Academic literature on the topic 'Former Soviet Republics. Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (Soviet Union). Russia (Empire)'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Former Soviet Republics. Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (Soviet Union). Russia (Empire).'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Former Soviet Republics. Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (Soviet Union). Russia (Empire)"
1
Zinoviev, Vasily P. "A chronicle of state associations on the territory of Russia during the Revolution and the Civil War (1917-1922)." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 482 (2023): 104–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/482/11.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyzes the collapsing of the Russian Empire and the formation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The process is presented as a chronicle of the creation and liquidation of state formations from 28 February 1917 to 30 December 1922 on the territory of the country, including Poland, Finland and the territories of Turkey and Austria, where Russian troops were stationed. The chronicle records the formation of 150 different authorities that claimed to be all-Russian or regional power, organized by Russian political forces or interventionist troops. The chronicle is based on information from encyclopedias and reference books. Statistics on the creation of organizations show that state construction was most intensive in 1917 (24 new formations were created), 1918 (60), and 1918 (22). During this three-year period, Anti-Bolshevik forces were more active than others and formed 50 governments, interventionists formed 17 governments, the Soviet authorities established 31 states. Some governments claimed the all-Russian status -- the Omsk government of Alexander Kolchak, the Special Meeting of Anton Denikin, the Government of the South of Russia of Pyotr Wrangel. The governments of the RSFSR, Ukraine, Belarus, Lithuania, Finland, Poland, Latvia, Estonia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Khiva and Bukhara had nationwide claims. Most of the governments were regional and opportunistic, formed by local political and military circles, which were supported by the Whites, the Reds, or the interventionists. In 1920-1922, anti-Soviet forces were able to organize 4 governments, the interventionists 1, the construction of Soviet state structures was confidently underway = 32 states of different levels and 3 democratic state structures were created in the Far East under the control of the Bolsheviks. The result of state construction on 30 December 1922 recorded 7 sovereign states (USSR, Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, the Tannu-Tuva People's Republic) and two governments without territory - the Belarusian People's Republic and the Karelian United government in Vyborg. The Soviet Union was a unique, extremely complex state entity: it included 4 union republics - the RSFSR, the Transcaucasian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic, the Ukrainian SSR, the Belarusian SSR. The Transcaucasian SFSR consisted of the Azerbaijani SSR, the Armenian SSR and the union of the Georgian SSR and the Abkhaz SSR. In addition, formally, the Soviet Union did not include two People's Soviet republics - Bukhara and Khorezm, with which the RSFSR had union treaties. The USSR included 2 labor communes, 8 autonomous republics and 12 autonomous regions. The basis of Soviet state-building was the principle of national self-determination. The Soviet experience of assembling a single state is now in demand again due to the growth of nationalism on the territory of the former USSR and the desire of Russia's geopolitical opponents to use it to destroy the country and seize its resources.
2
BĂNCILĂ, Andi Mihail. "TRANSNISTRIA FROM THE FORMATION OF THE MOLDAVIAN AUTONOMOUS SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLIC TO ITS INTEGRATION INTO THE MOLDAVIAN SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLIC (1924-1940)." Strategic Impact 85, no. 1 (June 8, 2023): 122–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/1842-9904-23-07.
Full textAbstract:
The creation of autonomous regions on the territory of the union republics of the newly created Soviet state was a practice often used by the communist regime to resubordinate the provinces lost at the end of the First World War. In order to theoretically preserve the chance to integrate the former province of Bessarabia into the new empire during 1924, the new Kremlin leader Joseph Stalin decided to form a republic and a new people, the Moldavian SSR and the Moldavian people distinct from the Romanian one. This decision proved to be catastrophic for the Romanians living in Bessarabia over the next 100 years, who in this way could be forced to link their fate to Russia.
3
Ko, KaYoung. "The Reinterpretation of the Contact Zone expressed in the Exhibition of the Uzbekistan “National Memorial Museum of the Victims of Repression” After the Dissolution USSR." Korean Society for European Integration 12, no. 3 (November 30, 2021): 57–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2021.25.57.
Full textAbstract:
This article, in the 30th anniversary of the Soviet Union dissolution, is an attempt to examine how Uzbekistan, among the countries of the former Soviet Union, reinterprets its past history (mainly during the Soviet period) through an analysis of museum exhibitions. The immediate task of Uzbekistan, like other new born countries in Central Asia, which became independent after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, was ‘nation-building’. Various ways have been sought to create the identity of an independent nation. One of them is the change of interpretation of the Soviet period. Central Asian countries are putting forward a break with the Soviet era, citing the mistakes of the Soviet central government in the past. In addition, they are trying to strengthen the solidarity of the newly independent nation and create a national identity by putting themselves as victims of political oppression.
In the <Repression Museum> exhibition, Uzbekistan identifies itself with a colony conquered by the Soviet Republics. The subjects of the colonial empire include not only Tsarist Russia but also the Soviet central government.
Exhibitions 1 and 2 of the Museum of Repression in Uzbekistan reconstruct the history of oppression moving from the imperial Russia, through the Bolshevik revolution, the socialist construction, Stalin counter-terrorism and post-war period to the perestroika period. The repression related to the cotton scandal is unique to Uzbekistan. And the 3rd exhibition room deals with the current development of Uzbekistan.
In the Museum of Repression in Uzbekistan, the socialist revolution disappeared. And here Lenin s ideal of pursuing common prosperity by building a common home for the people that was considered to be different from imperial Russia, a prison for the people, became insignificant. The Bolsheviks changed into a plundering colonizers that are indistinguishable from the Western empires.
It is portrayed only in the portrait of a harsh empire that has invaded. Likewise today s authoritarian rulers in Uzbekistan are arbitrarily interpreting the past in order to solidify their own nation-state.
4
Świder, Konrad. "Transformacja polityczna w Rosji w latach 90. XX wieku – główne problemy." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 17, no. 1 (December 2019): 97–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2019.1.4.
Full textAbstract:
In december 1991, the Soviet Union collapsed. This fact can be considered to be the most significant geopolitical event of the second half of the 20th century. As a result of the collapse of the USSR, fifteen union republics – the main units of the administrative-political and national division of the Soviet federation – gained state sovereignty and independence. One of the most important results of this process was the creation of Russia (Russian Federation), which declared itself and was recognized as the main successor of the Soviet empire. The young state faced many difficulties, which – at the level of internal policy – include carrying out socio-political-economic transformation, overcoming the deep structural crisis inherited from the late USSR, or building modern durable democratic institutions and democratic political culture. This meant that the new Russian elites needed to make a radical system change and to develop new political mechanisms in the management of this enormous country. The article will present the main problems faced by Russia and its establishment in the 1990s, with many turning points and breakthrough moments, specific to countries undergoing intensive and multifaceted post-communist transformation. Due to the importance and the role of Russia in the international system, the directions and tendencies of changes taking place in this country are particularly important, especially from the perspective of post-Soviet states and the countries of the former socialist block.
