Journal articles on the topic 'Fragile Countries'
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1
Harttgen, Kenneth, and Stephan Klasen. "Do Fragile Countries Experience Worse MDG Progress?" Journal of Development Studies 49, no. 1 (January 2013): 134–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00220388.2012.713471.
2
KOVACI, Süreyya, and Süleyman ŞEN. "Central Bank Policies of Fragile Five Countries in the Covid-19 Process." Journal of Yaşar University 17, no. 68 (November 1, 2022): 838–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.19168/jyasar.1002021.
Abstract:
The Covid-19 pandemic has been a trouble and deeply affected the economic conditions of countries. Economy administrators and particularly central banks have been tested seriously in this period. In this period, one of the essential tasks of central banks is to provide the need of liquidity of markets. However, the main objective of Central Banks is price stability. Monetary policies should be applied sensitively by central banks, especially in crisis periods. While liquidity needs of markets taking place, central banks intervene and effort to support declining liquidity. This study examined central banks' monetary policies in the fragile five countries (Turkey, Brasil, India, Indonesia, and South Africa). We investigated these countries' central bank policies, including interest rate, inflation, central bank reserve, exchange rate, and fragile states index in the pandemic period. We determined that the most fragile country among the five countries is Turkey according to the fragile states index, inflation, interest rate, and central bank reserve in the pandemic period.
3
Cheng, Po-Keng. "Fragile by Design." International Journal of Applied Behavioral Economics 5, no. 1 (January 2016): 48–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijabe.2016010103.
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This paper provides review for which demonstrates the links between politics and banking. In addition to the perspective in , several recent studies relating to financial crisis are also introduced here. Issues about illiquidity, insolvency, credit boom, accuracy of credit rating, and neglected risk are discussed. Banking system is the bridge connecting households and sectors in the economy, where the design of the banking system has significant influence on the developments of countries.
4
Goldstone, Jack A., Monty G. Marshall, and Hilton Root. "Demographic growth in dangerous places: Concentrating conflict risks." International Area Studies Review 17, no. 2 (June 2014): 120–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865914535596.
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If one merely counts countries becoming democratic, progress in the international system looks impressive. However, more relevant for future stability is whether countries—whether democratic or not—are fragile, having ineffective and/or illegitimate governments. Moreover, the size of fragile countries, not merely their number, will be important for the future. Recent data shows that fertility has stalled at very high levels in many fragile states, including several of the largest, creating a situation in which almost all the growth in the world’s future labor force in coming decades will occur in fragile states. Indeed, the world seems likely to go from a situation in which two-thirds of workers are employed in stable states to the reverse, in which the majority of the global working-age population is found in fragile states with a weak ability to provide education, investment and jobs to ensure their productivity. Unless this trend can be reversed, both global economic growth and regional political stability will be at risk because projected global population growth is overwhelmingly concentrated in fragile states.
5
Kwon, Huck-ju, Suyeon Lee, and Ye Eun Ha. "Policy analysis of Korea’s development cooperation with sub-Saharan Africa: a focus on fragile states." International Development Planning Review ahead-of-print (October 1, 2021): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/idpr.2021.23.
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It has been ten years since the New Deal for Engagement in Fragile States was endorsed by the global community. The government of South Korea set out development initiatives to put fragile states at the top of its development agenda and substantially increased its bilateral aid to them. This study analyses the policy orientations of South Korea’s aid to fragile states by exploring the determinants of Korea’s official development assistance to forty-eight sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries over the period 2010-2019 with reference to the top ten OECD donors to SSA countries as a group. The study found that South Korea does not give special consideration to the needs of fragile states. Unfortunately, this result is not only for South Korea but for the top ten OECD donors as well. While South Korea’s aid has been responsive to post-natural disaster displacement in SSA countries, the overall results indicate that donors in general have failed to embrace their commitment to state-building and peacebuilding in the New Deal for Fragile States and the 2030 Agenda. Given that pursuing ‘development and peace’ is a collective and enduring process with shared obligations and responsibilities across countries, donors shall prioritise development efforts on countries that need most assistance.
6
De Tray, Dennis N. "Improving Governance in Developing Countries, Especially in Fragile States." European Journal of Development Studies 1, no. 3 (September 20, 2021): 15–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejdevelop.2021.1.3.34.
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The world is increasingly aware that climate change could eventually destroy the earth as we know it – but over decades if not centuries. Fragile states – the poorest and weakest developing countries – should be of the same order of concern to the international community as global warming, and their downside is likely to be much more immediate. Fragility cost the world more than USD 13 trillion in 2015 [1], and research suggests that fragility is predicted to get worse in the coming decade (op. cit.), underscoring that the international development community needs to rethink the way it works in fragile states. This paper contributes to this rethinking by analyzing why the international community performs badly in fragile states and showing how it could do better through two case studies.
The paper is in two parts. It begins with an overview of fragility, its causes and consequences, and why the international community has a poor track record in reducing fragility. In the second part, the paper turns to two case studies, of East Timor and of Afghanistan, to show how the principles set out in the first section can be applied on the ground and in detail.
7
Dushku, Elona. "Evidence on household financial fragility in Western Balkan countries before COVID-19." Ekonomski anali 68, no. 239 (2023): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka2339007d.
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This paper seeks to investigate household financial fragility in Western Balkan countries using household-level data from the third wave of the Life in Transition Survey . We used the ability of households to cope with an unexpected expenditure shock as a measure of household financial fragility and analysed how sociodemographics and economic characteristics are related to the probability of households being financially fragile. Understanding household financial fragility in Western Balkan countries is important to properly address policy challenges in terms of household welfare and financial stability. Our findings show that almost half the households in the Western Balkans could not cope with an unexpected expenditure event and are considered financially fragile. Estimated results based on probit regressions show that the probability of Western Balkan households being financial fragile is, in addition to socio-demographic factors, related to households? portfolio choices.
8
BAYKAL, Muhammet Melikşah, and Erdem TURGAN. "Macroeconomic Effects of Foreign Direct Investments on Fragile Five Countries." İstanbul Gelişim Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi 9, no. 1 (April 28, 2022): 153–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17336/igusbd.766173.
