issues only arose in Spain at the beginning of the 1970s when a new generation of psychiatrists engaged in a series of public protests in the hope of changing the institution of psychiatry includingits theoretical foundations as well as its practical applications. Meanwhile, during the dictatorship, documentary films were almost exclusively controlled by the NO-DO, the Noticiarios y Documentales, an entity responsible for producing audiovisual propaganda for the regime. Upon Franco’s death, documentary films became the springboard for uncovering certain veiled aspects of Spanishsociety, such as insanity, that, until then, had been forbidden or hidden from the public. Through the study of these two concepts, our work hopes to identify the specific message of Francoist psychiatry and understand how it was portrayed via nonfictional communication channels more concretely in documentary films produced by NO-DO during the dictatorship , before we examine the interest given to psychiatric matters by documentary cinema during the Spanish democratic transition and to what extent it challenged the scientific and therapeutic order established during the previous period. Widely-established as an important instrument in the shaping of history , we consider studying documentary film a fundamental tool in shining a light on different unknown aspects of history, and in this case, those related to mental illness
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Vaz, Céline. "Le franquisme et la production de la ville : politiques du logement et de l’urbanisme, mondes professionnels et savoirs urbains en Espagne des années 1930 aux années 1970." Thesis, Paris 10, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA100196.
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Urbanisation désordonnée, manque d’équipements urbains, prééminence de la promotion privée dans la production de logements, domination de la propriété d’occupation, telles sont les caractéristiques du développement urbain et immobilier sous le régime franquiste, qui ont perduré jusqu’à aujourd’hui pour certaines d’entre elles. Cette ville « sans qualité » constitue un objet de préoccupation sociale majeur et une voie de contestation du régime dans les dernières années de la dictature franquiste. Le mode de production de la ville qui se met en place durant l’époque franquiste, et la question urbaine sur lequel il débouche, constituent l’objet de cette thèse. Cette recherche repose sur l’analyse conjointe des politiques nationales d’urbanisme et du logement, et du groupe professionnel des architectes. Ce choix a été guidé par un double constat. L’interventionnisme du régime franquiste s’est en effet aussi concrétisé dans les domaines du logement et de l’urbanisme : un ensemble d’organismes centraux, de dispositions et de dispositifs officiels ont ainsi encadré et déterminé le mode de production urbaine. Les architectes, par la position particulièrement privilégiée qu’ils occupent dans le secteur de la construction en Espagne, jouent un rôle clé dans l’élaboration et la mise en œuvre de ces politiques. Des membres du groupe professionnel sont par ailleurs les fers de la critique urbaine à la fin de la dictature. Ce dispositif de recherche permet d’étudier la constitution de l’espace urbain et immobilier en catégorie de l’action publique et les effets de ce processus sur les champs professionnel et scientifique sur l’ensemble de la période franquiste. Il offre les bases d’une histoire sociale des politiques urbaines qui éclaire à la fois l’histoire du régime franquiste, l’histoire des sciences sociales de la ville, ainsi que la sociologie de l’action publique et des groupes professionnelsFrancoism and urban production. Housing and urban policies, professionals and urban sciences in Spain from the 1930's to the 1970's.An urban model oriented towards growth, lack of public facilities and infrastructure, high proportion of owner-tenancy, shortage of public housing, or the relevance of real state in the national economy are some of the characteristics of Spain’s urban development during Franco’s dictatorship. It became a main social concern and way to criticize Franco’s regime at the end of the dictatorship. The aim of this PhD thesis is to study the mode of production of Spanish cities during the dictatorship and the social urban movement at the end of the regime. This research is based on the double analysis of national urban planning and housing policies and of the role of one of their principal actors: the architects. During the Franco’s era, State’s intervention was indeed reflected on housing and town-planning through a set of central institutions or bodies, of legal provisions and official measures. Theses decisions determined the mode of urban development. Owing to their privileged position in the building sector in Spain, architects play a key role in the definition and implementation of these policies. Moreover, some architects were years later the leaders of urban criticism and urban social movement. This set-up brings into light the development, if not the constitution, of the urban space as a category of public action during the Franco years, as well as its effects on the professional and scientific fields. This PhD thesis intends to constitute a social history of urban policies during the Franco’s era (1939-1975). Through this approach, it contributes to a better knowledge of the history of this period, of the history of urban social sciences and public action and of the sociology of professions
Books on the topic "France Dictatorship"
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Justine, Faure, and Rolland Denis 1958-, eds. 1968 hors de France: Histoire et constructions historiographiques. [Paris]: Harmattan, 2009.
