Journal articles on the topic 'Foreign workers – Economic aspects – United States'
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1
Gutsalenko, L. V., and D. O. Mokiienko. "Modern remuneration system in foreign country." Bioeconomics and Agrarian Business 11, no. 1 (May 29, 2020): 40–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31548/bioeconomy2020.01.040.
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The article describes the formation features of modern remuneration systems, taking into account the main aspects and methods of labour organization in foreign countries. It also determines the requirements for compulsory salary increase in certain foreign countries. The article focuses on the observers’ forecast of remuneration level changes and the formation of five trends in employee salary and additional payments, such as: regular bonus payments for performance; transparent remuneration; more employees will receive bonuses; analysis of equity aimed at remuneration payments; the formation by states of their own minimum wage policy. It notes that there has been a positive economic change and an increase in demand among states due to increased political influence on the establishment of minimum wages. The data on the minimum wage for January 2020 has been studied and it was pointed that in 2020 Ukraine took the fifteenth place out of 54 countries in the growth rating of minimum wages in the world. Moreover, the main components of the system used at enterprises to provide incentives and increase productivity of employees have been determined. It is also noted that in some foreign countries there is a tendency to regulate and establish maximum wages of intellectual workers. The article gives a comparative analysis of wages of intellectual workers versus manual workers; and it indicates that the wages of intellectual workers are on average higher than wages of manual workers: in Germany – by 20%; in Italy and Denmark — by 22 %; in Luxembourg — by 44 %; in France and Belgium — by 61 %. In comparison with qualified workers, craftsmen earn more: in Germany – by 15%; in the Netherlands — by 23 %, in France— by 30 %, in Belgium — by 40 %. In the United States, lower-level executives (craftsmen, group and sector leaders) have an annual income on average 1.5 times higher than an annual income of manual workers. The article points out that foreign countries tend to use and combine various remuneration systems, each of which consists of two parts: basic (permanent) and additional (variable). It has been suggested to improve and develop new approaches to provide incentives for employees of domestic enterprises that will have a positive impact on their performance.
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Fang, Di. "Japans Growing Economic Activities and the Attainment Patterns of Foreign-Born Japanese Workers in the United States, 1979 to 1989." International Migration Review 30, no. 2 (June 1996): 511–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839603000206.
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This study examines the impact of the economic activities of Japan in the United States on the socioeconomic attainments of foreign-born Japanese male workers in 1979 and 1989. It demonstrates that working in wholesale trade, finance and manufacturing industries, three major sectors of Japanese investment in America, provided foreign-born male Japanese workers with the highest likelihood of assuming managerial positions. Moreover, the managerial occupation in turn provided the Japanese workers with the highest earnings returns. This pattern is consistent over time and by length of residence. The results suggest the importance of Japan's economic globalization since the 1970s in explaining the socioeconomic attainment patterns of foreign-born Japanese workers in the United States.
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Tienda, Marta, and Audrey Singer. "Wage Mobility of Undocumented Workers in the United States." International Migration Review 29, no. 1 (March 1995): 112–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839502900106.
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This study addresses two fundamental questions about the economic assimilation of undocumented immigrants in the United States: 1) how different recently legalized immigrants are from all foreign-born persons and native-born whites; 2) whether wages of undocumented immigrants improve as they acquire greater amounts of U.S. experience and, if so, how these improvements are comparable to those of immigrants in general. We analyze the Legalized Population Survey and the Current Population Survey to assess the returns to U.S. experience and find positive returns to U.S. experience for both undocumented migrants and all foreign-born men. Returns to U.S. experience depend on region of origin. Undocumented immigrants from Mexico received the lowest wage returns and men from non-Spanish-speaking countries received the highest returns to U.S. experience.
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Poston, Dudley L. "Patterns of Economic Attainment of Foreign-Born Male Workers in the United States." International Migration Review 28, no. 3 (September 1994): 478–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839402800303.
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This article is concerned with the economic attainment patterns of foreign-born male workers in the United States in 1980. The economic attainment patterns of males born in 92 countries of the world are examined and are compared among themselves, as well as among the seven principal U.S.-born groups of Anglos, Afro-American, Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, Cuban Americans, Asian Americans, and American Indians. For all foreign-born groups, the article examines the degree to which such individual-level factors as educational attainment, labor market experience, and so forth account for their variation in economic attainment. We conclude that although microlevel characteristics are not the complete answer, they are important for most foreign-born populations in explaining their variation in earnings.
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Poston, Dudley L. "Patterns of Economic Attainment of Foreign-Born Male Workers in the United States." International Migration Review 28, no. 3 (1994): 478. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2546817.
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Lee McKay, Sandra. "Multilingualism in the United States." Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 17 (March 1997): 242–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0267190500003378.
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The scope of this paper is limited to an overview of mutilingualism in the U.S. from 1980 to the present. During this period, discussions of language diversity in the U.S. have been largely dominated by an effort to exert the hegemony of English. This effort has been brought on by changes in the demographic makeup of the U.S. population and supported by a commonly held belief that the economic strength of the U.S. in the international sphere is declining. A dramatic increase in the number of immigrants from Central and South America and the Pacific Rim, coupled with increasing economic competition from industrialized European and Asian nations, has resulted in widespread support for the exclusive use of English in the U.S. This emphasis on English is seen as a way to minimize the threat of the “foreign” influences that are believed to be undermining both the internal unity of the U.S., and its economic world dominance. Whereas nativism is nothing new in the U.S., its current intensity has been fueled by global aspects of migration and economic trade.
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MacDonald, Daniel. "Internal Migration and Sectoral Shift in the Nineteenth-Century United States." Social Science History 45, no. 4 (2021): 843–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2021.36.
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AbstractWe study the relationship between internal migration and industrialization in the United States between 1850 and 1880. We use the Linked Representative Samples from IPUMS and find significant amounts of rural-urban and urban-urban migration in New England. Rural-urban migration was mainly driven by agricultural workers shifting to manufacturing occupations. Urban-urban migration was driven by foreign-born workers in manufacturing. We argue that rural-urban migration was a significant factor in US economic development and the structural transformation from agriculture to manufacturing.
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Greenlund, Kurt J., and Ray H. Elling. "Capital Sectors and Workers' Health and Safety in the United States." International Journal of Health Services 25, no. 1 (January 1995): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/2gp3-2d9r-dy90-hkub.
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The dual or segmented economy perspective suggests that the U.S. production system within a capitalist world-system can be divided into distinct sectors based on elements such as levels of industrial concentration, foreign involvement, and unionization. The differing organization of these sectors is argued to influence worker health and safety (WHS) outcomes. An economic segmentation model was applied to national occupational health data to examine the relationship between structural divisions in the economy and occupational hazard exposure, injury, and illness. Workers in more global industrial sectors had only average levels of hazardous exposure but a greater likelihood of occupational injury and illness than workers in other sectors of the economy. These differences are related to the structure of work in the various sectors. The findings suggest the need for (1) greater surveillance and reporting of WHS problems through the general health care system; (2) planning of economic and productive activity that takes WHS issues into account; and (3) greater worker organization and power within and between nations to improve WHS.
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Tsai, Ming-Chang, and Rueyling Tzeng. "Beyond Economic Interests: Attitudes toward Foreign Workers in Australia, the United States and East Asian Countries." Sociological Research Online 19, no. 3 (September 2014): 93–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.3434.