9
KUTLU, Melih, and Diler TÜRKOĞLU. "Volatility Interaction Between VIX (Fear Index) and Fragile Five Countries." Aksaray Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi 15, no. 2 (June 23, 2023): 125–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.52791/aksarayiibd.1146489.
Abstract:
Bu çalışmada kırılgan beşli ülkeler ile VIX endeksi arasında asimetrik getiri ve volatilite yayılımı araştırılmıştır. Kırılgan ülkelerin kırılganlıkları makroekonomik faktörler nedeniyle oluşmaktadır ve bu örtük volatiliteye neden olmaktadır. Örtük volatilite yatırımcı duyarlılığını ve gelecekteki nakit akışlarını yansıttığı için makroekonomik şoklardan ve temettü politikalarından etkilenmektedir. BİST 100 (Türkiye), BOVESPA-BVSP (Brezilya), IDX (Endonezya), JSE(Güney Afrika), NIFTY50(Hindistan) ve VIX endekslerinin 2014 ve 2021 tarihleri arası haftalık kapanış verileri DCC GARCH yöntemi ile test edilmiştir. Elde edilen bulgulara göre VIX ile IDX endeksi hariç diğer endeksler arası kısa ve uzun dönemli etkileşim mevcuttur VIX’deki değişime karşı endekslerin gösterdiği reaksiyon açısından en çok etkilenen IDX endeksidir. BİST 100 hem geçmiş volatilite hem de VIX’den gelen volatilite etkileşimi noktasından kırılgan ülkeler arasından en az etkilenendir.
10
Javidiar, Arsya, and Irwan Adi Ekaputra. "The Dynamics of Exchange Rate and Stock Return Before and After the Fed Policy Normalization: Evidence from Fragile Five Countries." International Journal of Business Studies 3, no. 2 (December 18, 2019): 54–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.32924/ijbs.v3i2.63.
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Abstract: This research aims to examine the correlation between exchange rate and stock price return in each fragile five countries; Indonesia, Brazil, India, Turkey and South Africa. Using daily data, we investigate and then divide it into two periods; before Fed funds rate normalization (2013-2015) and after normalization (2016-2018), to find out whether the Fed funds rate hike caused a difference in the correlation between the two variables in each fragile five country. The methods used for this analysis are granger causality test and Vector Autoregression (VAR) using Eviews 9 program. Further investigation by analyzing the Dynamic Conditional Correlation-Multivariate GARCH (DCC MGARCH) method using Stata 15 program, which aims to find out the dynamic correlation between stock markets and also between currencies in fragile five countries. Granger test results found a difference in the relationship between variable exchange rates and stock price returns in Indonesia, India, and Turkey after the Fed normalization. Additionally, we learn that exchange rate lead stock price return in these three countries. Furthermore, the results of the DCC MGARCH test show that there is a significant positive dynamic correlation on the stock price index returns between markets. Moreover, we found similar results in testing positive and significant dynamic correlations between the exchange rates of each country.
Key words: fragile five, exchange rate, stock return, VAR, DCC MGARCH
11
Szalma, Ivett, Hana Hašková, Livia Oláh, and Judit Takács. "Fragile Pronatalism and Reproductive Futures in European Post‐Socialist Contexts." Social Inclusion 10, no. 3 (August 30, 2022): 82–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v10i3.6128.
Abstract:
This editorial seeks to define fragile pronatalism by highlighting why pronatalism in the examined Central and Eastern European post‐socialist countries should be considered fragile. Moreover, it aims to map desirable future changes in fertility policies in the region. Following a brief presentation of the articles contained in this thematic issue, our concluding thoughts complete this editorial.
12
Hiilamo, Heikki, and Stanton Glantz. "Limited implementation of the framework convention on tobacco control’s tobacco tax provision: global comparison." BMJ Open 8, no. 10 (October 2018): e021340. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2017-021340.
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ObjectiveTo quantify changes in tobacco tax rates and cigarette affordability after countries ratified the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) using with the WHO MPOWER standards.MethodsWe used logistic regression to assess the association of FCTC ratification with adoption of at least 50% and 75% (high) of retail price tobacco tax rates for the most sold brands in countries, accounting for years since ratification and other covariates. We also compared cigarette affordability in 2014 with 1999.ResultsBy 2014, 44% of high-income countries had taxes above 75% of retail value compared with 18% in 1998/1999. In 15 years, 69 countries increased the tobacco tax rate, 33 decreased it and one had the same tax rate. FCTC ratification was not associated with implementing high tobacco taxes. More fragile countries in terms of security, political, economic and social development were less likely to have at least 50% and 75% tobacco tax rates in 2014 compared with 1999. The higher the cigarette prices in 1999 the less likely the countries were to have at least 75% tobacco tax rates in 2014. However, cigarettes were less affordable in 2014 than in 1999 in countries that had ratified FCTC earlier.ConclusionsDespite widespread FCTC ratification, implementing higher tobacco taxes remains incomplete. Guidelines for FCTC Article 6 implementation should assign definite targets for tobacco taxes and for implementation of a tax escalator that gradually increases taxes to match rising income levels. Fragile countries are less likely to have high tobacco taxes and less affordable cigarettes. The tobacco control community should intensify efforts to help fragile countries improve performance in FCTC implementation both through strengthening their administrative and technical capacity and through supporting basic functions of government.
13
Yildirtan, Assoc Prof Dina Çakmur, and Lecturer Esengül Salihoğlu. "Panel Data Analysis of Exchange Rate for Fragile Five." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 5, no. 1 (May 19, 2017): 264. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v5i1.p264-278.
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After the Bretteon Woods System, as a result of the preffering especially the flexible exchange rate systems of developed countries the exchange rate risk has emerged. The transfer for the flexible exchange systems in the majority of developing countries started with the financial liberalization in the 1990’s. In this period, the progress of information technology and globalization have rendered exchange rate policies and exchange rates a priority for countries and exchange rates have become effective on macroeconomic indicators. In this study was examined exchange rate behaviour of Morgan Stanley’s “Fragile Five Countries” which are Brazil, India, Indonesia, South Africa and Turkey. For this purpose with the Panel Cointegration Tests was investigated if there is long termed relationship between the exchange rate and international reserves, money supply and The Bloomberg U.S. Financial Conditions Index(BFCIUS). As well as, Granger Causality test is applied using Panel Data Causality Techniques are used to uncover the direction of relation between variables. Thus Panel Vector Autoregression (PVAR) Model was estimated among the variables. The present study is distinguished from previous studies by investigation of long term relationship between also The BFCIUS, exchange rate. Data base is containing from the exchange rate index, international reserve index, Money supply index and BFCIUS variables presented by Bloomberg and monthly data includes 1015 observations done in the period of March 2000 – January 2017.