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Gilbert, Adrian. The French Revolution. New York: Thomson Learning, 1995.
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Nigel, Townson, ed. Spain transformed: The late Franco dictatorship, 1959-75. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007.
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Badía, Juan Ferrando. Del regimen autoritario de Franco a la democracia: La transición política. [San José] Costa Rica: CAPEL, Centro Interamericano de Asesoría y Promoción Electoral, Instituto Interamericano de Derechos Humanos, 1988.
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Kaplan, Liza, ed. The Fountains of Silence. New York, USA: Philomel Books, 2019.
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Prieto, Moisés. Dictatorship in the Nineteenth Century. Taylor & Francis Group, 2021.
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Napoleon comes to power: Democracy and dictatorship in revolutionary France, 1795-1804. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1998.
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Prieto, Moisés. Dictatorship in the Nineteenth Century: Conceptualisations, Experiences, Transfers. Taylor & Francis Group, 2021.
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Prieto, Moisés. Dictatorship in the Nineteenth Century: Conceptualisations, Experiences, Transfers. Routledge, 2021.
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Dictatorship in the Nineteenth Century: Conceptualisations, Experiences, Transfers. Taylor & Francis Group, 2021.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "France Dictatorship"
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Malefakis, Edward. "The Franco Dictatorship: A Bifurcated Regime?" In Spain Transformed, 248–54. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230592643_13.
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Groves, Tamar, Nigel Townson, Inbal Ofer, and Antonio Herrera. "Catholicism and Citizenship Under the Franco Dictatorship." In Social Movements and the Spanish Transition, 19–41. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-61836-4_2.
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Galimi, Valeria. "Circulation of Models of Épuration After the Second World War: From France to Italy." In Dealing with Wars and Dictatorships, 197–208. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-930-6_12.
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Mansell, Richard. "Translators of Catalan as Activists During the Franco Dictatorship." In The Palgrave Handbook of Literary Translation, 517–33. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75753-7_26.
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Forlin, Olivier. "Fascism in France: A Historiographical Development Since 1945." In Reactionary Nationalists, Fascists and Dictatorships in the Twentieth Century, 165–82. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22411-0_9.
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Pinto, António Costa. "Rafael Franco and the ‘Febrerista’ regime in Paraguay." In Latin American Dictatorships in the Era of Fascism, 53–57. London; New York, NY: Routledge/ Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429282164-8.
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Magill, Clare. "Approaches to Teaching the Civil War and Franco Dictatorship in Contemporary Spain." In History Can Bite, 257–86. Göttingen: V&R unipress, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.14220/9783737006088.257.
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Box, Zira. "The Franco Dictatorship: A Proposal for Analysis in Terms of Political Cultures." In Reactionary Nationalists, Fascists and Dictatorships in the Twentieth Century, 293–310. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22411-0_16.
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Sesma, Nicolás. "Un scandale: Franco à l’UNESCO: The Franco Dictatorship and the Struggle for International Representation in the Social Sciences." In Science, Culture and National Identity in Francoist Spain, 1939–1959, 349–69. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-58646-1_16.
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Cabal Guarro, Miquel. "More Than a Century of Dostoevsky in Catalan." In Translating Russian Literature in the Global Context, 25–44. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.11647/obp.0340.02.