5
Siscanu, Ion. "Soviet strategy regarding the Romanian territories (1918-1924)." Revista de istorie a Moldovei, no. 3-4(131-132) (November 2022): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.58187/rim.131-132.05.
Full textAbstract:
In 1918, Bessarabia proclaimed its independence from the Russian Empire and united with Romania. The Bolsheviks pursued the objective of transforming Bessarabia into a bridgehead for the Romanian revolution. The project failed. In 1918, Soviet Russia, counting on the support of Hungarian Soviet troops, prepared for war against Romania. And this project ended in failure. At the beginning of 1920, the highest-ranking military specialists prepared a report addressed to L. Trotsky, the president of the Revolutionary-Military Council of the Russian Soviet Republic, in which they argued the necessity of regaining Bessarabia, because the province, they claimed, covered the entire south of Russia from Hungary and Romania. In the situation where Romania would not accept the retrocession of Bessarabia, the option of delimiting the Romanian territory between the Prut and Dniester was proposed based on the ethnic structure of the population of the counties of the former Bessarabian governorate and, above all, based on the strategic interests of Soviet Russia. On October 12, 1924, the III Session of the Central Executive Committee of Ukraine adopted the decision “On the creation of the Moldavian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic within Ukraine”, according to which the border of the SSR, to the west and southwest, lied on “state border of the USSR”. In the conviction of some Bolshevik leaders from Balta and Kyiv, this formula would have meant that the territory between the Dniester and the Prut was also included in the composition of the MASSR, since the Soviet Union had not recognized the union of Bessarabia with Romania. At the current stage of the research, no official document was identified in which the western and southwestern borders of the MASSR were fixed on the Prut River and the Danube. On the contrary, the western and southwestern border of the MASSR was not even declared on the Prut and the Danube but remained on the Dniester.
6
Begum, Toheeda. "The Evolving Russo-Pak Entente-Cordiale: Challenges for the Future." Central Asia 90, Summer (July 20, 2022): 19–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-90.168.
Full textAbstract:
Historically, the Russo-Pak relationship had aforeign policy context and a legacy that went through the historic eras of pre-partition Great Game between the British Indian and Czarist Empires,and the post-partition Cold War between the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and the United States of America (USA).Pakistan on its creation sided with the American led West through Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) and Central Treaty Organization (CENTO) or Baghdad Pact, plus, the partnerships against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and in the War on Terror. The US military and financial aid and the support by the International and Asian financial institutions for Pakistan is decades old—albeit now with a friction over Afghanistan, Russia and China. Still, the transactional-cooperation remains over Afghanistan through the air-corridorthatis useful for Americans in many ways. American influence, assets and the air-corridor is a deadly mix in Afghanistan. The Afghan Taliban know thatthe drones, jets and aircrafts using the corridor take-off from and land at Qatar without ever landing in Afghanistan. Moreover, intelligence sharing is part of Pak-US operational cooperation with a possibility of a military base too. The context of Pak-US cooperation is the centuries old British era Frontier Policy. It remained until the American strategic withdrawal from Afghanistan. Therelationship since then has deteriorated and the perception of each other is not harmonious despite the tactical cooperation in Afghanistan. The reason is the strategic choices made by Pakistan and America lackingcongruence over China, Russia, Afghanistan and India.Theinteractive-arm-twisting of Pakistan is an indicator. The restis the detail of Pakistan’s New Frontier Policy.
7
Stašulāne, Anita. "ESOTERICISM AND POLITICS: THEOSOPHY." Via Latgalica, no. 2 (December 31, 2009): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/latg2009.2.1604.
Full textAbstract:
Interference of esotericism and politics became apparent especially in the 19th century when the early socialists expected the coming of the Age of Spirit, and narratives about secret wisdom being kept in mysterious sacred places became all the more popular. Thus, the idea of the Age of Enlightenment underwent transformation: the world will be saved not by ordinary knowledge but by some special secret wisdom. In this context, Helena Blavatsky (1831–1891) developed the doctrine of Theosophy the ideas of which were overtaken by the next-generation theosophists including also the Russian painter Nicholas Roerich (1874–1947) and his spouse Helena Roerich (1879–1955) who developed a new form of Theosophy. The aim of this article is to analyse the interference between Theosophy and politics paying special attention to its historical roots, which, in the context of Roerich groups, are to be sought in the political activities of Nicholas Roerich, the founder of the movement. The following materials have been used in the analysis: first, writings of the founders of Agni Yoga or Teaching of Living Ethics; second, the latest studies in the history of Theosophy made in the available archives after the collapse of the soviet regime; third, materials obtained from the interviews of a field research (2006–2008). The author has made use of an interdisciplinary approach combining anthropological methods with the method of systematic analysis. The historical roots of the political activity of contemporary theosophists stretch into the political aspirations of Nicholas Roerich, the founder of Agni Yoga or Teaching of Living Ethics. Opening of the USSR secret archives and publication of several formerly inaccessible diaries and letters of theosophists offer an opportunity to study the “spiritual geopolitics” of the Roerichs. Setting off to his Central Asian expeditions (1925–1928; 1934–1935), Nicholas Roerich strived to implement the Great Plan, i.e. to found a New State that would stretch from Tibet to South Siberia comprising the territories governed by China, Mongolia, Tibet and the USSR. The new state was conceived as the kingdom of Shambhala on the earth, and in order to form this state, Nicholas Roerich aspired to acquire the support of various political systems. During the Tzarist Empire, the political world outlook of Nicholas Roerich was markedly monarchic. After the Bolshevik coup in Russia, the artist accepted the offer to work under the wing of the new power, but after his emigration to the West Roerich published extremely sharp articles against the Bolsheviks. In 1922, the Roerichs started to support Lenin considering him the messenger of Shambhala. Roerich’s efforts to acquire Bolshevik support culminated in 1926 when the Roerichs arrived in Moscow bringing a message by Mahatmas to the soviet government, a small case with earth for the Lenin Mausoleum from Burhan-Bulat and paintings in which Buddha Maitreya bore strong resemblance to Lenin. The plan of founding the Union of Eastern Republics, with Bolshevik support, failed, since about the year 1930 the soviet authorities changed their position concerning the politics of the Far East. Having ascertained that the Bolsheviks would not provide the anticipated support for the Great Plan, the Roerichs started to seek for contacts in the USA which provided funding for his second expedition (1934–1935). The Roerichs succeeded even in making correspondence (1934–1936) with President Roosevelt who paid much larger attention to Eastern states especially China than other presidents did. Their correspondence ceased when the Security