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We compare attitudes toward foreign workers between two wealthy Western and four developing East Asian countries, using data from the 2006 and 2008 Asian Barometer surveys to test hypotheses on economic interests, cultural supremacy, and global exposure. Respondent majorities in all six countries expressed high levels of restrictivism. Regression model results indicate a consistent cultural superiority influence across the six countries, but only minor effects from economic interest factors. Mixed outcomes were noted for the global exposure variables.
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MAKUSHINA, Elena Yu, Dar'ya M. KARMANOVA, and Aleksei S. KUCHER. "Tax reform initiated by D. Trump: Economic and social aspects." Finance and Credit 27, no. 3 (March 30, 2021): 693–720. http://dx.doi.org/10.24891/fc.27.3.693.
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Subject. The article addresses the tax reform of 2017, initiated by D. Trump. Objectives. The aim is to determine the relationship between the total volume of tax revenues to the budget of the U.S. Government and the growth of U.S. GDP in the long run. Methods. To identify the impact of the tax reform on the investment climate in the country and the subsequent GDP growth, we formulate a hypothesis and propose a regression model. The quarterly data from 04.01.1960 to 07.01.2019 serve as a statistical sampling, published by financial departments of the U.S. Office of Management and Budget and the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis. The study rests on the econometric analysis enabling to identify the impact of the volume of tax revenues from the corporate income tax and individual income taxes on the level of the GDP of the United States. Results. In the short term, we observe a decrease in tax revenues and a subsequent increase in the budget deficit, in the long term – an increase in business activity of the country, a growth in foreign direct investment, and, consequently, an increase in the GDP. The paper offers a model for assessing the economic growth of the GDP of the United States, in which tax predictors were used in combination with macroeconomic indicators. Conclusions. The experience of the United States and the results of this study may be used by the governments of developing countries and experts in the field of taxation for tax policy development.
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Cavallo, Paulo, and Clint Peinhardt. "Foreign Investment and Right-to-Work Laws." Business and Politics 23, no. 3 (June 7, 2021): 406–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bap.2021.4.
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AbstractIn the competition between American states for economic development, about half of American states offer lower levels of labor rights in the form of “right-to-work” (RTW) laws. RTW states often tout their advantages in competing for foreign investment, but do foreign companies really want weaker labor regulation? Many foreign firms locate production in the United States not to lower labor costs but for other reasons, such as proximity to consumers or to employ highly skilled workers, implying that differences across labor regulations within rich countries may be declining in importance. In this article, we investigate the relationship between RTW laws and greenfield foreign direct investments. In particular, we explore recent RTW changes across two states, Indiana and Michigan, controlling for national trends in foreign investment. Adopting RTW increases foreign investment in manufacturing in both states, but Michigan's RTW law is associated with gains in service-sector projects even while Indiana's is not. While RTW may attract more manufacturing, it is not enough to generate broad-based gains across the economy.
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Charnovitz, Steven. "The Human Rights of Foreign Labor." Worldview 28, no. 1 (January 1985): 7–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0084255900046416.
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Little noticed by the press. United States trade policy is undergoing significant changes aimed at promoting the rights of workers in foreign countries—changes achieved through the use of both a carrot and a stick. The carrot, now being offered to the less-developed world, is dutyfree access to the U.S. market for qualifying products exported by countries that meet certain new criteria on bbor. The stick is a ban on imports made by forced labor— something the Reagan administration is under increasing pressure to invoke against the Soviet Union. While it is too early to gauge the success of such attempts at exercising economic leverage, they may yet become a milestone in the march of human rights.
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Novikova, Elena, and Mikhail Rybalko. "Economic aspects of cooperation between New Zealand and the United States as international actors in the Asia-Pacific region." SHS Web of Conferences 134 (2022): 00148. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202213400148.
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The article analyzes economic aspects of the interaction between New Zealand and the United States of America as international actors in the Asia-Pacific region. The substantiation of the importance of the Asia-Pacific region in the foreign policy of the two countries is given. We determined that the economic component is one of the most significant components of bilateral relations. Statistical data for the five-year period (2016-2021) are presented, demonstrating the evolution of economic relations between New Zealand and the United States. We established that the economic policy of the two countries is aimed at continuing intensive international cooperation and implementing a recovery strategy in 2021. We concluded that the "soft power" course used by Wellington would enable the country to achieve significant benefits even more in cooperation with other states and reach qualitatively new levels in the existing system of international relations in the Asia-Pacific region.
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Varma, Roli. "U.S. Science and Engineering Workforce: Underrepresentation of Women and Minorities." American Behavioral Scientist 62, no. 5 (April 10, 2018): 692–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218768847.
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Increasingly, industrial leaders, governmental officials, and academic scholars have become concerned whether the United States can successfully compete in science and engineering (S&E) fields. This is when employment in S&E jobs has grown faster than employment in all occupations in the United States. It is proposed that the United States has not been able to build its S&E human capital necessary for technological innovations and economic growth. Women and minorities are seen as essential to fill the perceived gap. There is a higher representation of women in S&E education and occupations. Yet overall demographics of S&E fields have remained unchanged. The U.S. technology industry has been progressively employing workers from foreign countries to meet their S&E internal workforce needs. Many have been outsourcing the work to developing countries, namely China and India. This article shows that technology companies that embrace the United States’s changing demographics would gain the economic benefits from a diverse S&E workforce.
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Khidhir, Zainaddin M. "US Foreign Policy Goals in the Middle East between 2011 and 2021." Foreign Policy Review 14, no. 3 (2021): 164–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.164-182.
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Since the end of World War II, the United States’ interests in the Middle East have intensified rapidly, and this presence continues today in response to a variety of economic and security concerns. Following the 2011 Arab uprisings and the Iraqi regime change, US foreign policy has pursued several transformative agendas against some of its traditional allies, apparently contradicting Washington’s longstanding defence of the regional status quo. This has caused levels of uncertainty among regional players about what to expect from the United States. The present study highlights the US foreign policy goals in the Middle East between 2011 and 2021, which includes upholding US military bases in the Gulf countries, supporting client-states and other friendly states, providing support and protection to Israel’s sovereignty, maintaining strategic access to oil in the Gulf countries, and battling Islamic movements and terrorist groups (such as Hamas, Al-Qaeda, and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS)). In addition, the study also focuses on other crucial aspects that might affect the United States and their regional allies’ interests in the regime. To explore US foreign policy decisions and actions between the years 2011 and 2021, data was collected through structured interviews and online secondary data sources. The data was reviewed and analysed to look at the sociopolitical, historical, and economic factors at work in the Middle East. The theoretical analysis uses a descriptive approach as to how the changes in the period after 2011 have influenced American foreign policy in the Middle East. The findings illustrate that terrorism, civil wars, and instability in the Middle East have had significant influence on the United States’ economic, national security, and diplomatic interests in the region. Maintaining strong ties with allies and comprehending the nature of conflicts is critical to attaining the US foreign policy objectives in the Middle East. This research study serves as a reference guide for scholars, policy analysts, and practitioners by examining to what extent the relationship between the US and the Middle East has changed.
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Guan, Yichen, Dustin Tingley, David Romney, Amaney Jamal, and Robert Keohane. "Chinese views of the United States: evidence from Weibo." International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 20, no. 1 (August 10, 2018): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcy021.