14
AYHAN, Fatih, Feyza BALAN, and Yüksel Akay UNVAN. "A PANEL ANALYSIS FOR DETERMINING THE VARIABLES AFFECT FDI INFLOWS TOWARDS FRAGILE FIVE COUNTRIES." Business & Management Studies: An International Journal 8, no. 1 (March 25, 2020): 519–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15295/bmij.v8i1.1264.
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Globalization is increasing since the mid-1990s. Along with the globalization, increased international trade caused the foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows for economies. Economists often emphasize that FDI contributes developing countries to confront the international competition by boosting their economy, increasing productivity and export capacity. This paper aims to investigate the factors that affect the FDI flows towards the Fragile Five countries (Turkey, Brazil, India, Indonesia, South Africa) for 1994-2017 through panel data analysis. The results from the panel ordinary least square indicate that political freedom as a proxy variable of institutional quality, real exchange rate, and the degree of productive knowledge and capability of the Fragile Five countries are statistically significant determinants of FDI attraction. Thus, developing countries, aiming to increase FDI inflows have to strengthen their political conditions and stabilization of their exchange rates. As well as, it is important to increase these countries’ export shares of the more complex product in order to be able to attract more FDI.
15
Bandžović, Sead. "The phenomenon of fragile states: Bosnia and Herzegovina." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 338–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.338.
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The three key conditions for the existence of a state, according to the theory of state and law, are geographical territory, population and organized political power in that area. However, during the twentieth century in some African and Asian countries, due to various political, economic and other factors, problems began to appear in performance of their basic functions: ensuring public order and peace, providing health services, education. Modern science has introduced the term failed states to describe such countries. This scientific phenomenon has been the subject of numerous researches, and international organizations have been publishing annual indices of fragile, failed or unsuccessful world states for years. The first index of its kind was created in 2005 by the American non-profit organization The Fund for Peace in cooperation with the magazine Foreign Policy, which initially included 76 countries. The original term failed state was considered politically extremely incorrect, even when it referred to countries like South Sudan or Somalia, noting that such a term originated in the political terminology of developed countries by which all other countries at a lower level of development were considered to be failed ones. Therefore, in 2014, a new notion of a fragile state was created, and accordingly the existing index was renamed the Fragile State Index (FSI). This parameter determines the degree of fragility for each country on an annual basis, assessing four basic indicators: cohesion (functionality of the state apparatus), economic (overall economic situation), political (legitimacy of the state, availability of public services, respect for human rights and freedoms) and social (demographic structure of the community, number of displaced persons and refugees, external interventions). Based on the values of these indicators, countries are positioned in four groups: sustainable, stable, endangered and alarming. The paper also discusses Bosnia and Herzegovina as a potentially fragile state. Although it enjoys sovereignty and political independence, the 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement still provides for the strong participation of the international community in the performance of its basic state functions. Examples include the presence of international military and police forces from the early post-war years to the present (EUFOR), with a special emphasis on the position of High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The peace agreement gave him the status of his supreme interpreter, as well as the well-known Bonn powers that he used on several occasions to remove Bosnian political officials and the imposition of laws (Criminal Code of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Law on the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Law on the Prosecutor's Office of Bosnia and Herzegovina) due to the inability of domestic parliamentary bodies to pass them independently. In addition to the extremely complicated constitutional structure, the functioning of Bosnia and Herzegovina is hampered by the inability to reach an agreement between political representatives on key issues in the country. In the first place, these are much-needed changes to the constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina that would in the future allow members of minorities (Jews and Roma) to elect their own representatives in the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this regard, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in 2009 in the case of Sejdić-Finci assessed that the impossibility of minority participation in political decision-making is a gross violation of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Numerous international organizations, primarily Human Rights Watch, have been warning for years about other problems in the country: national segregation of children under two schools under one roof, numerous attacks on Bosniak returnees in Republic of Srpska without adequate sanctions and extreme slowness in war crimes proceedings and the administration of transitional justice with the emergence of increasingly frequent denials of war crimes and victims. Although more than 25 years have passed since the end of the war, the participation of the international factor is still noticeable, and in some cases necessary.
16
Kim, Bo Kyung. "Mutual Accountability in Fragile States." Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 28, no. 4 (December 21, 2022): 534–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02804006.
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Abstract The study reported in this article aimed to find the extent to which the mutual accountability mechanism is applicable in fragile states where state capacity and legitimacy are insufficient. Donors provide foreign aid to fragile states even when there is no firm-standing counterpart to be held accountable. This is done to meet short-term development needs that are heavily focused on humanitarian relief. Based on an examination of the discursive evolution of fragility and donors’ categorization of fragile states based on the capacity-legitimacy configuration, this found that development needs in fragile states can be met through mutual accountability relations with partnership platforms. Represented by the g7+, partnership platforms channel the development needs in a collective form and enable their Member States to gain a certain level of legitimacy. Individual approaches to these countries may be challenging, but seeking strategic responses to development needs through such partnership platforms can create new opportunities for development effectiveness.
17
Koç Yurtkur, Asuman, and Bersu Bahtiyar. "The Relationship Between Energy Consumption, Economic Growth, Inflation and Trade Openness: An Analysis for Fragile Five Countries." International Journal of Research in Business and Social Science (2147-4478) 6, no. 6 (October 19, 2017): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20525/ijrbs.v6i6.785.
Abstract:
Energy is one of the most important dynamics of economic growth all over the world. Specially developing countries are in need of much more enery to provide economic growth. In this study, the relationship between energy consumption, economic growth, inflation and trade openness is exaimined by using structural VAR model for fragile five countries which have similar characteristics in terms of macroeconomic indicators. The analysis carried out with annual data that contains 1971-2013 period for fragile countries which contains of Turkey, South Africa, India, Indonesia and Brazil. According to the empirical results of the study, shocks that emerged in economic growth affect energy consumption positively but decreasingly in all countries. A substantial part of changes in energy consumption are explaned with economic growth in Turkey, India and Brazil. More than 80 percent of changes in energy consumption arise from energy consumption in South Africa and Indonesia.