Service of the USA grew suspicious about Roerich’s pro-Japanese disposition. Nicholas Roerich has sought for support to his political ambitions by all political regimes. In 1934, the Russian artist tried to ascertain whether German national socialists would support his efforts in Asia. It may seem that the plans of founding the Union of Oriental Republics have passed away along with Roerich; yet in 1991 his son Svyatoslav Roerich (1904–1993) pointed out once again that the Altai is a very important centre of the great future and Zvenigorod is still a great reality and a magnificent dream. Interference between esotericism and politics is observed also among Latvian theosophists: the soviet regime successfully made use of Roerich’s adherents propagating the communist ideology in the independent Republic of Latvia. In the 1920s and 1930s, the embassy of the USSR in Riga maintained close contacts with Roerich’s adherents in Latvia and made a strong pressure on the Latvian government not to ban the Roerich’s Museum Friend Society who actively propagated the success of soviet culture and economy. On 17 June 1940, the soviet army occupied the Republic of Latvia, and Haralds Lūkins, the son of the founder of the Roerich’s Museum Friend Society, was elected to the first government of the soviet Latvia. Nevertheless, involvement of theosophists in politics was unsuccessful, since after the official annexation of Latvia into the USSR, on 5 August 1940, all societies including the Roerich’s Museum Friend Society were closed. Since the members of the movement continued to meet regularly, in 1949, Haralds Lūkins was arrested as leader of an illegal organization. After the Second World War, theosophists were subjected to political repressions. Arrests of Roerich’s followers (1948–1951) badly impaired the movement. After rehabilitation in 1954, the repressed persons gradually returned from exile and kept on their illegal meetings in small groups. To regain their rights to act openly, Roerich’s followers started to praise Nicholas Roerich as a supporter of the soviet power. With the collapse of the soviet regime, Roerich’s followers in Latvia became legal in 1988 when the Latvian Roerich Society was restored which soon split up according to geopolitical orientation; therefore, presently in Latvia, there are the following organisations: Latvian Roerich Society, Latvian Department of the International Centre of the Roerichs, and Aivars Garda group or the Latvian National Front. A. Garda fused nationalistic ideas with Theosophy offering a special social reorganization – repatriation of the soviet-time immigrants and a social structure of Latvia that would be formed by at least 75% ethnic Latvians. Activity of A. Garda group, which is being criticized by other groups of theosophists, is a continuation of the interference between theosophical and political ideas practised by the Roerichs. Generally it is to be admitted that after the crush of the soviet regime, in theosophist groups, unclear political orientation between the rightists and leftists is observed, characterised by fairly radical ideas.
8
Kniazevych, N. V. "HISTORICAL AND LEGAL ANALYSIS OF THE HEALTH CARE WORKERS’ LEGAL STATUS DEVELOPMENT." Medicne pravo, no. 2(28) (October 7, 2021): 9–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.25040/medicallaw2021.02.009.
Full textAbstract:
The administrative and legal status of a health care worker gives a possibility to determine his place and role in public administration and other public relations. The rights and responsibilities of health care workers are of great scientific and practical importance, especially in view of the ongoing health care reform processes in the country. Given this, it is important to study the peculiarities of the formation of certain rights and responsibilities of medical workers, which constitute their current legal status, over a significant period of history of the Ukrainian state.
The article provides a historical and legal analysis of the development of the legal status of a health care worker, the beginning of the establishment of the first norms of behavior and professional responsibilities of medical workers in Ukraine, as well as legal acts governing the legal regulation of the legal status of medical workers in different years of existence of the Ukrainian state. The importance of research in the context of modern health care reforms for the formation of its individual areas of implementation is emphasized.
In Ukraine, as in every country, the legal regulation of the legal status of health care workers has its own genesis. The field of health care dates back to the establishment of the statehood by East Slavic tribes in the ninth century and various subjects in the field of treatment were singled out. Thanks to the work of the first "doctors" of Kievan Rus, medical knowledge and skills were spread out, the foundations of deontological norms of behavior and professional responsibilities were formed, and the interest of the state authorities in providing medical care to the population appeared.
"Kyiv-Pechersk Paterik" contains a list of responsibilities of that time doctors that lived in monasteries, namely, they had to do menial work, caring for the sick; be tolerant in dealing with them; do not care about personal enrichment.
The first professional duties of a secular doctor were contained in the "Svyatoslav's Miscellany " in 1076, compiled for the Chernihiv prince Svyatoslav Yaroslavovich from the " Miscellany " of the Bulgarian King Simeon (X century). Among such responsibilities was the provision of surgical care - the ability to cut the skin, amputate limbs, burn wounds, fight suppuration.
The first basic act, which determined the legal status of medical workers was "Rules governing the professional work of medical staff" (hereinafter - the Rules), was approved by the SNC of the USSR on April 17, 1924. It established qualification requirements for medical positions. According to Art. 1 of this document, the medical staff included persons who had the qualifications of a doctor, dentist, obstetrician, assistant doctor, pharmacist, nurse or brother (medical), masseur. To hold the position of a doctor, it was necessary to obtain the appropriate qualification in a medical institute or university, or a higher medical school of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (hereinafter - the USSR) or the former Russian Empire. At the same time, such a right was granted to persons who had obtained medical education and the qualification of a doctor of medicine abroad and had passed an examination at a higher medical school in the USSR. Such professionals could engage in both medical practice and hold administrative positions in the field of medicine. Physicians, in agreement with the administration, were given the right to have a personal seal stating their qualifications.
The rules also determined the features of medical intervention (surgery, hypnosis, anesthesia, etc.). For example, a doctor had the right to use anesthesia only with the consent of the patient or in the case of his infancy or mental illness, or fainting of parents or guardians. In case of urgent surgical intervention, the doctor had to consult with a fellow surgeon. Otherwise, he had to make decisions alone. Doctors were required to report such medical interventions to health departments within 24 hours.
The health care system in 1969-1991 was based on the norms enshrined in the Fundamentals of the Legislation of the USSR and the Union Republics on Health Care (1969) and the Law of the Ukrainian SSR "On Health Care" (1971). (hereinafter - the Law), which emphasized that public health is one of the most important tasks of the Soviet state and the duty of all state bodies and public organizations. The basics of the legislation of the USSR and the Union Republics on health care served as a kind of legislative basis, on the basis of which other laws and bylaws regulating the health of citizens were subsequently adopted.