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Abstract We study Chinese attitudes toward the United States, and secondarily toward Japan, Russia, and Vietnam, by analyzing social media discourse on the Chinese social media site, Weibo. We focus separately on a general analysis of attitudes and on Chinese responses to specific international events involving the United States. In general, we find that Chinese netizens are much more interested in US politics than US society. Their views of the United States are characterized by deep ambivalence; they have remarkably favorable attitudes toward many aspects of US influence, whether economic, political, intellectual, or cultural. Attitudes toward the United States become negative when the focus turns to US foreign policy – actions that Chinese netizens view as antithetical to Chinese interests. On the contrary, attitudes toward Japan, Russia, and Vietnam vary a great deal from one another. The contrast between these differentiated Chinese views toward the United States and other countries, on the one hand, and the predominant anti-Americanism in the Middle East, on the other, is striking.
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Yakubovskiy, S., T. Rodionova, and O. Tsviakh. "CURRENT STATE AND PROSPECTS FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE NORTH AMERICAN FREE TRADE AREA." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 142 (2020): 74–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2020.142.1.74-84.
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This research aims to analyze current economic state of the North American Free Trade Area and to identify possible prospects for its development. The article explores the prerequisites for the formation of NAFTA, reasons for revising the agreement and compares the differences between the previous and updated agreements, an impact of integration association on the socio-economic status, trade and investment activity of the participating countries, prospects for its development and analysis of its economic cooperation with Ukraine. The empirical analysis shows a significant relationship between the U.S. GDP and foreign trade with Mexico and Canada, unemployment and interest rates. Its results revealed that the U.S. trade with Canada had a positive impact on the U.S. GDP; at the same time the U.S. trade with Mexico had a negative impact on the U.S. GDP, which became the main argument for President Trump in his pressure on Mexico to revise the terms of the NAFTA agreement. The regression analysis also showed that there is an inverse relationship between GDP and interest rate in the United States from 1994 to 2018. It was determined that the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) is not fundamentally different from the previous one, but it can create new opportunities, for example, for workers and farmers in the United States, and new difficulties for Canada and Mexico. This agreement tightens labor standards and protection of intellectual property rights, especially in Mexico, thus, probably decreasing the attractiveness of Mexican economy to foreign investors, that is likely to reduce the U.S. investment in Mexico. Thus, Canada and Mexico are expected to receive less benefit from the USMCA for their economies than the United States.
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Kerwin*, Donald, and Robert Warren*. "US Foreign-Born Workers in the Global Pandemic: Essential and Marginalized." Journal on Migration and Human Security 8, no. 3 (September 2020): 282–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2331502420952752.
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Executive Summary This article provides detailed estimates of foreign-born (immigrant) workers in the United States who are employed in “essential critical infrastructure” sectors, as defined by the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) of the US Department of Homeland Security (DHS) (DHS 2020). Building on earlier work by the Center for Migration Studies (CMS), the article offers exhaustive estimates on essential workers on a national level, by state, for large metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs), and for smaller communities that heavily rely on immigrant labor. It also reports on these workers by job sector; immigration status; eligibility for tax rebates under the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security Act (CARES Act); and other characteristics. It finds that: Sixty-nine percent of all immigrants in the US labor force and 74 percent of undocumented workers are essential workers, compared to 65 percent of the native-born labor force. Seventy percent of refugees and 78 percent of Black refugees are essential workers. In all but eight US states, the foreign-born share of the essential workforce equals or exceeds that of all foreign-born workers, indicating that immigrant essential workers are disproportionately represented in the labor force. The percentage of undocumented essential workers exceeds that of native-born essential workers by nine percentage points in the 15 states with the largest labor force. In the ten largest MSAs, the percentages of undocumented and naturalized essential workers exceed the percentage of native-born essential workers by 12 and 6 percent, respectively. A total of 6.2 million essential workers are not eligible for relief payments under the CARES Act, as well as large numbers of their 3.8 million US citizen children (younger than age 17), including 1.2 million US citizen children living in households below the poverty level. The foreign-born comprise 33 percent of health care workers in New York State, 32 percent in California, 31 percent in New Jersey, 28 percent in Florida, 25 percent in Nevada and Maryland, 24 percent in Hawaii, 23 percent in Massachusetts, and 19 percent in Texas. Section I of the article describes the central policy paradox for foreign-born workers during the COVID-19 pandemic: that they are “essential” at very high rates, but many lack status and they have been marginalized by US immigration and COVID-19-related policies. Section II sets forth the article’s main findings. Section III outlines major policy recommendations.
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Khudoliy, Anatoliy. "Modern challenges in the Asia-Pacific." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.72-82.
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The article deals with American-Chinese and American-Indian relationships in the 21st century. The researcher focused on political, military and economic aspects of cooperation between Washington and Beijing, Washington and New Deli over the last few years of the twenty-first century. The author of the article has analyzed major tendencies of development of American-Chinese relationships in the context of bilateral cooperation during the presidency of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The economic and security activities of China, oriented to a strengthening of leadership positions of Beijing, as a key actor, in the regional policy were detailed. Along with it, the author shifted attention to Washington priorities in bilateral relations considering its pragmatic purposes and national interests which considerably influence foreign policy course of the United States. Despite close relations between the USA and the People’s Republic of China, there are factors that set limits for the strategic partnerships between the two countries. The author analyzed not only foreign policy of the United States but also the foreign policy strategy of China that hides interventionism behind the economic policy, trade, economic activity and projects such as ‘One belt, one road’. Some cases of conflict situations between China and its neighbors are analyzed in order to highlight problems. The author analyzed definite political and economic steps made by President Trump in order to strengthen American positions and regional security. Under the support of Washington, India, Japan, and Australia play more important roles as regional actors. India’s role in the regional confrontation between the United States and China is well depicted. Since 2017 India increased its positions in exporting goods and services to the United States, which is one of the main markets after China and the EU. Nevertheless, the USA is still a key player in the region. So, developing trade, financial and military relations, the USA is attempting not only to preserve, but also to strengthen its own positions in the Asia-Pacific and, as a result, to contain China.
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Shabanova, Lyudmila Borisovna, and Irina Gennadievna Morozova. "Prospects for investment development in Russia and the Muslim world." Национальная безопасность / nota bene, no. 6 (June 2022): 194–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0668.2022.6.38433.
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Ensuring investment attractiveness is one of the most important aspects of a country's economic activity in modern international relations. Foreign investments make it possible not only to ensure expanded social reproduction in the country, but also expand the possibilities of technological and economic development of the state.The purpose of the work is to analyze foreign direct investment in the Russian Federation in general and the Republic of Tatarstan in particular. The analysis and evaluation of statistical data revealed a reduction in the number of projects involving foreign direct investment in Russia in 2017-2020. In modern conditions, it is necessary to recognize the decline in the investment attractiveness of Russia from investors in the United States and Europe, which may lead to an even greater compression of foreign investment flows. An alternative to foreign investments from the United States of America and Europe can be foreign investments from the countries of the Muslim world. Already today, Russia has friendly relations with the countries of the Muslim world, in addition, there are entire regions with a high density of Muslim population living on the territory of the Russian Federation. Thus, the Republic of Tatarstan, which is already one of the most investment-attractive regions of the Russian Federation and occupies the 3rd place in the list of regions of the Russian Federation most in demand among foreign investors, could play an important role in increasing the number of foreign direct investment.
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Fang, Di. "Japan's Growing Economic Activities and the Attainment Patterns of Foreign- Born Japanese Workers in the United States, 1979 to 1989." International Migration Review 30, no. 2 (1996): 511. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2547392.