18
Stach, Łukasz. "The Fragility of the Philippines in the Context of Increasing China-U.S. Rivalry in the Western Pacific." Philippine Political Science Journal 43, no. 3 (November 28, 2022): 263–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-bja10038.
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Abstract The situation in Southeast Asia is of concern not only to the countries in the region, but also to the world’s great powers. The growing economic and military power of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and its rivalry with the United States (U.S.) are perceived as disruption of the regional status quo. Smaller Southeast Asian states try to secure their position in the changing international environment. These countries include the Philippines, which faces many internal and external security threats. The situation is worsened by the fact that the Philippines is considered by scholars to be a weak and fragile state. The article attempts to elucidate the issue of the Philippines’ fragile state and its influence on the country’s position in the age of growing China-U.S. competition. Moreover, the study tries to answer the question of why the Philippines earned the reputation of a fragile state. The article uses on content analysis of existing literature plus the data from readily accessible sources, and it mostly employs descriptive data analysis methodology.
19
Zhou, Geng-Jian, Qiao-Xu Qin, Wei-Zhou Lin, and Yuan-Biao Zhang. "Fragile States Index Considering Climate Factors." Journal of Management and Sustainability 8, no. 3 (August 22, 2018): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jms.v8n3p74.
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Over the past few decades, the Earth’s climate has undergone conspicuous changes, some of which have a profound impact on social and governmental systems. The purpose of this paper is to establish a model for measuring national fragile and the impact of climate change on a country. For this purpose, we first define the Fragile States Index (FSI) to measure the fragility of a country based on population, crime rate and education, which are the three aspects that most countries or regions will focus on. Second, we use the FSI to illustrate how climate change affects the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Third, we analyze the definitive indicators of Indonesia and predict the changes of FSI. Finally, the effects of each intervention policy were obtained by analyzing Indonesia’s intervention policy on environmental change. To provide ideas for intervention on climate change.
20
Koolaee, Elaheh, and Ziba Akbari. "Fragile State in Iraq and Women Security." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 4, no. 3 (July 24, 2017): 235–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798917711294.
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After the Cold War and the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the term “fragile states” has gained increasing prominence in security debates and the international community turned its attention to how to deal with such countries. These security concerns originate from several factors: emphasis on building peace and security, spread of this idea that development and security are related, and the principle that the stability of state plays an influential role in its development. The term “fragile state” refers to weak states that are vulnerable to internal and external threats and have a poor government that is incapable of managing internal affairs and external policy. In this regard, Iraq was considered as a fragile state after 2003, and its stability has been evaluated poor since ever. The present study employed indices of fragile state and human security in order to investigate the effect of Iraq’s fragile state on development of threats to women security. Violation of human security in Iraq after 2003 was caused by failure in nation state-building process and weakness of Iraqi government in maintaining societal order and unity. Therefore, the main question that the present study aims to address is: “How has women security been threatened by Iraq’s crisis and its fragile state?”
21
Turgut, Ecem, and Okyay Ucan. "The Relationship between Financial Development and Economic Growth in Five Fragile Countries." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 19, no. 39 (March 21, 2023): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2023.v19n39p1.
Abstract:
This study aimed to analyze the causality relationship between financial development and economic growth by using the data of the five fragile countries for the period 1980 to 2018. In this direction, the cross-section dependency is examined, and it is concluded that the cross-section is independent. Then, by performing the Delta homogeneity test, it is aimed to understand whether other countries are affected at the same level without a change occurring in any of the countries considered, and heterogeneity has been reached. Subsequently, the unit root test determines that the variables are stationary at different levels. Dumitrescu and Hurlin panel causality test is performed to test the causality relationship. As a result of the test, while it is seen that there is not a relationship between economic growth and financial development index, the examination with control variables confirmed that there is a causality relationship between economic growth and financial development. These results showed that the demand-leading hypothesis is valid in the five fragile countries. Finally, to understand the causality relationship more clearly in the study, the Hatemi-J asymmetric causality test was performed, and it is understood that the causality relationship between financial development and economic growth may differ according to country.
22
Olenski, Jozef. "Role of official statistics in fragile countries, regions and sectors of economy." Statistical Journal of the IAOS 33, no. 4 (November 24, 2017): 833–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/sji-170371.
23
Klein, Oliver. "Transnational Networks of Pork Production: Fragile Linkages between Germany and CEE Countries." European Spatial Research and Policy 25, no. 1 (August 14, 2018): 93–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1231-1952.25.1.06.
Abstract:
The intention of this paper is to explore the internationalization efforts of German pork producers towards Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) with a special focus on recent dynamics, market development strategies and policy conditions. The added-value potentials offered by CEE countries have become increasingly lucrative for the German pork industry, particularly as the domestic market currently shows a certain degree of saturation in terms of consumption. The results of this study which is mainly based on qualitative interviews with selected pork producers from North-West Germany reveal that transnational pork production networks between Germany and CEE are shaped by a high degree of fragility and discontinuity. This is reflected not only by the fluctuating development of foreign trade in piglets, live hogs and pork products, but also by the uncertainty and hesitancy of the interviewed pork producers with regard to business operations in CEE markets. It will be shown that the policy conditions on the national level still have a clear impact on internationalization processes in the pork industry. The paper further illustrates that the configuration of transnational pork production networks can be explained, in part, by insights from the global production networks (GPN) and the agri-food geographies literature.
24
Fukuchi, Takao. "Technological retard in small least developed countries ? small is beautiful but fragile?" Journal of Evolutionary Economics 5, no. 3 (September 1995): 297–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01198309.
25
Ravenhill, John. "Adjustment with Growth: a Fragile Consensus." Journal of Modern African Studies 26, no. 2 (June 1988): 179–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010430.