The law provided the duty to maintain medical confidentiality, which meant that doctors and other medical and pharmaceutical workers were not allowed to disclose information about illnesses, intimate and family life of citizens, which they found out as a result of their professional duties.
To sum up, we can identify the main historical stages of formation of the legal status of a health care worker:
1) IX century, the times of Kievan Rus - the first mention of the duties of that time doctors ("Kiev-Pechersk Paterik", "Svyatoslav's Miscellany " 1076);
2) The times of the USSR in 1919 - the first attempt to streamline medical activities and outline the legal status of medical workers, including the provision of certain social and material guarantees ("Rules governing the professional work of medical staff", approved by the USSR SNK April 17, 1924), Resolution of the SNC of the USSR "On Improving the Situation of Medical and Sanitary Workers" of June 10, 1920).
3) 1969-1991, Ukraine in the Soviet period - strengthening democratic principles in public and state life, a new codification of Soviet law (Fundamentals of the legislation of the USSR and the Union Republics on health care (1969), the Law of the Ukrainian SSR " On health care "(1971))
Moreover, we can identify the basic principles of health care in Ukraine, which were formed over a long period of history of the Ukrainian state, due to the different legal and economic situation of the country and, due to historical and legal development that became decisive for the current legal status of medical workers. These are such principles as: recognition of health care as a priority of society and the state, availability and free medical care, democracy, provision of state guarantees, observance of medical secrecy, etc.
9
Hove, Mediel. "The Emergence of the New Cold War: The Syrian and Ukraine Conflicts." Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 20, no. 2 (December 2016): 135–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598416680432.
Full textAbstract:
This article evaluates the emergence of the new Cold War using the Syrian and Ukraine conflicts, among others. Incompatible interests between the United States (US) and Russia, short of open conflict, increased after the collapse of the former Soviet Union. This article argues that the struggle for dominance between the two superpowers, both in speeches and deed, to a greater degree resembles what the world once witnessed before the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in 1991. It asserts that despite the US’ unfettered power, after the fall of the Soviet Union, it is now being checked by Russia in a Cold War fashion.
10
Bevzyuk, Evgen, and Olga Kotlyar. "WESTERN EURASIA: THE SEARCH FOR A REGIONAL SECURITY PARADIGM." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki 32 (November 20, 2023): 81–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2023.32.081.
Full textAbstract:
The paper analyzes the circumstances of the formation of a new security paradigm in Asian countries (former Soviet republics - Armenia, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan). The twilight of bipolarity, unfortunately, did not open a new qualitative page in the system of regional security. Global socio-economic transformations and political upheavals have added to political instability and uncertainty. Against this historical and political background, Russia's war against Ukraine became a bifurcation point for such a region as Western Eurasia. The relevance of the research topic is determined by the international political processes that are taking place today in the territory of the former Soviet Union. The security format of the former republics of the Union is traditionally considered mainly in the regional - post-Soviet geopolitical context. Therefore, when analyzing the foreign policy features of the region, one should take into account the fact that the Asian republics were part of the USSR for a long time. At the same time, the process of the collapse of the Soviet Union did not fundamentally change the specific status of Russia in the Eurasian “Heartland”. For a long time, Russia and the southern republics of the former Soviet Union were bound by ties of common imperial history, culture and values. However, the fact that Asia has been under the political roof of the Russian Empire for many years has determined the paradigm of Russia's paternalistic attitude towards the countries of the region and for many years defined the framework of the regional security paradigm. Regional political processes are an urgent problem in the system of researching processes and phenomena in the post-Soviet space, causing a clash of different points of view and practice. The focus of the research is the problem of the past and present in the countries of Asia (former Soviet republics) as international regional actors and the determination of possible prospects for the development of their foreign policy scenario. The purpose of the study is to clarify the role and place of Asian countries (former republics of the USSR) in the process of forming a new regional security paradigm from the moment of the beginning of the active phase of Russia's military aggression against Ukraine. The object of research is Western Eurasia as a modern regional phenomenon of geopolitics. The subject of the study is the foreign policy of modern Asian countries (former Soviet republics) in the conditions of the formation of a new paradigm of international relations and the growing competition of world actors in the region (USA, EU, China, Russia).
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Former Soviet Republics. Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (Soviet Union). Russia (Empire)"
1
Schulte, Theo J. "The German army and National Socialist occupation policies in the occupied areas of the Soviet Union 1941-1943." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1987. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/4158/.
Full textAbstract:
During the Second World War, with the failure of the German invasion of the Soviet Union to maintain its momentum, large areas of captured Russian territory remained under German Army jurisdiction for the entire duration of the conflict; rather than being turned over to National Socialist civilian administrators. Evidence drawn from the files of two of the military government rear areas (KorOcks) is used in order to consider the institutional response of the Army towards this unanticipated problem. Methodological approaches associated with 'history from below' are combined with orthodox 'history from above' in order to reassess the findings of secondary literature on the topic. Particular consideration is given to primary data which describes the war from the perspective of the German soldiers who conducted policy on the ground. Initially, the controversial historical debate which has developed as to the Wehrmacht's role in the occupied areas is discussed and set against the wider background of the place of the armed forces within the Third Reich. The character and organisation of military government in the Soviet Union is then described so as to indicate the complex and difficult conditions under which the German troops operated. Following on from this, a range of diverse issues are discussed, including economic policy, anti-partisan warfare, the treatment of Soviet prisoners of war, army relations with the civilian population, Wehrmacht co-operation with the SS, criminal behaviour amongst the German soldiers, and troop morale and fighting power. A number of highly critical interpretations of Wehrmacht activities are thus re-evaluated; especially those which emphasise the extent to which members of the German armed forces were influenced primarily by ideological considerations. Overall, while full regard is given to the weight of evidence which seeks to demythologise 'apologist' arguments that deny the calculated involvement of the German Army in the racial war of annihilation conducted in the East, equal attention is drawn to the varied responses and conduct of the German troops directly involved in implementing such policies. Accordingly, due regard is also given to the importance of social, socio- psychological and institutional factors in influencing individual and group behaviour within the Third Reich.
