Academic literature on the topic 'Försvarspropositioner'

External threats The aim of this study is to create a theoretical understanding of the Swedish national security perspectives which contributed to the variety of initiatives that have taken place in the Swedish military defense bills of 2004/05:5 and 2014/15:109. Our purpose is to do a qualitative text analysis whereby we create ideal types based upon the international relation theories liberalism and realism, which we then apply onto our selected propositions to analyze whether our ideal types can be traced- to discover if there have been any ideological changes. In our final discussion of the analysis we can see that the Swedish security objectives have changed due to changed threats in the world, which have resulted in both an increased need for international cooperation and also an expanded Swedish military defense in 2014. We can also see a theoretical shift in these propositions since some countries which previously had a more liberalistic character are now adopting a more realistic act.

Marinens sjöstridskrafters förmåga har sedan kalla krigets slut genomgått stor förändring. Den största är att kvantiteten drastiskt har minskats. Frågan som måste ställas är om den förmåga marinen besuttit har uppnått de krav politiken har ställt. Uppsatsen genomför en komparativ studie och kartlägger hur de marina materiella förmågorna har varit tillräckliga för att kunna nå de mål och möta de hot som svenska regeringar identifierat i propositioner sedan 1981 tills 2009 med fokus på det marina närområdet och Östersjön med tre nedslag i historien. För att förstå förändringen som skett tas även förändringen av den säkerhetspolitiska omvärldsuppfattningen upp. I analysen ses den förändring av omvärlden som legat till grund för de mål och hot som identifierats samt vilken marin sjöstridsförmåga som funnits. Från en omvärld som givit ett mål att verka fredsbevarande och bekämpa en invasion ensamt, har fokus skiftat till att möta det vidgade säkerhetsbegreppet, som ska mötas tillsammans med andra efter solidaritetsförklaringen. Sjöstridskrafternas förmåga har under tiden förändrats kraftigt.

The purpose of this thesis is to demonstrate the significance of identity as a driving force behind Swedish security policy change. By studying social identity constructions of Russia in Swedish defence propositions from 1992, 2004 and 2015, the thesis concludes that these constructions might have resulted in shifts in Swedish security policy. The thesis uses discourse analysis to examine how Russia was socially constructed as 'difference' in the propositions. Drawing on self/other theories in IR, the study concludes that Russia was constructed in more or less antagonistic forms of ‘otherness’/’difference’ in the different propositions. In 1992, Russia was constructed as a neutral other and a temporally radical other. In 2004, Russia was constructed as a connected other. In 2015, Russia was constructed as a radical other, mostly due to the Russian aggression against and annexation of Crimea. Moreover the article concludes, through a qualitative content analysis, that these perceptions of Russia may have generated ontological (in)security for Swedish political identity. Drawing on Mitzen (2006) and others, the thesis demonstrates that ontological (in)security may have been a driving force behind security policy change. This thesis argues that the search for ontological security may have resulted in European integration for Sweden in 1992, expanded cooperation with Russia in 2004 and a proposition on a strengthened defence capability in 2015. In relation to existing research on Swedish security policy change, this thesis highlights the importance of identity and perceptions of 'others' as a driving force behind security policy change.

Strategic culture is a recognised concept among researchers within the field of War Studies although it is not particularly well known in wider circles. Researchers have not been able to agree on an exact definition of the concept but there is agreement that the concept of strategic culture can contribute to an understanding of the gradual and long-term changes in a country´s defence strategy. This study investigates to what extent the strategic culture of the cold war period has influenced Swedish defence strategy in the first two decades of the 21st century, using Biehl et al analytical framework of strategic culture. The empirical material used for data collection consists of the Swedish government defence bill and the Swedish Armed Forces’ Perspective Study from the first two decades of the 21st century. The overall result shows a significant degree of influence from the strategic culture of the cold war period on Swedish defence strategy during the first two decades of this century. The only clear exception identified by the study concerns views on the relationship with NATO and EU.

In less than 20 years the orientation in Swedish security politics changed drastically from only prioritizing their own national defense to a solidarity proclamation to the neighboring countries. This is due to the constant shifting in the international political environment. These changes also meant a major impact on the lower strategies such as the resource and operational strategy. The resource and operational strategies changes in different time perspectives. The military strategy can be changed with just one government resolution while the resource strategy takes years to change. The purpose of the essay is to examine how the coherence between those two strategies looked when they constantly have to adjust to the changing international political environment. The result of the analysis shows that during the current time for each strategy there were in fact sufficiently satisfactory coherence between the resource and the operational strategies. This is due to the very specific international political environment that were during each time period.

In less than 20 years the orientation in Swedish security politics changed drastically from only prioritizing their own national defense to a solidarity proclamation to the neighboring countries. This is due to the constant shifting in the international political environment. These changes also meant a major impact on the lower strategies such as the resource and operational strategy. The resource and operational strategies changes in different time perspectives. The military strategy can be changed with just one government resolution while the resource strategy takes years to change. The purpose of the essay is to examine how the coherence between those two strategies looked when they constantly have to adjust to the changing international political environment.  The result of the analysis shows that during the current time for each strategy there were in fact sufficiently satisfactory coherence between the resource and the operational strategies. This is due to the very specific international political environment that were during each time period.