Abstract:
Six years of intense debate have produced a measure of agreement on a solution for Africa's malaise. This is captured by the latest catchphrase of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, ‘Adjustment with Growth’, which implicitly acknowledge past errors by African governments – or, minimally, that a continuation of previous policies is no longer tenable in a changed external environment. An emphasis on ‘growth’ recognises that ‘adjustment’ must encompass more than ‘stabilisation’, that the continent needs additional externally-provided financial resources on concessional terms if import strangulation is not to exacerbate the downward economic spiral in which many countries are currently trapped. This fragile consensus is facing its first serious practical test as the World Bank attempts to extend its Structural Adjustment Lending programme in Africa. Clearly, significant differences remain between the attitudes of African governments and external donors, and within the academic community, on the sources of the continent's problems and on the policy measures that are needed to counteract them.
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Abbas, Hafiz Syed Mohsin, Xiaodong Xu, Chunxia Sun, Saif Ullah, and Muhammad Ahsan Ali Raza. "Impact of Domestic and Transboundary Conflicts on Militarization." Open Military Studies 1, no. 1 (September 11, 2020): 24–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openms-2020-0102.
Abstract:
AbstractSecurity issues are the global concern nowadays, which triggers government spending on military equipment and supply chain. This paper analyzes the global perspective of cohesion indicators on Militarization by using 177 countries panel data from the Years 2011-2018 based on middle/lower and high-income groups. By applied OLS and Fixed Effect modelling, we explored the idea that Group Grievance and Population Growth Rate have a significant impact on Militarization in both income groups worldwide. However, middle/lower income group’s Militarization is more fragile than high-income groups due to state cohesion. It further analyses that Security Apparatus and Fractionalization Elite are significant in Middle/ lower-income countries and have an insignificant impact on Militarization in high-income countries. In the end, the study suggested that the United Nations must keenly observe the militarization trends of the less fragile states by considering global peace concerns and should play its role to resolve the bilateral conflicts in the region to maintain world peace environment.
27
FANTCHO, Joseph Emmanuel, and Patrick Konin N'GOUAN. "SHOCKS ON PUBLIC SPENDING AND ECONOMIC GROWTH IN FRAGILE STATES." JOURNAL OF DEVELOPMENT ECONOMICS AND FINANCE 3 (2022): 331–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.47509/jdef.2022.v03i02.05.
Abstract:
This paper focuses on fragile States, and look deeply how shocks on public spending affect private production, economic growth and households' welfare. The paper provides an explanation of a source of growth and technological progress in unstable countries. The increasing of public expenditures enhances the private production and households' consumption. One innovation of this paper is in the way to introduce shocks into economy. In fragile States, shocks are random variables that follow a Bernoulli process, which appear on public spending and affect the rest of economy.
28
Kose, Ayhan, Franziska Ohnsorge, Kersten Stamm, and Naotaka Sugawara. "GOVERNMENT DEBT HAS DECLINED BUT DON’T CELEBRATE YET." Social Science and Law Journal of Policy Review and Development Strategies 10, no. 1 (April 4, 2023): 25–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.48028/iiprds/ssljprds.v10.i1.03.
Abstract:
Growth and inflation have unexpectedly helped lower government debt-to-GDP ratios in many countries since early 2021. However, government debt is still elevated and fragile in its composition, and the magic of growth and inflation is unlikely to last long. To reduce debt in a lasting manner, growth-boosting reforms and, in some countries, debt relief are needed.
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Bocharova, Yu H., T. A. Fedotova, Yu B. Lyzhnyk, Yu O. Boiko, and O. V. Ishchenko. "FORECASTING VOLUMES OF FDI OF COUNTRIES BASED ON INDICATORS OF THEIR INVESTMENT ATTRACTIVENESS." Visnyk of Donetsk National University of Economics and Trade named after Mykhailo Tugan-Baranovsky, no. 2 (77) (2022): 73–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.33274/2079-4819-2022-77-2-73-83.
Abstract:
Objective. The objective of the article is the analysis of the state and features of the development of special economic zones in the world.. Methods. The following methods and techniques of cognition are applied in the research process: theoretical generalization and comparison, analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, grouping, correlation-regression analysis, clustering. Results. It is determined that among the wide list of indicators of investment attractiveness, the following indicators are most often used and are the most authoritative ones: Doing business Index, The Global Competitiveness Index, Global Innovation Index, Fragile States Index, Legatum Prosperity Index, Index of Economic Freedom, as well as credit ratings international rating agencies, including Moody's, Fitch, etc. Based on the analysis of the relationship between indicators of investment attractiveness and the actual volumes of FDI attraction of 101 countries of the world in 2015-2020, it is established that this relationship can be described as direct (Doing business Index, The Global Competitiveness Index, Global Innovation Index , Index of Economic Freedom) or the reverse (Fragile States index, Legatum Prosperity index); weak (Doing Business Index, Index of Economic Freedom, Fragile States Index) or moderate (Global Competitiveness Index, Legatum Prosperity (economy) Index).It is substantiated that despite the fact that the most representative indicators of investment attractiveness, according to the calculated values of the correlation coefficients, are the Global Competitiveness Index and the Global Innovation Index, however, they do not have a significant impact on the actual volumes of FDI attraction of countries (the correlation coefficient varies within 0, 15-0.39), cannot be used as a dominant determinant for forecasting FDI volumes. It is substantiated that for forecasting the volume of FDI, it is advisable to use not one, but a set of indicators of investment attractiveness. It is established that the composite four-factor regression model based on individual regression equations of countries on indicators of investment attractiveness according to their cluster affiliation has the greatest predictive power.
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Koehler, Gabriele, and Nicholas Mathers. "Forum Introduction: Dynamics of social protection in fragile contexts: Nepal and Myanmar." Global Social Policy 17, no. 3 (September 11, 2017): 347–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468018117729914.
Abstract:
This article explores some of the shared dimensions of fragility experienced by Myanmar and Nepal to illuminate the challenging contexts in which social protection policies and programmes have taken shape. Both countries have adopted a universalist, rights-based vision in their approaches to social protection, with social pensions and child benefits at the forefront of social protection programming. At the same time, both countries are employing incremental strategies to overcome political, social, and administrative obstacles, while demonstrating that fiscal space is available. The politics of social protection policy making are obvious, and consistent engagement by progressive social policy advocates in these countries will be necessary to seize opportunities, and to ensure continued investment in building inclusive, effective, and accountable social protection systems.