2
Keçeci, Serkan. "The grand strategy of the Russian Empire in the Caucasus against its southern rivals (1821-1833)." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3512/.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation will analyse the grand strategy of the Russian empire against its southern rivals, namely the Ottoman empire and Iran, in the Caucasus, between 1821 and 1833. This research is interested in explaining how the Russian imperial machine devised and executed successful strategies to use its relative superiority over the Ottomans and the Qājārs and secure domination of the region. Russian success needs, however, to be understood within a broader context that also takes in Ottoman and Iranian policy-making and perspectives, and is informed by a comparative sense of the strengths and weaknesses of all three imperial regimes. In this thesis, the question of why Russia was more successful than the Ottoman state and Iran in the Caucasus between 1821 and 1833 is explained in three main ways: the first and most important factor in this process was the well-functioning fiscal-military machine of the Russian empire; the second factor was the diplomatic and military skill of the Russian leadership which helped to avert any effective political and military alliance between the Ottoman empire and Iran and defeated its rivals in two separate and successive wars; the last main factor in Russian success was its geopolitically superior position.
3
Üre, Pınar. "Byzantine heritage, archaeology, and politics between Russia and the Ottoman Empire : Russian Archaeological Institute in Constantinople (1894-1914)." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1005/.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation will analyse the history of the Russian Archaeological Institute in Constantinople, which operated between 1895 and 1914. Established under the administrative structure of the Russian Embassy in Constantinople, the institute occupied a place at the intersection of science and politics. Focusing nearly exclusively on Byzantine and Slavic antiquities in the Ottoman Empire, the activities of the institute reflected the imperial identity of Russia at the turn of the century. As was explicitly expressed by Russian diplomats, bureaucrats, and scholars, the establishment of an archaeological institution in the Ottoman capital was regarded as a foreign policy tool to extend Russia’s influence in the Near East, a tool of “soft power” in modern parlance. On the Ottoman side, foreign archaeological activities were regarded with suspicion especially in the later part of the 19th century. In an attempt to preserve its vulnerable sovereignty, Ottoman Empire closely monitored foreign archaeological activities on its territories. For the Ottoman Empire, archaeology was also a way of projecting its image as a modern, Westernised empire. For both Russian and Ottoman archaeologists, European scholarship was regarded as an example that should be followed, and a rival at the same time. Russian archaeologists had to close down their office with the outbreak of World War I. The complications that arose with the disintegration of the institute were solved only in the late 1920s between the Soviet Union and Republican Turkey, under completely different political circumstances.
4
Sumner, Laura Marie. "Ideology and identity : 'knowing' workers in early Soviet Russia, 1917-1921." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2018. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/48484/.
Full textAbstract:
The period 1917-1921 provides an insight not only into the policies of the new Soviet state but the mindset of its leaders. These four years were a time of intense political struggle and socio-economic disruption, which exposed the tension between ideology and practice in Bolshevik discourse and policy making. Workers, specifically metalworkers, were a focal point of Bolshevik ideology and policies in this period. This thesis will explore how the Soviet state conceptualised metalworkers, through ideology, and how this informed their engagement with workers, through policy. This will be done through an examination of state statistical data and how prominent state polices, cultural policy and treatment of dissent, and discourse changed over this period. It will also focus on a case study of Sormovo Metalworks, a suburb of Nizhnii Novgrorod, and use local sources to investigate how the tension between ideology and practice played out on a local level. It will explore how local Bolsheviks conceptualised and engaged with Sormovo workers and how this was shaped by three things: Bolshevik ideology, the context of the Civil War and the specific local conditions of Sormovo and its workforce. The Civil War period witnessed a change in the discourse and policies of the Soviet state, which became more coercive, interventionist and repressive as the war progressed. Sormovo Metalworks was a large metalworking complex in a largely rural province; it had a skilled workforce with a tradition of labour activism through striking and was dominated by the Socialist Revolutionary Party. The move towards an increasingly centralised state was utilised by local Bolsheviks in Sormovo in an attempt to end the labour activism of its workforce and crush political opposition. However, despite the increasingly assertive discourse about the identity of metalworkers and the state’s drive for economic, political and cultural centralisation, Sormovo workers had the ability to challenge, subvert and negotiate state labels and even policies. This case study reveals that although Sormovo workers suffered repeated challenges to their identity by the state, local government and the economic crises of the Civil War, they continued to utilise self-identification based on their skill and shared socio-economic experience. This in turn shaped their vertical and horizontal social, economic and political relationships with those around them. Although the central state became politically and economically centralised and authoritarian, the identity of the grassroots in Sormovo remained diverse and fluid.
5
Ōgushi, Atsushi. "The disintegration of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2005. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4406/.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation analyses the process of the disintegration of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), which is central to the Soviet collapse. The disintegration process also provides a good opportunity to test existing theories of political regime change. In terms of source use, this dissertation makes extensive use of the party archives that became available after the Soviet collapse. This makes possible a very detailed analysis of work of the party apparat. The importance of the subject and a review of existing theories that offers some hypotheses are discussed in the first chapter. In the second chapter, the reason why the party reform was necessary is considered through analysing the situation within the party before the perestroika period. The analysis makes clear that the CPSU faced a dilemma between monolithic unity and monopolistic control before the perestroika period, which made party reforms necessary. The third chapter deals with party-state relations under Gorbachev’s reform in detail. This chapter discusses the fact that, as a result of the reorganisation of the party apparat that was intended to stop the party’s interfering in the state body, the party lost its traditional administrative functions. This, however, led to a ‘power vacuum’ because no other alternative power centre was established quickly, and complicated further reform attempts. Moreover, the party failed to find a new function as a ‘political party’, as considered in detail in the fourth chapter. Despite attempts at competitive party elections and the emergence of party platforms, Gorbachev failed to transform the CPSU into a ‘parliamentary’ rather than a ‘vanguard party’. Therefore, the CPSU lost its raison d’être, which accelerated a mass exodus of members. The rapid decline in party membership caused a financial crisis which is considered in the fifth chapter. The financial crisis and the soviets’ demands for the nationalisation of party property forced the CPSU to engage in commercial activity. Nonetheless, commercial activity unintentionally caused the fragmentation or dispersal of party property. On the other hand, the ‘power vacuum’ expanded so much that some emergency measures seemed necessary to some top state leaders. The August attempted coup is discussed in the sixth chapter in the context of party-military relations. When Russian president Yeltsin suspended its activity, the CPSU had lost its raison d’être and its property had been fragmented or dispersed. Thus, the CPSU had no choice but to accept the reality that it was ‘dead’ de facto. The final chapter gives an overview of this pattern of developments, and compares it with the experiences of other communist parties’ reforms in East Europe. The theoretical implications are also considered in the final chapter, which argues that existing theories of political regime change are not sufficient and that a further effort of conceptualisation based on the realities considered in the thesis is necessary.
6
Flake, Lincoln Edson. "Religious protectionism in the former Soviet Union : traditional churches and religious liberties." Thesis, St Andrews, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/221.