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Speece, Mark. "Aspects of Economic Dualism in Oman 1830–1930." International Journal of Middle East Studies 21, no. 4 (November 1989): 495–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380003289x.
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The history of Oman is largely a story of competition, and often conflict, between two very different entities. This duality was even symbolized by the name of the country, “Sultanate of Muscat and Oman,” until 1970. The sultanate was formed from the fusion of the Batina coastal plain and its port cities, symbolically Muscat, and the interior of the country, Oman. During most periods in the recent history of the country, only the coast has been ruled by the sultan. Even before the institution of the sultanate emerged in the 18th century, however, the coast had usually been under separate, often foreign, rule. In the interior, the ideal head of government from very early times was that of an imam, even though the office often remained vacant. At many times during Omani history, of course, one part of the country or the other imposed its control and Oman was temporarily united, but the differences between the two sections of Omani society eventually split the country into two separate states again. Even within the last decade, one of the major problems in Oman's efforts to develop has been “the traditional antithesis between the sultan residing on the coast and the inwardly oriented tribes.”
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Banh, Tuan Quoc. "THE JOINING INTO THE UNITED NATIONS CONVENTION ON JURISDICTIONAL IMMUNITIES OF STATES AND THEIR PROPERTY 2004 OF VIETNAM." Science and Technology Development Journal 15, no. 1 (March 22, 2020): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v15i1.1784.
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By summarizing the main contents of the United Nations Convention on Jurisdictional Immunities of States and their Property on 2nd December 2004, the author has analyzed actual and theory aspects on the necessity of Vietnam’s joining this Convention in order to protect interests of Vietnam State in the setting that these days the State and economic sectors are participating much in trading, commercial and investment activities with foreign subjects, and contribute to improving Vietnam legislations during international globalization.
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Mikhalskiy, Igor, and Bohdan Toroptsev. "Kissinger's „shuttle diplomacy” as an active implementation of S. Cohen's concept." Bulletin of Luhansk Taras Shevchenko National University, no. 9 (347) (2021): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.12958/2227-2844-2021-9(347)-157-168.
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Foreign policy of the USA is one of the topical areas in contemporary historical and geopolitical research. The interest of scientists in this topic is due to the fact that the United States is the leader of the world community at the present stage, both in economic and geopolitical aspects. The state continues to actively develop economically and technologically, increases its military potential, actively spreads its culture all over the world, that determines its global role. The phenomenon of the world leadership of the USA, as well as the historical factors that have determined this status, are the subject of research of scientists in the historical, geopolitical, politological, sociological, cultural, and other scientific fields. A particularly topical issue in the history of the United States in the second half of the twentieth century is the concept and specificity of American „shuttle diplomacy” and its effectiveness in the foreign policy of the state. The purpose of the study is to analyze the concept of the American geographer S. Cohen, as well as the peculiarities of its implementation in the political activities of R. Nixon and H. Kissinger. It has been proved that S. Cohen's geostrategic concept played an important role in the foreign policy of the United States in the 1970s. Its principles were implemented in the policy of H. Kissinger and R. Nixon, the important results of which were the establishment of United States-China relations and the softening of relations with the Soviet Union.
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Travkina, Natalya. "The Ambivalent Role of the Ukrainian Factor in US Domestic Policy." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 4 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760021659-1.
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The financial and economic turmoil of the XXI century has led to the fact that in the United States, domestic policy has gradually become dominant over foreign policy. In this regard, it would not be an exaggeration to say that foreign policy in a number of its key aspects has become a logical and integral continuation of the domestic political course of various American administrations, including the administration of J. Biden. In the conditions of the growing socio-economic crisis, which took the form of the "Biden recession", the democratic administration, which proved unable to cope with the growing wave of internal problems, firmly took the course of using the Ukrainian crisis to divert the attention of the broad strata of American society from the increasingly escalating domestic political problems, hoping at the same time, if not to maintain control over the US Congress, then at least minimize their losses in the upcoming midterm elections in November 2022. At the same time, the use of the "Ukrainian card" potentially gives the administration of J. Biden at the end of this year to use instruments of direct control over the political system of the United States, which are at the disposal of the head of the executive branch of government and the Supreme commander of the United States.
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Fedyakina, Lora N., and Arina A. Tinkova. "US foreign trade policy as a tool for protecting national interests." RUDN Journal of Economics 28, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 842–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2020-28-4-842-857.
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National economic interests are changing in terms of high competition in the world economy, and its global players foreign trade policy direction is correlated with the protectionist sentiments of the United States. The purpose of the study is to identify and analyze the evolution, correlation and new trends in the mechanisms of US trade policy. As a result of the analysis of four mechanisms (international organizations, the official financing system, international integration, tariff and non-tariff regulation, as well as their variations in the form of trade wars and sanctions within the framework of a trade war instrument), authors describe the theoretical, evolutionary and practical aspects of protecting national interests and their impact on the world economy. The authors opinion on the place and role of sanctions in the system of trade policy mechanisms is presented, the sanctions economic aspect in the framework of trade wars is highlighted.
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Gumbatov, Nazim Farizovich, and Xiangyu Kong. "Minilateral Alliances in the American Strategy of Containing the PRC in the Indo-Pacific Region." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 1 (January 2023): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2023.1.39633.
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The subject of the study is the consideration of the minilateral formations in the framework of the implementation of US foreign policy. The object of the study is the US foreign policy towards China since the beginning of the 21st century. The author examines in detail such aspects as the interaction of the United States and its allies in the Asian region, within the framework of the formation of the anti-Chinese coalition association, as well as analyzing and drawing conclusions about the effectiveness of a number of large minilateral organizations. Particular attention is paid to the reactionary perception of the top leadership of the leadership and the public masses of China on the role of the United States in building minilateral formations in its foreign policy. The main conclusions of the study are: • The minilateral unions only accelerate the process of dividing the Asian region into pro-Chinese and pro-American. Such a competitive policy to attract Asian states to their trade, economic and political space will only complicate the process of finding a compromise point of view between the two great economic powers, as well as damage peace, prosperity and stability in the region in the long term; • The growing popularity in the formation of minilateral structures is a consequence of the growing confrontation between China and the USA over the past decade, and not the primary cause of contradictions; • To date, most of the programs that have a "minilateral connotation" have little effective impact for the American government, nevertheless they cannot be called unfulfilled. Taking into account the relatively recent acceleration in attracting an increasing number of countries to existing and newly formed formats, Washington expects to get positive results for itself in the next decade, provided that China's economic and technological development is consolidated. The scientific novelty is determined primarily by the fact that the work analyzes the mechanism and evolution of interstate relations between the United States and partner countries, as well as the peculiarities of their activities in the minilateral associations.
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Eremin, A. "“Breaking the Continuity” of the Latin American Vector of US Foreign Policy under Donald Trump and the Crisis of Pan-Americanism (2017-2020)." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 5 (2022): 68–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-5-68-77.