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Cummins, Victoria. "Langley, Mexico And The United States - The Fragile Relationship." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 17, no. 2 (September 1, 1992): 98–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.17.2.98-99.
Abstract:
This brief volume focuses not so much on Mexican-United States relations since World War II as on the evolving interrelationship between the two countries and its effects on bilateral issues. Langley finds former Arizona Governor Bruce Babbitt's statement that "Mexico and the United States are united by geography and divided by history" summarizes the common interpretation of the basis for United States-Mexican relations.
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ÇİĞDEM, Gülgün, and Merve ALTAYLAR. "COINTEGRATION EVIDENCES FROM THE NEW FRAGILE FIVE." Journal of Life Economics 7, no. 3 (July 31, 2020): 269–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15637/jlecon.7.020.
Abstract:
Purpose of this study is to test the association between savings and current account deficit of the “New Fragile Five” falling into critical cycle. 1994-2019 period annual national savings, current account balance and external debt have been analyzed within the framework of panel data analysis. At the modeling stage of the research focused on the cointegration relationship. Panel cointegration tests with structural breaks based on LM were used. To examine the unique economic structures of countries, heterogeneous estimating techniques were employed. The research has four important findings; i.There is a cointegration relationship between indicators, ii.The external debt increases the current account deficit, iii.The increase of savings in Turkey decreases the current account deficit, iv.An increase in savings increases the current account deficit in Argentina, Egypt, Pakistan and Qatar. This study, which will contribute to the expansion of typology, is also contributory to the “Triple Deficit Hypothesis”.
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TEMİZ, Mehmet, and Gökhan KONAT. "Financial Convergence Test with Fourier Panel KPSS Stationarity Test: Findings from Fragile Five Countries." Fiscaoeconomia 7, no. 1 (January 25, 2023): 737–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.25295/fsecon.1148791.
Abstract:
Financial development is an important component of economic development. In particular, it is very important for developing countries to converge to developed countries in terms of financial development level. In this study, the convergence of the financial development indicators of the Fragile Five Countries to the average of the indicators of the four selected countries (USA, England, Australia and Japan) in the top ten in terms of financial development level for the period 1980-2020 is tested. In addition, stochastic convergence based on relative financial indicator figures, that is, convergence to the mean, is also investigated. The data used in the study were accessed from the World Bank official database. Stationarity test which is introduced to the literature by Nazlıoğlu and Karul (2017) based on the Fourier stationarity test developed first by Becker et al. (2006). This test allows for gradual structural changes and cross-section dependence and cross-section heterogeneity. As in all stationarity tests, the basic hypothesis of this test is that the series is stationary, while the alternative hypothesis claims that it contains a unit root. This test gives results for both the individual and the panel as a whole. As a result of the tests, it is seen that the financial development indicators of the Fragile Five Countries do not converge to the selected country group and its average.
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SAHIN, Osman. "Firm Specific and Macroeconomic Determinants of Capital Structure: Evidence from Fragile Five Countries." Eurasian Journal of Business and Economics 11, no. 22 (November 30, 2018): 61–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17015/ejbe.2018.022.03.
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Samy, Yiagadeesen, and David Carment. "Aid Targeting to Fragile and Conflict-Affected States and Implications for Aid Effectiveness." Politics and Governance 7, no. 2 (June 5, 2019): 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i2.1852.
Abstract:
While significant amounts of foreign aid have been allocated to the group of so-called fragile and conflict-affected states in recent years, it is not clear whether that aid is targeted to where it is most needed. This article extends recent work by Carment and Samy (2017, in press), and focuses on aid targeting in fragile states by using the Country Indicators for Foreign Policy fragility index together with sectoral aid flows from the OECD Creditor Reporting System. Specifically, it considers six country-cases from a three-fold typology of states and evaluates the performance of these countries in terms of their fragility relative to the types of aid that they have received. The article argues that aid is poorly targeted in fragile states and by considering the sectoral allocation of aid it also contributes indirectly to the related issue of aid effectiveness.
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Joanna Garlińska-Bielawska and Małgorzata Janicka. "Fragile States in African Economic Communities as Exemplified by the Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa (CEMAC) – Investment Issues." Politeja 15, no. 56 (June 18, 2019): 231–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.56.13.
Abstract:
The region of Central Africa is abundant in both fragile states and economic communities. According to the theory of international economic integration, in the long term such integration processes should stimulate not only short-term trade effects but also long-term investment effects. The article aims to answer the question whether and how membership of an economic community by a fragile state influences the occurrence of dynamic integration effects. The examination is based on the example of the Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa (CEMAC). The article uses an analytical and descriptive method on the basis of domestic and foreign literature sources and UNCTAD and IMF statistics. The analysis suggests that from the point of view of member countries of African economic communities, the mere fact of membership of such a community is no vital driver of FDI within the internal market, particularly important to capital-poor fragile states.
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Mansour, Mario, and Eric M. Zolt. "Personal Income Taxes in the Middle East and North Africa: Prospects and Possibilities." Canadian Tax Journal/Revue fiscale canadienne 70, Supp (2022): 291–334. http://dx.doi.org/10.32721/ctj.2022.70.supp.mansour.
Abstract:
With the exception of a few North African countries, personal income taxes (PITs) play little or no role in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), often yielding less than 2 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) in revenue. This paper examines how PITs have evolved in recent decades, and what they might look like in the next 20 years. Throughout the region, top marginal tax rates on labour and business income of individuals have declined substantially, a trend that mirrors reductions in advanced and developing economies. Taxation of passive capital income has changed very little, and the revenue contribution from this source remains low throughout the region, averaging less than 1 percent of GDP and concentrated in oil-importing non-fragile states. Social security contributions (SSCs) have increased in importance in nearly all MENA countries, and some countries have introduced additional payroll taxes and levies. The combination of reduced marginal tax rates, light taxation of income from capital and business activities, and increases in SSCs has resulted in income tax systems that create disincentives to work and incentives for informality, and contribute little to government revenue and income redistribution. Given differences in economic and political structures, demographics, and starting points, the path to PIT and SSC reforms will vary across the region. Countries with relatively mature PIT/SSC systems, where revenue performance has improved in the past two decades, will increasingly need to balance revenue and equity objectives against efficiency objectives (in particular, labour market incentives and informality). Countries without a PIT will have to weigh whether a consumption tax/SSC system that mimics a flat tax on labour income is sufficient to diversify revenue away from oil, and whether to adopt PITs to address rising income and wealth inequality. Finally, fragile states, which face more political volatility and have weaker fiscal institutions than non-fragile states, will have to focus on simplicity of tax design and collection to be able to raise revenue from PITs.