Full text
7
Peeling, Siobhan. ""Out of place" in the postwar city : practices, experiences and representations of displacement during the resettlement of Leningrad at the end of the blockade." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2010. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/11700/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores the repopulation of Leningrad following the blockade of the city during the Second World War. In the years after the lifting of the siege blockade survivors remaining in Leningrad were joined annually by hundreds of thousands of incomers. However, while the siege has recently been the subject of a number of scholarly and literary treatments, much less attention has been paid to what happened next in terms of the mass resettlement of the city. Accounts of the consequences of the blockade that touch upon the postwar population have deployed the term ‘Leningraders’ as shorthand for a cohesive community of blockade survivors, embedded in the culture and landscape of the city. Even pieces of work that have portrayed post-siege Leningrad as a ‘city of migrants’ have concentrated on the impact of the loss of the prewar population rather than on the multifarious experiences of its itinerant populations. The thesis addresses the role of widespread experiences of displacement and resettlement in structuring relationships among individuals and between citizens and the authorities in the post-siege civic environment. It examines the repopulation in the context of evolving Soviet practices of population management after the war and in terms of the intersection of population movements with the re-affirmation of a civic community in a city which had lost a vast proportion of its population, just as it gained the basis for a powerful new narrative of belonging. It demonstrates how competing visions of the desired postwar order on a national and local scale were constructed and contested in relation to displaced people who were often targeted as a potentially transgressive presence in the postwar landscape.
8
Phillips, James Peter. "The Eastern Crisis, 1875-1878, in British and Russian press and society." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2012. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/13629/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis of 84,616 words uses the Eastern Crisis of 1875-78 to consider the Press in Great Britain and Russia. 5 case-study chapters consider respectively the reaction to the Bosnian and Hercegovinian revolt of 1875, the Bulgarian 'Atrocity Campaign' of 1876, the outpouring of public sympathy in Russia for the cause of the Serbs in 1876, the involvement of Greece in Eastern crisis, and the British 'Jingo' movement. For each case study, the relationship of the mass activity to the newspaper and periodical press is considered, as well as tracing the interplay between government and Press, and examining whether the Press was able to act as an intermediary between people and government. As this is a comparative study, these movements are considered not only through their own national Press, but through that of the other nation. A recurring theme throughout, is the running current of suspicion existing between Britain and Russia throughout this period, which is analysed in some detail, and shown to have been a highly significant factor in much of what was undertaken by both governments and individuals in Britain and Russia at this time.
9
Wright, Alistair S. "The establishment of Bolshevik power on the Russian periphery : Soviet Karelia, 1918-1919." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2012. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3105/.
Full textAbstract:
Using an array of original materials from Russian regional and central archives this detailed study of Soviet Karelia from 1918-1919 is the first to appear in English after the fall of the Soviet Union. It adds to the still limited number of regional studies of the civil war period and using the Karelian districts as a case study discusses how the Bolsheviks consolidated power on the periphery, what factors hindered this process and what were the sources of resistance. Karelia is unique for a combination of reasons. First, it is a grain deficit region and so was always in need of help with the supply of grain from the Volga and other parts of central Russia. Second, the political influence of the Left Socialist Revolutionary party (Left SRs) continued for a considerable time after the events of July 1918. The thesis explores how power was transferred in the region following the October revolution and how the planned political objectives of the Bolsheviks were stalled by the lack of political control in the districts not least of all, for most of 1918, because of the influence of the Left SRs. However, despite political, economic, social and military crises the Bolsheviks gained more experience in power as the civil war progressed and a semblance of order emerged from the chaos. They gained enough control over the food supply shortages for the population to subsist and increased their control in key Soviet institutions, such as the provincial security police (the Cheka) and the Red Army, which ultimately ensured the survival of the Bolshevik regime and victory in the civil war.
10
Bertelsen, Olga. "Spatial dimensions of Soviet repressions in the 1930s : the House of Writers (Kharkiv, Ukraine)." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2013. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/13390/.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines spatial dimensions of state violence against the Ukrainian intelligentsia in the 1930s, and the creation of a place of surveillance, the famous House of Writers (Budynok Slovo), an apartment building that was conceived by an association of writers “Slovo” in Kharkiv. This building fashioned an important identity for Ukrainian intellectuals, which was altered under state pressure and the fear of being exterminated. Their creative art was gradually transformed into the art of living and surviving under the terror, a feature of a regimented society. The study explores the writers’ behavior during arrests and interrogation, and examines the Soviet secret police’s tactics employed in interrogation rooms. The narrative considers the space of politics that brought the perpetrators of terror and their victims closer to each other, eventually forcing them to share the same place. Within this space and place they became interchangeable and interchanged, and ultimately were physically eliminated. Importantly, the research illuminates the multiethnic composition of the building’s residents: among them were cultural figures of Ukrainian, Russian and Jewish origins. Their individual histories and contributions to Ukrainian culture demonstrate the vector of Stalin’s terror which targeted not Ukrainian ethnicity as such but instead was directed against the development of Ukrainian national identity and Ukrainian statehood that were perceived as a challenge to the center’s control and as harbingers of separatism. The study also reveals that the state launched the course of counter-Ukrainization in 1926 and disintegrated the Ukrainian intellectual community through mass repressive operations which the secret police began to apply from 1929. The study also demonstrates that, together with people, the state purposefully exterminated national cultural artifacts—journals, books, art and sculpture, burying human ideas which have never been and will never be consummated. The purpose was to explain how the elimination of most prominent Ukrainian intellectuals was organized, rationalized and politicized. During the period of one decade, the terror tore a hole in the fabric of Ukrainian culture that may never be mended.
Books on the topic "Former Soviet Republics. Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (Soviet Union). Russia (Empire)"
1
Khoroshevich, E. I. Obeliski pami︠a︡ti Russkoĭ Imperatorskoĭ armii Pervoĭ mirovoĭ voĭny. Minsk: "Belprint", 2018.
Find full text
2
1947-, Colton Timothy J., Legvold Robert, Averell Harriman Institute for Advanced Study of the Soviet Union., and American Assembly, eds. After the Soviet Union: From empire to nations. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1992.
Find full text
3
Kuzʹmin, S. L. The turtles of Russia and other ex-Soviet republics (former Soviet Union). Frankfurt am Main: Edition Chimaira, 2002.
Find full text
4
P, Ebrill Liam, Havrylyshyn Oleh, and International Monetary Fund, eds. Tax reform in the Baltics, Russia, and other countries of the former Soviet Union. Washington, D.C: International Monetary Fund, 1999.