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In this article the author examines the process of revising the Latin American vector of US foreign policy under the presidency of Donald Trump. In particular, the paper analyzes the economic and political aspects of a new US policy in the Latin American region. The main focus of the research is on the reorganization of US economic relations with the countries of the region and cancellation of various financial aid programs and multilateral agreements, including the North American Free Trade Agreement. The main hypothesis of the paper is that US foreign policy under the 45th president underwent a profound change towards diminishing the role of the Latin American region among other foreign policy priorities of the United States. Vivid confrontation with China and the Russian Federation became the center of the contemporary foreign policy course of Washington, making relations with Latin American countries of secondary importance. This shift created a certain power vacuum in the region and opened additional opportunities for extraregional players. China could arguably become one of such players as it is known to have utilized Washington’s weakening grip on the region to its own economic and political benefit, expanding the “One belt, one road” initiative.
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Varnavskii, V. "The Chinese Phenomenon of Economic Growth." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 1 (2022): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-1-5-15.
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Modern China should be considered as an unique experiment and great world project of human civilization, effectively a co-product of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the West. The centuries-old concept of a free-market economy fell on fertile ground of the hardworking Chinese people and in a short historical period since the beginning of the reform has finally bore fruit. Globalization and digitalization have greatly helped the Chinese economy to expand around the world and have become powerful catalysts for Chinese economic development, providing it with new approaches to doing business. The article attempts to analyze this phenomenon and systematize the factors of China’s growth. Key aspects of the Chinese economy transformation are studied, such as GDP (in current and constant prices) and GNI per capita, manufacturing and trade, finance and capital. Special attention is paid to the global leadership role of China or/and the USA: Economy, Manufacturing, and International Trade. An in-depth comparative analysis of the economic growth indicators for China and the USA is based on extensive international statistical data. The author focuses on estimates of key indicators published by international bodies, such as the United Nations, UNCTAD, UNIDO, OECD, WTO and others. Various think tanks, independent agencies and other institutions such as McKinsey Global Institute, Primakov Institute of World Economy and International Relations RAS, Congressional Research Service (CRS), United States–China Economic and Security Review Commission, Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS) have been analyzing Chinese phenomenon of economic growth. Quantitative assessments of China’s economic growth are discussed. As shown, China plays a major role in the world economy and manufacturing. It is now the world’s first country by many economic indicators. In 2007, China became the world’s largest merchandise exporter. In 2009, it took the 1st place in manufacturing value-added output. Measured by purchasing power parity (PPP), in 2017 China stood as the world-largest economy in terms of GDP in current US dollars. Over the past decade, China has provided at least 30 percent of global GDP growth, while the United States was half as much. China is in the world’s top two for receiving and being the source of foreign direct investment (FDI). In 2020, China had 124 Global Fortune 500 companies compared to 121 American. At the same time, the US remains the world leader in many other quantitative indicators, for example in GDP at official exchange rates, innovation, research and development, finance, and services. It also ranks first in the world in terms of quality indicators of economic development. The author gives his vision of the China’s economic growth fundamental factors. Four of them are identified: a) low labor costs, b) well-designed legal environment for attracting foreign capital, c) massive FDI influx, d) imports of capital goods as well as modern Western technologies, including transfer of critical technologies, intellectual property and know-how (mainly through acquisition of Western firms). The general conclusion is that the reforms completely transformed the lives of Chinese people. China of the 1970s 80s and today’s China are two different economic, industrial, scientific, technical, socio-humanitarian entities.
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Diaz, Maria-Elena D. "The Geopolitical Context of Chamorro Cultural Preservation in Guam, U.S.A." Ethnic Studies Review 35, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 101–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2012.35.1.101.
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An unincorporated Pacific Island territory of the United States, Guam has been under American rule since 1 898. While proudly “Chamorro,” the descendants of indigenous islanders have been American citizens since 1 950. U.S. foreign policy, Americanization of island institutions, immigration flows from Asia and Micronesia, and economic uncertainty present challenges to the perpetuation of Chamorro culture-a syncretic blend of indigenous, Spanish, and American influences that has endured through centuries of foreign domination. As a gateway from the East to the United States and a frequent destination for Micronesian immigrants from the Compacts of Free Association, Guam regularly receives immigrants from Asia and other Micronesian islands. Many immigrants arrive on Guam to fill labor shortages as professionals or construction workers, while others arrive with limited resources and skills that don't easily transfer across cultures. Adding to this mix, a major U.S. military build-up is underway to transform Guam into a forward base in the Pacific. This article provides a case study of Guam through an overview of historical influences on Chamorro culture, a description of the island's contemporary multicultural society, and a discussion of current geopolitical and social forces impacting Chamorro culture in the land “where America's day begins.”
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Nurdavletova, Sanya М., and Zhansaule I. Zharmakhanova. "ANALYSIS OF THE ACTIVITIES OF EUROPEAN OIL AND GAS TNC IN CENTRAL ASIA." Society and Security Insights 3, no. 4 (December 29, 2020): 32–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/ssi(2020)4-02.
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The article discusses aspects of cooperation in the oil sector of multinational companies representing the interests of European Union countries. In the context of the economic crisis, the impossibility of OPEC + to regulate oil prices and the volume of its production, it is difficult to make forecasts of further economic cooperation. The coronavirus pandemic has shown that, contrary to the interests of globalization, national economies must remain self-sufficient. In our opinion, in the future, the legal regime for the presence of multinational companies in the interests of national economies will be revised. The Energy Charter of 1991, depriving the Central Asian countries of the right to judicial protection, the oil economic crisis will lead to a severe crisis in the oil sector. The geopolitical confrontation between Russia and the United Arab Emirates against the United States creates a new balance of forces that will affect the development of the Central Asian direction of the European Union’s foreign policy as the basis for energy security.
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Muhindi, Ikoha. "Occupational Safety and Health of Coal Mine Workers in Kenya: Filling the Lacuna in the Law." Strathmore Law Review 1, no. 2 (June 1, 2016): 119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.52907/slr.v1i2.79.
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Mining is essential in the economic development of any country endowed with mineral resources. In Kenya, for instance, one block of coal in the Mui Basin has enough coal to bring in KES. 3.4 trillion into the economy. However, disasters such as the Monongah disaster in a coal mine in the United States have resulted in the loss of lives of numerous workers. It is therefore important to ensure the enactment of legislation safeguarding these workers. This article seeks to assess the extent to which the Occupation Safety and Health Act safeguards these concerns in Kenya. It also undertakes a brief comparative study of the best practices employed in Australia and South Africa in safeguarding the safety and health of workers in coal mines. Finally, the article makes recommendations on how Kenya can follow suit and adopt various aspects of the legislations from these jurisdictions.
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Dabagyan, Emil. "Hugo Chavez – a leader of universal magnitude." Latin-American Historical Almanac 34, no. 1 (June 29, 2022): 172–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2022-34-1-172-192.
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The article analyzes the international course of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela in the first decade of the 2000s. The author believes that considering this particular period of the recent history of Venezuela as an integral part of the world historical process, is particularly important since the formation of the Hugo Chavez regime with its peculiar foreign policy and foreign economic steps took place precisely in the first half of the first decade of the 21st century. With the constitutional rise to power of the charismatic leader Hugo Chavez, the country's foreign pol-icy acquired a multi-vector character embracing all regions of Earth. Hugo Chavez strengthened the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, in collaboration with Fidel Castro founded the "Bolivarian Alternative for America" (ALBA), which united the left-wing radical regimes of the continent; he established contacts with many leaders of the Third World, has confronted the United States, established friendly relations with China and a strategic partnership with Russia. This arti-cle is devoted to some, albeit very significant, aspects of Chavez’s for-eign policy.