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Umit, A. Oznur. "Stationarity of Real Exchange Rates in the “Fragile Five”: Analysis with Structural Breaks." International Journal of Economics and Finance 8, no. 4 (March 23, 2016): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijef.v8n4p254.
Abstract:
In this study the stationarity of monthly real exchange rate data for the “fragile five” countries which are among the emerging market economies, is analyzed for the period of 2003:01-2015:10, using traditional unit root tests and unit root tests with structural breaks. According to the results of traditional Augmented Dickey-Fuller (ADF) and Phillips-Perron (PP) unit root test results, it has been determined that the real exchange rate series of the fragile five countries had a unit root and therefore the Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) hypothesis does not hold true in these countries. The results of a Zivot-Andrews unit root test, which allows for a single structural break, show that real exchange rate series were stationary for Brazil and India, and hence the PPP hypothesis is valid in these countries. According to the results of a Lee-Strazicich unit root test, which allows for two structural breaks, it has been concluded that the hypothesis is valid only for India. Likewise, using the Carrion-i- Sivestre (CS) unit root test, which allows for five structural breaks in the time series, it has been determined that only South Africa’s and India’s real exchange rate series are not stationary, and therefore the PPP hypothesis is not valid for these countries. In line with the results of the CS unit root test it can be claimed that, due to the fact that South African and Indian central banks are not under the pressure of establishing exchange rate stability, they have the possibility of implementing an independent monetary policy.
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Henry, Asogwa T., Ezenekwe R. Uju, Ezebuilo R. Ukwueze, and Iwuamadi C. Kelechi. "Impact of Public Health Strengthening Mechanism on Outcome Among Selected African Countries: Implication on Outbreak in Fragile SSA Countries." Journal of Advance Research in Social Science and Humanities (ISSN: 2208-2387) 7, no. 2 (February 28, 2021): 01–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.53555/nnssh.v7i2.952.
Abstract:
This study is motivated to investigate health impact of Public Health Strengthening mechanism on Outcome among selected African countries: Implication on Outbreak in Fragile SSA countries. Specifically looking at the differences in health impacts among selected Sub-Saharan African countries considering its implication on covid-19 outbreak. Employing the panel data estimation technique and the World Bank Indicators (WBI) from 2000 to 2019, across the selected Sub-Saharan African Countries we found that among the mechanism that impact on health, Life expectancy, domestic private health expenditure and health expenditure are among the top opportunities for strengthening public health in SSA countries. The result also, showed that major improvement in health care in most SSA countries is greatly financed by external funding, and domestic private health expenditures. Hence, recommended that legislations may be involved to address the issues of public health care with regards to issues that boarders on accountability on health care facilities procurement among SSA countries. Also, aids intervention towards health care should be evaluated from time to time by the funders to minimize the level of public corrupt practices that will lead to aim not been achieved.
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Galbraith, J. K. "Noonomy, globalization and the pandemic." Noonomy and Noosociety. Almanac of Scientific Works of the S.Y. Witte INID 1, no. 1 (2022): 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.37930/2782-618x-2022-1-1-115-128-eng.
Abstract:
The author focuses on the differences in economic systems between countries with balanced and sustainable industrial systems and countries with fragile systems in his study. These differences are under analysis from the perspective of assessment: planning system, wants, globalization, the COVID-19 pandemic and the related crisis. Lastly, the author concludes that countries that have not made the transition to advanced systems of financial relations have been the most successful in maintaining the viability of their economies against the backdrop of a global pandemic.
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Galbraith, J. K. "Noonomy, globalization and the pandemic." Noonomy and Noosociety. Almanac of Scientific Works of the S.Y. Witte INID 1, no. 1 (2022): 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.37930/2782-618x-2022-1-1-115-128-eng.
Abstract:
The author focuses on the differences in economic systems between countries with balanced and sustainable industrial systems and countries with fragile systems in his study. These differences are under analysis from the perspective of assessment: planning system, wants, globalization, the COVID-19 pandemic and the related crisis. Lastly, the author concludes that countries that have not made the transition to advanced systems of financial relations have been the most successful in maintaining the viability of their economies against the backdrop of a global pandemic.
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Galbraith, J. K. "Noonomy, globalization and the pandemic." Noonomy and Noosociety. Almanac of Scientific Works of the S.Y. Witte INID 1, no. 1 (2022): 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.37930/2782-618x-2022-1-1-115-128.
Abstract:
The author focuses on the differences in economic systems between countries with balanced and sustainable industrial systems and countries with fragile systems in his study. These differences are under analysis from the perspective of assessment: planning system, wants, globalization, the COVID-19 pandemic and the related crisis. Lastly, the author concludes that countries that have not made the transition to advanced systems of financial relations have been the most successful in maintaining the viability of their economies against the backdrop of a global pandemic.
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Sarty, Leigh. "The fragile authoritarians: China, Russia, and Canadian foreign policy." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 75, no. 4 (December 2020): 614–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702020968941.
Abstract:
This paper examines how China and Russia play into the opportunities and constraints that shape Canadian foreign policy. While both countries contribute significantly to the challenges of twenty-first-century world politics, neither is a juggernaut: both face serious internal difficulties and fear the West in ways that should temper our preoccupation with relative decline. The paper concludes that, by seeing these authoritarian powers as more fragile than frightening, Canada can worry less about how engagement might be seen to reward bad behaviour and more about beneficial outcomes in areas that serve Canadian interests.
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Adısönmez, Umut Can, and Laçin İdil Öztığ. "Between Crises and Fragile Stability: Türkiye-Israel Affairs." Transatlantic Policy Quarterly 21, no. 3 (December 1, 2022): 141–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.58867/lkbp1773.