Find full text
5
Mandel, William M. Russia yesterday, today, and tomorrow. New York: Peter Lang, 2000.
Find full text
6
Income inequalities in the former Soviet Union and its republics. Armonk, N.Y: M.E. Sharpe, 1993.
Find full text
7
1938-, Brown Archie, Kaser Michael Charles, and Smith Gerald Stanton, eds. The Cambridge encyclopedia of Russia and the former Soviet Union. 2nd ed. Cambridge [Cambridgeshire]: Cambridge University Press, 1994.
Find full text
8
Affairs, Canada Dept of External. Commerce: Protocol between Canada and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. S.l: s.n, 1989.
Find full text
9
Suvorov, Viktor. Soviet military intelligence. London: Grafton, 1986.
Find full text
10
Marples, David R. Motherland: Russia in the 20th century. London: Longman, 2002.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Former Soviet Republics. Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (Soviet Union). Russia (Empire)"
1
Golubev, Alexey. "Digitizing Archives in Russia: Epistemic Sovereignty and Its Challenges in the Digital Age." In The Palgrave Handbook of Digital Russia Studies, 353–69. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-42855-6_20.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe chapter discusses the production of digital archives in Russia as part of a complex political economy of historical knowledge. Several high-profile digital archives have been produced within the framework of grant funding provided by international agencies and commercial content providers and have reflected the priorities of the funding organizations by focusing on state violence in Russia and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), international Communist movement, as well as other politicized or easily monetized content. At the same time, national and regional archives in Russia also engaged in the digitization of their collections by soliciting federal and local funding. These latter projects emphasized complexity and objectivity as the two key categories of the digitization of archives while pursuing an underlying political agenda to restore epistemic sovereignty over Russian history.
2
Martin, Terry. "An Affirmative Action Empire The Soviet Union as the Highest Form ef Imperialism." In A State Of Nations, 67–90. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195144222.003.0003.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Russia’S New Revolutionary Government was the first of the old European multiethnic states to confront the rising tide of nationalism and respond by systematically promoting the national consciousness of its ethnic minorities and by establishing for them many of the characteristic institutional forms of the nation-state.The Bolshevik strategy was to assume leadership over what now appeared to be the inevitable process of decolonization and to carry it out in a manner that would preserve the territorial integrity of the old Russian empire and enable the construction of a new centralized, socialist state. To that end, the Soviet state created not just a dozen large national republics but tens of thousands of national territories scattered across the entire expanse of the Soviet Union. New national elites were trained and promoted to leadership positions in the government, schools, and industrial enterprises of these newly formed territories. In each territory, the national language was declared the official language of government. In dozens of cases, this necessitated the creation of a written language where one did not yet exist. The Soviet state financed the mass production of books, journals, newspapers, movies, operas, museums, folk music ensembles, and other cultural output in the non-Russian languages. Nothing comparable to it had been attempted before, and, with the possible exception of India, no multiethnic state has subsequently matched the scope of Soviet affirmative action.
3
Michlin-Shapir, Vera. "The Unmaking of the Soviet Project." In Fluid Russia, 15–40. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501760549.003.0002.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter focuses on the abrupt change from Soviet socialism. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) was an amalgamation of identities that brought together Soviet identification, in which the Russian language and culture played a central role. However, the unraveling of the Soviet state resulted in the challenges of Homo sovieticus. Russian legislators had to determine the identity behind the Russian people. The fragmentation of the institution of citizenship resulted in dissatisfaction with citizenship laws and public insecurity. In 1991, the first Russian citizenship law expressed two sets of ideas: characteristics of Russia's primacy among republics and Western principles of globalization, human rights, and late modernity trends.
4
Tauchen, Jaromír, and David Kolumber. "Great Theorists of Central European Integration in the Czech Republic." In Great Theorists of Central European Integration, 273–311. Central European Academic Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2023.mg.gtocei_8.
Full textAbstract:
The chapter examines five prominent Czech thinkers whose works contributed to the issue of Central European integration. These key figures are discussed chronologically. First, the life and work of František Palacký (1798–1876) is presented. A politician, writer and the founder of modern Czech history, Palacký contributed significantly to the political life of the nineteenth century through the question of cooperation between the Slavic peoples of the Habsburg Monarchy; the relationship of the Czech lands to German integration; and later to the Compromise of 1867. Another important figure is the politician and Czechoslovak Prime Minister Karel Kramář (1860–1937), who based his ideas on close cooperation with Russia and developed the concept of the Slavic Empire. Although the Czechoslovak President Edvard Beneš (1884–1948) is often mentioned primarily in connection with the events of 1938 (Munich Agreement), the expulsion of Germans from Czechoslovakia and 1948 (Communist putsch), Beneš had advocated the unification of the European area as a barrier against the hardships of war. These concepts were manifested not only in the Paris Peace Conference and proposals within the League of Nations, but also in the formation of the Little Entente during the interwar period and negotiations for the Czechoslovak–Polish Confederation during the Second World War. However, Beneš’s ideas ulti- mately failed thanks to France’s incompetence and the expansionism of the Soviet Union, which he underestimated. Another prominent integrationist theorist was the politician and national economist Jaromír Nečas (1888–1945), who developed the United States of Europe thesis and whose efforts at a peaceful solution to the Sudeten crisis are often overlooked. Czechoslovak and Czech president, playwright, and dissident Václav Havel (1936–2011) provided a philosophical dimension to the integration issue. Havel actively sought the early integration of Eastern Europe into Western European structures and was also the main initiator of close cooperation with Hungary and Poland, understanding the Euro-Atlantic orientation of the former socialist countries as a necessity. He simultaneously pointed out the mistakes that were gaining negative assessments, especially for the European Union. This chapter presents the aforementioned thinkers’ life stories and summarises their crucial works and speeches, illustrating their contribution to Central European integration.
5
Graney, Katherine. "Russia." In Russia, the Former Soviet Republics, and Europe Since 1989, 141–70. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190055080.003.0006.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter examines Russia’s tortured history and present with the idea of its own “Europeanness” and sense of belonging to Europe. It argues that we must see the period of 1989 as the newest iteration of a long historical cycle, wherein Russia is seen as both part of and central to, and also apart from and threating to, “Europe.” After a brief discussion of the historical trajectory of arguments about the level of Russian and Soviet “Europeanness,” the chapter identifies the four different discourses of Europe that are found in contemporary Russian self-identity and politics. It then examines Russia’s Europeanization efforts in the cultural-civilizational, political, and security realms, focusing in particular on Russia’s attempt to create “Euro-alternatives” to the EU and NATO in the form of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) and the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO).