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Haus, Leah. "Openings in the wall: transnational migrants, labor unions, and U.S. immigration policy." International Organization 49, no. 2 (1995): 285–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002081830002840x.
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The United States resisted restrictionist immigration legislation in the late twentieth century, providing an anomaly for those who would expect restrictionism in times of economic recession. According to some expectations, labor unions would be part of a coalition that in such times would restrict migration to reduce job competition. This reasoning draws on a state-centric approach and assumes that effective barriers to entrance exist. If one alternatively assumes that states cannot fully regulate the socioeconomic forces driving migration flows, then one may expect labor unions to abandon their supposed preference for restrictionism and instead organize immigrant workers. In that case, unions would prefer migration law that accommodates the transnational migrants' interests. The data provide some support for this argument. The perspective of complex interdependence, which emphasizes transnational relations and the blurring of foreign and domestic politics, can enhance understanding of immigration policymaking.
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Zhao, Minghao. "Is a New Cold War Inevitable? Chinese Perspectives on US–China Strategic Competition." Chinese Journal of International Politics 12, no. 3 (2019): 371–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjip/poz010.
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Abstract In recent years, Chinese scholars and policy elites have discussed the ever intensifying strategic competition between the United States and China and its multifaceted implications for Chinese foreign policy. Some even worry about the possibility of a new Cold War between the United States and China. This article aims to offer an analysis of Chinese perspectives on US–China strategic competition. In the view of most Chinese observers, US–China strategic competition is inevitable because China is closing the national power gap between itself and the United States, while the latter resolutely upholds its global primacy. Other factors, including ideological disagreements, may fuel the major power competition that has extended to most aspects of US–China relations. Chinese observers believe that economic and technological rivalry between the United States and China has heightened and that the Western Pacific is the focal point of US–China strategic competition. Meanwhile, certain Chinese scholars attach greater importance to US–China competition over international prestige and leadership. However, Chinese analysts are not overly pessimistic about the prospects for US–China relations and have raised policy recommendations geared to managing US–China strategic competition and restoring a new equilibrium between the two major powers.
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Kashin, V. B., V. A. Smirnova, and I. V. Aksenov. "Political Aspects of COVID-19 Epidemic Crisis in China." Journal of International Analytics 11, no. 1 (March 28, 2020): 27–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2020-11-1-27-41.
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The global spread of coronavirus infection has given States the task of taking decisive measures to respond quickly and on a large scale to the challenge of existing management systems. China has demonstrated successful mobilization mechanisms to combat the negative effects of the pandemic: the necessary measures have been taken to inform the population and stop panic, control and prevent coronavirus, and mitigate the impact on the economy. However, the weak side was the inability to take priority measures in the face of uncertainty, which did not prevent the development of the epidemic at its initial stage. This provoked a search for those responsible among the Chinese leadership, becoming another source of tension in relations between China and the West. Despite the relative success of the measures taken, the situation in China itself remains tense: it faces challenges to prevent a re-outbreak of infection and to restore the economy in the face of information and economic pressure from the United States. In this context, the authors analyze the features of information support for measures taken in China to combat the spread of coronavirus infection and their impact on the domestic and foreign policy situation.
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Visser, M. Anne, and Sheryl-Ann Simpson. "Determinants of county migrant regularization policymaking in the United States: Understanding temporal and spatial realities." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 51, no. 1 (September 24, 2018): 91–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x18797134.
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While immigration policymaking has traditionally been the sole prerogative of nation states, research has documented increased instances of migration policymaking at sub-national levels across migrant-receiving societies. This paper examines the temporally and spatially distinctive dynamics that underscore the adoption of these policies at the county level in the United States. The study considers the implementation of migrant labor market regularizations (LRs) for the time period 2004–2014. LRs are defined as discrete arenas of policymaking at the sub-national level that affect aspects of migrant workers’ status in labor markets and include laws and ordinances related to: anti-solicitation, language access, local enforcement of federal immigration law, and employment verification. Utilizing a multilevel event histories model, we analyze data from a unique dataset of over 5000 LR policies across 2959 counties in the United States, and address two research questions: (1) What are the social, economic, and political factors that influence the adoption of LRs by counties and municipalities in the United States; and (2) do policy adoption trends that occurred during 2004–2014 indicate a unique type of diffusion pattern? We find that the adoption of LRs by county governments are influenced by the racialization of immigration discourse and by policy behaviors at the municipal and state government levels, while economic characteristics of the local labor market and perceived ethnic competition from migrants have little direct impact on the probability of policy adoption.
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OTHMAN, Suha Adel. "NOBUSUKE KISHI AND HIS ROLE IN JAPANESE POLITICS (1957- 1960)." Rimak International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.15.4.
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The study touched on an important topic in Japan, which is (Prime Minister of Japan Nobusuke Kishi from 1957-1960) and he also had an "important political role because of his great importance to Japan, where in this year (1957) he became the Prime Minister of Japan and had a great role in his proximity It was also characterized by a policy of establishing good relations with European countries for joint cooperation in order to establish friendly relations and establish security agreements, especially with the United States of America. Nobusuke Kishi was the great statesman, especially in the field of economy, and he was loved by the United States of America because of its strong and reassuring relations with him. The study was divided into an introduction, a conclusion, and three sections. The first topic dealt with Nobusuke Kishi, his life and political role until 1957. While the second topic spoke to Nobusuke Kishi's internal policy in Japan, as well as regarding the third topic, it shed light on it, dealing with Nobusuke Kishi's foreign policy. Finally, it should be noted that Nobusuke Kishi's political role still needs more studies and research, especially since this modest effort touched on one aspect of the political aspect. We hope that later studies will address the economic, social and cultural aspects that had an important impact on Japan's policy and in In conclusion. Key words: Nobusuke Kishi, Japan, Political, United States of America, Foreign Policy.
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Papian, Ara. "The Arbitral Award on Turkish-Armenian Boundary by Woodrow Wilson (Historical Background, Legal Aspects, and International Dimensions)." Iran and the Caucasus 11, no. 2 (2007): 255–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338407x265487.
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AbstractThe paper is a complex study of the history of the involvement of Woodrow Wilson (the 28th President of the USA, 1913-1921), in the fate of Armenian people after WWI and the Republic Armenia (1918-1920), especially in determining the boundary between Armenia and Turkey. It presents an analysis of Wilson's Arbitral Award according to the international law and the United Nation's official methodology. The article focuses on the historical background, legal aspects and political implications of Wilson's Arbitral Award (November 22, 1920), officially titled: Decision of the President of the United States of America respecting the Frontier between Turkey and Armenia, Access for Armenia to the Sea, and the Demilitarization of Turkish Territory adjacent to the Armenian Frontier. The Arbitration's significance goes beyond Armenian-Turkish and Armenian-US relations. Border conflicts are still relevant issues on the regional and international agenda. American involvement in the Middle East is one of the key components of the United States' present foreign policy. An accurate and a broad understanding of the nuances of the extremely complex legal situation in the region and the bases for the behaviour of the players can be vital for the security, political and economic interests of the region. Moreover, due to the active participation of the United States in the Armenian-Turkish relations through Wilson's Arbitration, the Arbitral Award becomes a logical starting point for a stronger historical, political, and legal understanding of the conflict-prone region. The article also contributes to the better understanding of President Wilson's policy towards the Middle East during the dramatic period of 1917-1921 and its possible consequences for critical relationships in the region today.