Abstract:
Since the establishment of Israel, the Turkish-Israeli relations have been marked by continuous periods of swings – from crises to cooperation and back. This article aims to shed light on the turbulent bilateral ties by focusing on the role of the current Justice and Development Party (JDP) rule in Türkiye. In doing so, it firstly provides a background on the two countries’ relations, covering the period between their foundational years and 2002. Secondly, it explores a series of significant crises against which the Turkish-Israeli relations reached an all-time low starting with the Operation Cast Lead in 2008. Given the recent developments unfolding in Türkiye’s domestic sphere and its close geography, this work lastly assesses the impact of the Abraham Accords in 2020 on bilateral relations and speculates about the future trajectories.
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El-Jardali, Fadi, Lama Bou-Karroum, Mathilda Jabbour, Karen Bou-Karroum, Andrew Aoun, Sabine Salameh, Patricia Mecheal, and Chaitali Sinha. "Digital health in fragile states in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region: A scoping review of the literature." PLOS ONE 18, no. 4 (April 28, 2023): e0285226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0285226.
Abstract:
Introduction Conflict, fragility and political violence, that are taking place in many countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region have devastating effects on health. Digital health technologies can contribute to enhancing the quality, accessibility and availability of health care services in fragile and conflict-affected states of the MENA region. To inform future research, investments and policy processes, this scoping review aims to map out the evidence on digital health in fragile states in the MENA region. Method We conducted a scoping review following the Joanna Briggs Institute (JBI) guidelines. We conducted descriptive analysis of the general characteristics of the included papers and thematic analysis of the key findings of included studies categorized by targeted primary users of different digital health intervention. Results Out of the 10,724 articles identified, we included 93 studies. The included studies mainly focused on digital health interventions targeting healthcare providers, clients and data services, while few studies focused on health systems or organizations managers. Most of the included studies were observational studies (49%). We identified no systematic reviews. Most of the studies were conducted in Lebanon (32%) followed by Afghanistan (13%) and Palestine (12%). The first authors were mainly affiliated with institutions from countries outside the MENA region (57%), mainly United Kingdom and United States. Digital health interventions provided a platform for training, supervision, and consultation for health care providers, continuing education for medical students, and disease self-management. The review also highlighted some implementation considerations for the adoption of digital health such as computer literacy, weak technological infrastructure, and privacy concerns. Conclusion This review showed that digital health technologies can provide promising solutions in addressing health needs in fragile and conflict-affected states. However, rigorous evaluation of digital technologies in fragile settings and humanitarian crises are needed to inform their design and deployment.
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Richter, Carola, Anja Wollenberg, and Reda Fhelboom. "Local media in transitional fragile states: The cases of Iraq and Libya." Journal of Alternative & Community Media 7, no. 2 (November 1, 2022): 137–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jacm_00109_1.
Abstract:
Local media that cater to their local communities are still rare in Arab countries due to government control and centralization of media production. In some transitional states, however, we observe a mushrooming of new local small media initiatives after regulation modes have changed. Yet, these media operate in often fragile states in which a sustainable development of autonomous media is difficult to achieve. In this study, we investigate how local media in Iraq and Libya unfolded and developed over the past decade(s) after regime change. We map the status quo and compare the proliferation of small local media in both countries against the backdrop of media capture and flawed media regulation – patterns that are typical for transitional states.
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Godwin Uyi, Ojo, and Aghedo Iro. "Image Re-branding in a Fragile State: The Case of Nigeria." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 28, no. 2 (August 31, 2013): 81–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps28204.
Abstract:
In today`s globalized world, nations are increasingly concerned about how they are perceived by their publics, often carefully planning and executing policies to maintain a positive identity or shed a negative image. While some countries are able to execute nation branding, others are not. Using the Nigerian experience as a case study, this article shows how the character of a state can undermine its capacity for successful nation branding. We argue that countries are judged not just by what they say but also by what they do, and that inherent contradictions such as sectarian violence, ethnic tension, and corruption underline Nigeria`s underdevelopment and its reputation at home and abroad. We assess this trajectory in the context of state fragility and "prebendalization" politics in a country with a powerful colonial legacy, and suggest a duality of order and disorder involving formal and informal structures of governance that impinge significantly on re-branding efforts.
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Kaiser, Paul J. "Structural Adjustment and the Fragile Nation: the Demise of Social Unity in Tanzania." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 2 (June 1996): 227–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00055300.
Abstract:
Tanzania is one of the few African countries that has remained relatively calm since independence. However, its long history of ethnic, racial, and religious cohesion has begun to fray as the Government attempts to reform its ailing economy in accordance with World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) conditionalities. This process offers an opportunity to explore the degree to which there is a causal link between liberal economic reform and social unity. This is especially relevant as many African régimes are implementing similar policy prescriptions in the form of structural adjustment programmes (SAPs), the terms of which often depend on the minimal financial leverage that African negotiators have vis-à-vis the advanced industrial countries of the North.1 York Bradshaw and Zwelakhe Tshandu have argued that ‘the burgeoning debt crisis may represent the “new dependency” for many African countries which cannot acquire capital from other sources besides the IMF and the World Bank.’
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Murphy, Ryan H. "Breaking Wagner's Law: Which Countries Have the Most Limited Government?" Public Finance Review 50, no. 4 (July 2022): 484–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10911421221107426.
Abstract:
Which countries have the world's smallest and the world's largest governments? One-fifth of the Economic Freedom of the World index is a subindex scoring the size of government for countries across the world. This subindex is inclusive of the three dimensions of government spending, the top marginal tax rate, and the government ownership of the economy. Measured in this manner, the “smallest” governments are, generally, weak or fragile states. This paper recognizes Wagner's law, the empirical regularity that wealthier countries tend to spend more as a percentage of gross domestic product (GDP). It then performs a novel adjustment to the size of government data to account for Wagner's law, re-scores and re-ranks the countries, and explores the results.
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OZTURK, ALI CEM, and BURCU YAVUZ TIFTIKCIGIL. "Study on the Presence of Middle Income Trap in E7 and Fragile Five Countries." International Journal of Business and Economic Affairs 5, no. 3 (June 19, 2020): 117–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24088/ijbea-2019-53003.