Sweden's government says in the bill 2008/09: 140 that military service should be suspended and replaced with a system based on voluntary recruitment. In the essay, I will make an argument analysis of the parliamentary debate on the bill from the 12th of June 2009 with the following questions: On what is the different side’s argument based on? Are the arguments essentially and factually substantiated? Is there a clear political party tendency among the for-/counter arguments? The method is a "Pro et contra" analysis, a logical systematization of the arguments. The analysis will take start in the headline; Conscription should be suspended in favour of a voluntary system based on contract employed soldiers. The presentation of arguments in the analysis will be guided by the chronological order. The main argument against the bill is a belief that this system will generate greater costs. Furthermore, results from studies performed on other countries that have recently changed from compulsory military service to contract employed soldiers shows difficulties in recruiting and retaining staff in a voluntary system. Moreover it is noted that the increase in battle readiness that this new system means, would be completely unjustified in view of prevailing threats against Sweden. Finally, it is argued that the common support is at risk when Sweden's defence affairs no longer become an obligation for every individual to contribute. The arguments for the bill believe that we need forces that are fit to use and available, to meet the new threats that is emerging and in which Sweden's participation in international missions is the focal point. The conflict in the debate is based mostly in the ideological distinctions and as a result of these also economic contradictions. As a direct consequence of this, most of the arguments are not substantiated with facts. However, there is traceability to arguments that historically have been used to justify the introduction of either of the systems. There is a clear party political tendency in the debate. Government parties stay united and the opposition parties are slightly more dispersed in their argumentation but still against the bill.

During the main part of the 20th century, Swedish security politics was mainly focused on the Soviet Union and the cold war. In case the world was likely to see another large war between the great powers, there was a frightening chance that Sweden would be involved. This was motivation enough to have a large-scale military organization that could defend the nation. Post 1991 a large part of the threat seemed to be neutralized and the usefulness of a large-scale military organization was examined. The defense decision of year 2000 suggested cutbacks in military spending. In year 2020 another defense decision was determined due to new possible threats to the country’s safety. Through an analysis of arguments, this paper will focus on the realistic and liberal theory to analyze the critique against both of the defense decisions.

Betyg D.

Denna uppsats frågeställning tar oss på en resa från kalla krigets kyligaste period med den strategiska kultur som präglade den svenska säkerhetsstrategin till läget idag med de förändringar som skett på vägen.  Genom att fokusera på de försvarspropositioner och svenska marina doktriner eller doktrinliknande dokument som getts ut inom ramen för det tidsfönster som valts, 1980-2020, skapas en förståelse och en relation mellan det auktoritära och det auktoritäras beroenderelation. Beroenderelationen till befolkningen och omvärlden samt spårbarheten av detta i de marina doktrinerna.  Harald Høiback har forskat inom militära doktriner och utvecklat en teori om vikten av balansen mellan de hörnstenar som ingår eller bör ingå i en militärdoktrin, för att doktrinen ska fylla det syfte som avses. Tillsammans med Elizabeth Kiers teori om strategisk kultur skapas ett verktyg som gör att analysen och förståelsen för vad som har varit, det som är och det som kan komma att bli, ökar.  Balansen mellan det auktoritära och militärteori kan inledningsvis tyckas vara självklar men komplexiteten kopplat till säkerhetsstrategi gör att syftet med doktrinen emellanåt varierar, hur har det då sett ut, hur ser det ut idag, och hur kan det tänkas se ut framöver?

Detta är en uppsats vars syfte är att undersöka diskursen kring värnplikten och reda ut problematiseringar i debatten kring avvecklingen av den allmänna värnplikten. Detta görs genom att urskilja skillnader gällande problemrepresentationer i debatten mellan regeringen och oppositionen. Uppsatsen har sin utgångspunkt i ett diskursanalytiskt perspektiv och utifrån Carol Lee Bacchis diskursanalytiska frågor är tre forskningsfrågor konstruerade som ligger till grund för uppsatsen. – Hur representeras problemet med den allmänna värnplikten? – Vilka antaganden ligger till grund för denne representation? – Vilka effekter produceras av denna problemrepresentation? I uppsatsen råder ett diskursanalytiskt angreppssätt men diskursanalysen skall inte endast ses som en metod för analys av data, utan diskursanalysen är en metodisk och teoretisk helhet. Den teoretiska inriktningen av diskursanalysen utgår ifrån Carol Lee Bacchi. Det resultat som studien har givit upphov till att se är att det råder skilda problemrepresentationer i debatten kring avveckling av värnplikten. De problematiseringar som ligger till grund för avvecklingen av värnplikten är enligt regeringen att den förändrade hotbilden kräver en högre tillgänglighet och användbarhet, något som skapas genom ett insatsförsvar. De huvudsakliga problematiseringar oppositionen ser med regeringens förslag om avvecklingen kring värnplikten är att det råder en obefogad beredskap och att värnplikten är starkt kopplad med en demokratisk aspekt. Det som tydligt går att urskilja av undersökningen är att hur problem framställs har en betydande roll. Hur problem i policyanalyser representeras bestämmer utgången för lösningen.
This is an essay whose purpose is to investigate the discourse of conscription and sort out problematisations in the debate about the dismantling of the general conscription. The interest of this paper is to discern conflicting problemrepresentations in the debate. The essay has its origins from a discourse analytical perspective and Carol Lee Bacchis discourseanalytical questions are the three research questions designed as the basis for the thesis. - How representends the problem of the general conscription? - What assumptions underlying the latter representation? - What are the effects produced by this problemrepresentation? The essay has a discourse analytical approach but the discourse analysis should not only be seen as a method of data analysis, the discourse analysis is a theoretical and methodological whole. The theoretical focus of discourse analysis is based on Carol Lee Bacchi. The results of the study have given rise to see that there is conflicting problemrepresentations in the debate about the settlement of conscription. The problematisations as are the basis for the settlement of conscription, according to the government, it is the changed baselesses witch demands a higher accessibility and usability witch you can reach through by an operational defense. The main problematisations the parliament sees with the Government's proposals for the settlement on the conscription is that there is an unjustified preparedness and the conscription is strong established with a democratic aspect. What can be clearly distinguished from the survey is that the politics of representation has a significant role. How problems in policy analysis is represented determines the outcome of the solution.