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Blanke, Svenja. "Civic Foreign Policy: Human Rights, Faith-Based Groups and U.S.-Salvadoran Relations in the 1970S." Americas 61, no. 2 (October 2004): 217–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2004.0129.
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El Salvador, the smallest but most densely populated country of Central America, experienced one of Latin America's bloodiest civil wars, accompanied by widespread human rights violations. State repression was especially brutal against opposition groups such as peasant associations, unions, students, and religious people. Twenty-five church people were murdered and many religious workers were persecuted, expelled, or tortured. Several U.S. missionaries were among those murdered or expelled victims. Although the number of religious victims is relatively small in comparison to the tens of thousands of people who were killed in the three civil wars of El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Guatemala, the murders of religious personnel had a profound impact on the religious community in Central America, and particularly in El Salvador. This impact also reached religious groups in the United States. Given the traditional alliance between the Catholic Church and the political and economic elites throughout most of Salvadoran history, the murders of religious leaders by government or government-linked forces symbolized a remarkable shift.
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Yevseenko, Andrey. "China’s and Russia’s Growing Footprint in Latin America As a Challenge to American Interests." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (April 2022): 163–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.2.14.
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Introduction. The Trump administration defined China and Russia as a “revisionist powers”, which challenge to American power, influence and interests. Such a perception affected the U.S. policy in Latin America. Major alarmist sentiments come from the U.S. military, which regularly notes the growth of foreign presence in the region. Methods and materials. The author conducted a critical analysis of Chinese and Russian footprint aspects in Latin America, which cause U.S. establishment concerns. Information was gathered from doctrinal documents, economic statistics and indicators of arms exports. Analysis. President Trump administration hasn’t created a credible barrier against the rise of foreign influence in this region. The causes lie in the specifics of the current U.S. foreign policy, which lacks positive incentives and representativeness. As a result, foreign influence is constrained by three main factors. First, the investment climate in Latin America continues to deteriorate. Second, most governments of the Latin American countries don`t intend to spoil relations with the United States. Thirdly, today there are no alternatives to the United States in the military-strategic aspect. Results. Washington involuntarily promotes expanding and strengthening of other world powers’ footprint in Latin America. It happens not just because of Trump administrations’ protectionism and its skepticism about multilateral formats. Latin American continue to be considered in the context of Monroe Doctrine. American establishment doesn’t seek to invest its political capital in expanding the U.S. influence in the region. That’s why a high level of representativeness in promoting initiatives and new formats of cooperation has become an advantage of foreign actors.
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Жуков, Олександр. "US FOREIGN POLICY STRATEGY IN THE FAR EAST IN 1901–1904." КОНСЕНСУС, no. 1 (2021): 96–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.31110/consensus/2021-01/096-105.
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The article is devoted to the peculiarities of the formation of US Far Eastern policy in the early twentieth century. The author identifies the transformation of the country's foreign policy from isolationism to active action as key aspects of the study. Determining the strategic need of the United States to gain a foothold in the Far East reveals the main foreign policy vectors. A special role in this was played by US President Theodore Roosevelt and Secretary of State John Hay, who were the ideologues of the new, "Pacific era" and "open door" policy, particularly in China, which should have led to the beginning of the "American century". Achieving these goals was possible by maintaining friendly relations with Britain and Japan as opposed to Russia. Such a strategy weakened the position of the latter in the region and, as a consequence, increased US trade with the countries of the Far East. The article also considers the main events that led to the beginning of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905 and the role of the United States in it, which sought to gain a foothold in the Far East through flexible diplomacy. The author notes the main successes in this direction, in particular, the assessment of the talks between the US Secretary of Defense W. Taft and the Prime Minister of Japan T. Katsura both at the official and unofficial levels. Particular attention is paid to the economic component in the relationship between the Far East (including China) and official governmental and private organizations in the United States. The author notes that, in fact, US policy in China and Japan did not differ from the policy of Western European countries, but the forms and methods of their expansion were different. The study of this problem is important both for studying the peculiarities of US policy in Asia in the past, and for understanding current international relations in the Far East.
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Demianchuk, Vitalii, and Pavlo Bortsevych. "COMPARATIVE LEGAL ASPECTS OF ENSURING THE ECONOMIC SECURITY OF COMPANIES IN RESOLVING CORPORATE CONFLICTS IN UKRAINE AND THE UNITED STATES." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 5, no. 1 (March 22, 2019): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2019-5-1-54-58.
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The aim of the article is to reveal the legal nature of corporate conflicts and ways to overcome them in Ukraine and the United States. The subject of the study is corporate conflicts caused by the corporate relations that arise between the owners of corporate rights, as well as the relationship between the owners of corporate rights and management bodies of the company. Methodology. The study is based on general scientific and specialscientific methods and techniques of scientific knowledge. The logical semantic method enabled to determine the content of the concepts of “corporate conflict” and “greenmail”. The comparative legal method enabled to compare the doctrinal approaches to this issue. The same method enabled to analyse US law regarding the subject matter. The normative dogmatic method enabled to interpret the content of legal regulations of domestic and foreign legislation that regulate the issue of corporate conflicts and ways to overcome them. The system-structural method enabled to analyse objective and subjective causes of corporate conflicts. Methods of analysis and synthesis enabled to distinguish features of corporate blackmail as the cause of corporate conflicts. The method of legal modelling enabled to develop proposals regarding greenmail prevention in Ukraine. Practical implications. Studies on the issue of greenmail in the US helped to develop recommendations for prevention of greenmail in Ukraine, as well as to identify issues requiring further consideration and research. Relevance/originality. The concepts of “corporate conflict” and “greenmail” are defined. The objective and subjective causes of the occurrence of corporate conflicts, the reasons for their occurrence, as well as the subjective component of the parties to the corporate conflict are analysed. The absence of the legal definition of the concept of greenmail and the effective mechanism of its prevention is stated, therefore, appropriate recommendations to prevent its occurrence are formulated.
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Shukurov, Shukhrat Z. "The power politics of the US and its partners in introducing Western democracy into Afghan society." Vestnik of Kostroma State University 28, no. 1 (April 20, 2022): 70–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2022-28-1-70-76.
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The subject of the study is the power policy of the United States and its allies in the fight against international terrorist organisations in Afghanistan, aimed at building a new Afghan society based on the principles of Western democracy. The research focuses on the processes of democratisation, which were implemented in three stages in 2001-2014. The article also describes important events related to democratization – the creation of a political system in Afghanistan loyal to the United States and its allies; the holding of the first presidential and parliamentary elections; the formation of political opposition from different strata of Afghan society; the holding of the second presidential and parliamentary elections in the said country; the development of the political process against the background of the withdrawal of the main foreign contingent in 2014. The author analyses the miscalculations and serious failures of the administration of the United States and NATO related to the formation of a new government of Afghanistan, the organisation of presidential and parliamentary elections, economic recovery, training for Afghan law enforcement agencies and security. The assessment of the actions of the United States related to the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan during the period most dramatic for the population of the country is given. This article is an analysis of the processes of democratisation of Afghan society, revealing individual aspects of each stage carried out within the framework of the military operation of the United States and its allies in Afghanistan. The main conclusion of the study is that the United States and its partners have failed to achieve their goals of building an Afghan society based on Western democratic values.
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Aleshin, Alexander. "UK – EU Security and Defence Cooperation after Brexit." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 4 (2020): 278–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2020.04.12.