6
Puffer, Sheila M., and Daniel J. McCarthy. "History of the USSR and CIS." In Advances in Electronic Government, Digital Divide, and Regional Development, 1–18. IGI Global, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-3264-4.ch001.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter provides an overview of the history of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, from the time of its creation as a result of the 1917 Russian Revolution, to its dissolution in 1991. The major emphasis is on economic conditions, with political and social conditions as background. The chapter then discusses The Commonwealth of Independent States, the alliance that included most of the 15 former Soviet republics that became independent countries. Developments in Russia, the largest both geographically and demographically, as well as the most powerful of the CIS countries, are the major focus from 1991 to 2017.
7
Graney, Katherine. "Cultural-Civilizational Europeanization since 1989." In Russia, the Former Soviet Republics, and Europe Since 1989, 113–38. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190055080.003.0005.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter examines how understandings and practices of Europeanization are shaped in the cultural-civilizational realm since 1989, focusing specifically on the evolution of a European cultural space through the European Broadcasting Union’s yearly Eurovision song contest and the Union of European Football Association’s yearly EURO football championships. It demonstrates the importance that Russia and the non–Central Asian ex-Soviet republics place on being seen as “European enough” to participate successfully in both Eurovision and the EURO football championships, and the ways that participating in these cultural events forces these states to “act European” in political and economic ways, as well as cultural ones. The discussion of Eurovision highlights that event’s influence on spreading the idea of LGBTQ rights as a marker of “Europeanness,” while the EURO football championships are an arena where expectations about civility and racial tolerance as European norms are negotiated.
8
Graney, Katherine. "The Baltic States." In Russia, the Former Soviet Republics, and Europe Since 1989, 171–209. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190055080.003.0007.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter examines the successful “return to Europe” by the three Baltic states, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. It details how they presented European gatekeepers in the EU and NATO with expertly shaped historical and cultural-civilizational narratives that cast the Baltic states as “essentially European” states that had been “captured” by the alien Soviet Union in 1939, hence worthy of “rejoining” a European community they had been unjustly severed from. Skilled leadership and high levels of human development and national unity also helped ease the Baltic return to Europe. The chapter discusses the Baltics’ key role in pushing for an expanded understanding of Europe that would encompass other ex-Soviet states like Ukraine and Georgia, while denying Europeanness to Russia, which is seen as a threat to Europe. Case studies of each of the three Baltic states detail their specific Europeanization processes since 1989.
9
Graney, Katherine. "Political Europeanization since 1989." In Russia, the Former Soviet Republics, and Europe Since 1989, 62–87. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190055080.003.0003.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter examines the process of EU expansion into the former Soviet Union since 1989, identifying the different criteria that have been used to judge candidates for EU membership. The Central European and Baltic states successfully made arguments about their “intrinsic Europeanness” and “belonging” to Europe and the EU, while the Balkan states have had a harder time proving their suitability for Europe. Unlike the Baltic states, the other ex-Soviet republics, like Ukraine and Georgia, have had a harder time convincing the EU of their fitness for membership, that is, their “intrinsic Europeanness,” and have had to settle for being made “Eastern Partners” of the EU and signers of Association Agreements with the EU. Russia has sought a form of partnership with the EU, while rejecting any idea of conditionality. Finally, the EU shows little concern for the ex-Soviet states of Central Asia, not seeing them as fundamentally European in any way.
10
Graney, Katherine. "The Central Asian States." In Russia, the Former Soviet Republics, and Europe Since 1989, 317–74. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190055080.003.0010.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter argues that with the partial exception of Kazakhstan, by mutual agreement, both European gatekeepers and actors in the Central Asian republics of the former Soviet Union have decided that these states are not in any meaningful way part of Europe, and that no aspect of Europeanization (political, security, or cultural-civilizational) is appropriate for them. Kazakhstan has made some effort to position itself as a “truly Eurasian” state that is a bridge between Europe and Asia but is firmly tied to Russia’s Euro-alternative institutions. None of the other Central Asian states has shown any interest in identifying as European in any way. The chapter explores the various forms of political authoritarianism, security strategy, and national identity that the five Central Asian states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan) have pursued instead of a policy of Europeanization. In the absence of a real European presence, Russia’s and China’s roles and ambitions in the region are also discussed.
Conference papers on the topic "Former Soviet Republics. Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (Soviet Union). Russia (Empire)"
1
Azer, Özlem Arzu. "Political and Economic Integration of the Central Asian and South Caucasian Turkish Republics into the Global World." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00244.
Full textAbstract:
With the dissolution of Soviet Union, former Soviet Republics’ central planned economy transformed into free market economy and structural reforms were made as parallel of this development. These former socialist countries have some diffficulties to adopt capitalism due to absence of some fundamental feautures of capitalism and inheritance of Soviet Union.
Ending big threat of communism, the jeo-strategical importance of the region increased for the West because these countries own the oil and gas resources besides they are starting point or transit country of the energy pipelines. However, these transition countries could not develop economically and poverty became the major problem for most of Central Asian and South Caucasian Turkic Republics. As economic problems lead weakness of governance, ethnical conflicts and border conflicts threat these new independent countries. The region seems in the center of war for power due to rich natural resources and pipelines as well as the connection point to Afghanistan and being the exit to the Black Sea.
This paper seeks economic situations of Central Asian and South Caucasian Turkic Republics which jeo-strategical importance increased due to natural resources and geographic location during Post Cold-War era. This work is based on statistical data provided by United Nations Commodity Trade Statistics Database (COMTRADE), United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and International Monetary Fund (IMF), covering the period of 1990-2008 and contains Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan.
2
Ergül, Osman. "Regionalism in Russian Foreign Policy and Russian Integration Strategy through Eurasian Economic Community." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00560.
Full textAbstract:
This paper aims to analyze how Russia could develop different regional models of economic cooperation in order to integrate better into the world economy. Russia’s new strategy especially after the establishment of the EurAsEC and its perception of regionalism, especially in the context of EurAsEC, is an important issue. This is valid not only for the specific analysis of the current concept of regionalism; but also for identifying the key variables of both the new international order and the changing character of new inter-state relations. With in this context, Russian foreign policies toward former Soviet republics in the areas of economy and energy have significant effects on the formation of a new world order. This article therefore aims at studying the attempts of the integration process within the EurAsEC that can be defined as a unique example combining both the process of old regionalism with the new one. Thus, EurAsEC is also worth analyzing not only for drawing inspiration from the EU; but also for being the only example declaring its ambition in its founding treaty of customs union to become a supranational integration process in the post-Soviet area.