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This essay explores the factors that shaped the introduction and dissemination of Dostoevsky’s works in the Catalan cultural sphere, focussing on several different stages of the author’s translations into Catalan. In the late 1800s, Russian literature was largely unknown in Catalonia; interest grew due to the public’s fascination with Russian political movements and the fin de siècle avant-garde, as well as the agitational political climate in Spain. The Catalan intelligentsia typically accessed new aesthetic forms through French publications, including Russian literature: the first translations from Russian to Catalan were thus made through French. However, surprisingly, Dostoevsky’s works entered the Catalan literary world through German translations, with his first translator, Juli Gay, using German texts as source material for his Catalan versions of ‘An Honest Thief’ and ‘The Landlady’ in 1892. This resulted in less stylistic distortion from the original than in other language versions translated from French. In the early 1900s, other works by Dostoevsky were translated into Catalan using French pivot texts; the first direct translations were published in 1929, namely Crime and Punishment by Andreu Nin and The Eternal Husband by Francesc Payarols, two of the most prominent names in Russian-Catalan translation history. During Franco’s dictatorship, literature and cultural expressions in Catalan were banned, reducing new translations. In recent decades, the number and quality of direct translations of Dostoevsky into Catalan have grown, though some major works still await translation.
Conference papers on the topic "France Dictatorship"
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Soare, Ioanlaurian, and Mariacristina Munteanubanateanu. "MULTILINGUALISM AND MINORITY LANGUAGE TEACHING. BETWEEN TRADITION AND REVITALIZATION." In eLSE 2019. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-19-130.
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Language variety (multilingualism) gains today more and more significance in our community. Children in their early school years have already access to different language sources. There is a friendly educational environment that allows further students fit into new practices whereas languages are able to help them (re)orienting their educational frame. In times past the rigid curriculum of the school system restricted language variety. The decision to exclude Low German (Niederdeutsch) in schools in the 19th century led to a partial extinction of the language and its dialects in Northern Germany nowadays, whereas miles away in South Europe the Basque language reshaped its ideological terrain and turned from a banned language in Franco's dictatorship (about 40 years ago) into a co-official regional language in nowadays Spain with an increasing number of speakers. This paper investigates firstly the status of a language as a minority/local/regional language in opposition to a dominant/national/official language, whereas denominations such as: minority or official languages need further explanations. In Ireland the Irish language has the status of an official language, on the other hand the number of people who declared they speak the language amounts to 6-7% in the whole population. This gives Irish both a minority and an official status, nevertheless: the name of a so called minority language can vary depending on region and tradition. Low German, also known as Nether German or Low Saxon (Niederdeutsch, Plattdeutsch, Nedersaksisch) is still competing for an official name. Whereas in Spain there is Euskera or el Vasco. Secondly, the paper analyses the role of two minority languages within the national educational system of Spain, France and Germany. The two languages are: the Basque language which is spoken in Northern Spain (more exactly in the Basque Country and northern Navarre) and France (in the French Basque Country), the second language is: Low German (spoken mainly in northern parts of Germany). Thirdly, the present paper concludes the fact that within a multilingual/bilingual/monolingual milieu of nowadays Europe a revitalization of a minority language can be achieved due to certain social mechanisms. There is the school system on one hand, then the tradition and identity values a certain group of people may perform and of course there are the authorities and the language policies they develop on the other hand. Accordingly, by means of a collaboration of these mechanisms a revitalization of the Basque language was possible in Spain, respectively because of a malfunction of these structures we notice a decline of Low German in Germany.
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Minhao, Zhang, Lou Lubei, Fu Junyi, and Pan Jiameng. "City acupuncture: the sustainable development of the balanced city in post-industrial age." In Seminario Internacional de Investigación en Urbanismo. Barcelona: Maestría en Planeación Urbana y Regional. Pontificia Universidad Javeriana de Bogotá, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/siiu.6006.
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After the Franco dictatorship, a new chapter occurred in Barcelona’s Democracy. As having fully understood
the spirit of Cerda’s planning, the participants in Barcelona urban planning creatively started to use a
treatment called acupuncture in the city, which has the same spirit as traditional Chinese medical science, and
revived the ruined city, gradually gain back the balanced and sustainable management of the city.
The thesis introduces the problems Barcelona met in the post-industrial age and the corresponding solutions,
mainly focuses on Barcelona city renewal in the 80s, and tries to explain the relationship between traditional
Chinese medical science and city acupuncture, which will be the clue of the thesis. The thesis will be
described in three chapters, human body and city under the view of traditional Chinese medical science,
acupuncture therapy and the Barcelona model and sustainable development of the balanced city.