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The United Kingdom's withdrawal from the European Union launched a transformation of the Euro-Atlantic security area, which led to uncertainty and the creation of political forks for key regional actors on military integration. The Euro-Atlantic security complex has moved towards bipolarity with centers in NATO and the EU, but so far this is only a trend. The consequence of Brexit is the strengthening of polycentricity in the European sub-complex of the Euro-Atlantic security area and the strengthening of the leadership of the EU, Paris and London. The future system and structure of this sub-complex largely depends on the results of negotiations between the UK and the EU both on trade and economic issues, and on cooperation in the field of security, defence and foreign policy cooperation. The economic aspects of Brexit are still not clear, the economic losses due to the coronavirus pandemic and the slowdown in the global economy are obvious, which leads to unpredictability in the formation of military and foreign policy budgets of both the UK and the EU member states. The UK intends to establish the most deep and comprehensive military-political cooperation with the EU. In the absence of institutional mechanisms for the interaction of Brussels with London on security issues, the country seeks to strengthen bilateral ties in the field of foreign policy, security and defence with EU leaders, primarily France and Germany. An important influence on the above processes have external actors, among them the United States play a paramount role. The UK is likely to seek its place between the USA and the EU, which will force London to deliberately combine multilateral and bilateral cooperation with individual countries. The security area in Europe will gain more certainty after the conclusion of a political agreement between the UK and the EU, but this will not happen until the conclusion of a trade and economic agreement.
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Golam, T. B. "The Role of Russia in the Formation of a Post-Pandemic World Order Timur B. Golam." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 2 (47) (2020): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-2-2-47-027-036.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the role of Russia in the economic, political and social aspects of the СOVID-19 pandemic. The author considers publications of world leading research centers and think tanks as well as foreign policy decisions of leading world powers, considers relations between Russia and the United States as one of the most influential actors in the international struggle against the COVID-19 pandemic. Particular attention is paid to comparing different approaches to the international struggle against various epidemics and pandemics at the present stage. In conclusion the author makes a forecast on the possibility of the formation of a new world order in the post-pandemic period.
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Klochkovsky, L. "New World Economic Development Trends and Latin America." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 4 (2016): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-4-48-60.
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There are substantial changes in the evolution of world economy and world economic relations. The growth rates of international trade have diminished two-fold, the prices for oil and other commodities have fallen, and the competition on world markets has sharpened greatly. These new trends complicate fundamentally external conditions for the economic development of peripheral regions, especially Latin America. Latin American countries have reached a phase of considerable economic deceleration. Under these circumstances, there is an urgent need for reconsideration of key conclusions made by some Russian experts on the possibilities of the future economic and social growth of Latin America. The author examines the most discussed aspects of the Latin American modern economic situation – the deepening technological gap and slow rates of technological progress, the limited role of internal economic motive forces, the conservation of foreign economic dependence. The future of Latin America’s economic development is uncertain in many respects and will depend greatly on foreign economic conditions. The new world balance opened important additional possibilities for Latin America on world markets. China has converted into the second largest economic partner of the region. But there is a number of complicated problems in their relations that need an urgent regulation. At the same time, the strategic task for Latin America consists in finding of effective ways for further broadening of economic relations with the United States in terms of equality and mutual benefit.
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Volkov, Sergey N. "Eurasian Economic Union and African countries: Problems and prospects of cooperation." Asia and Africa Today, no. 8 (2022): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750021326-0.
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In March 2022, the Center for Russian-African Relations and Foreign Policy of African Countries Studies of the Institute for African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences held a conference with international participation on the topic “Cooperation of the members of the Eurasian Economic Union with African countries”. The Conference took place at a difficult time, when the international situation sharply worsened that required a rethinking of our country’s relations with the outside world as a whole and with important partners, including the states of Africa and our closest neighbors, the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), where Russia is also a member. The event, which was held in the format of a videoconference, was attended by leading Russian specialists in African studies, the scholars from the Institutes of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the Institute of Economics of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus, workers of practical organizations, including the Eurasian Economic Commission, teachers, post-graduate students and applicants. Among the main problems discussed there were: Session 1 - global aspects of contemporary international relations and prospects of multilateral cooperation; Session 2 - bilateral cooperation of the EAEU members with African countries; Session 3 - positions of the maincompetitors for EAEU countries in Africa. The reports contained recommendations on strengthening Russia’s mutually beneficial partnershipwith the EAEU member states and African states. These recommendations may be used practically by both the business community, as evidenced by the interest in this conference from a number of Russian companies, and by practical organizations of the EAEU members.
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Alekseev, Yury, Liubov Zamaraikina, and Sergei Anuchin. "The "soft power" of the United States as an instrument of foreign policy in the European direction on the example of the French Republic (2016-2021)." Международные отношения, no. 1 (January 2022): 62–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2022.1.37687.
Full textAbstract:
Subject of the study: the soft power of the United States in relation to the French Republic.The object of the study is the US-EU relations during the presidency of Donald Trump.For this study, the most relevant research methods are the retrospective method, which allows us to assess the changes that have occurred in D. Trump's foreign policy course towards Europe after his inauguration. Taking into account that the work focuses on the content of cultural, educational and other American programs implemented in Europe on the example of the French Republic, the method of content analysis was used. Among other things, a systematic approach was used in conducting research. The presidency of Donald Trump really had an ambiguous, in some aspects destructive effect on the development of a "soft-power" vector in American foreign policy. Despite the fact that, de jure, the US military departments called in the documentation for the leading role of the European Union in ensuring global security and maintaining NATO's activities, de facto, Trump's rhetoric undermined the traditionally friendly attitude of Europeans towards the United States. Since the perception of "attractiveness" is a key element of "soft-power" influence, the results of this study give grounds for the following conclusions. In the period from 2016 to 2021, American influence on Europe was weakened not only by provocative statements and actions regarding NATO funding, contradictions on trade and economic agreements and problems with the Paris Climate Agreement, but also by the elaboration of the cultural and educational vector of foreign policy. Thus, by 2021, the United States had a weakened influence on the French Republic, which allowed the French side to strengthen its influence on American students and strengthen its own position in the American intellectual and managerial environment. The novelty of the study: US foreign policy is studied from the position of soft-power influence on France in the context of intra-bloc interaction in NATO.
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Sonmez, A. Sait, and Samed Kurban. "Turkey’s Northern Iraq Policy Within the Dilemma of National Security Problems and Economic Cooperation (2003-2015)." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 13, no. 2 (January 31, 2017): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2017.v13n2p13.
Full textAbstract:
The general characteristic of the foreign policy adopted by Turkey for North Iraq has been shaped based on the national integrity of Iraq since the Gulf War4. However developments in this country caused an increase in seperation demands from North Iraq Kurds. On the other hand this region had become an important base for Kurdish Workers Party (PKK) since 1980’s. Turkey’s security dilemma and priorities over Iraq were formulated as “red lines” and decleraded before invasion of Iraq. But North Iraq based security issues increased after the occupation of Iraq by the United States of America (USA). Getting support of the USA Iraqi Kurds began to follow a policy as political rival of Turkey. But economic relations, which have been established with the regional Government in terms of energy and trade, caused cooperation in other fields. So transfomation of bilateral relations of Turkey and Kurdish Regional Government of Iraq (KRGI) is discussed in this paper. Aim of this paper is to analyze how economic cooperation caused cooperation in security issues such as fight against terrorism.