Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Foreign Victoria'

The purpose of this study was to obtain an in-depth understanding of the perceptions of overseas-qualified nurses from non-English speaking backgrounds (NESB) in relation to their educational and socialisation experience whilst enrolled in a Competency Based Assessment Program (CBAP). The study was conducted using a modified grounded theory approach. There were a total of seventeen participants; fourteen NESB nurses, and three teachers who were directly involved with their education in the CBAP. The NESB nurses who participated fell into three main groups in terms of their previous professional experience. These were: � Specialist � Experienced generalist � Inexperienced generalist However, the level of skill and experience that the nurses brought to the educational and practice encounter made no difference to their experience of prejudice and lack of support, particularly in the clinical environment. The education and clinical experience they received challenged feelings of competency as much as they expanded feelings of competency. The NESB nurses� experiences of diversity also challenged their feelings of competence. In addition, the level of previous experience did not reduce the concern expressed by NESB nurses regarding the possibility of finding appropriate employment following registration. The implications of this for the profession and the health care system are that even the most experienced specialist and generalist nurses are not having their level of skill appropriately recognised and utilised in a timely way despite the current shortage of generalist and specialist nurses in Victoria. The outcome of the study led to the development of a model that has the potential to lead to a culture change in the clinical environment with a view to improving educational opportunities and experiences for NESB nurses who are enrolled in CBAP. In addition, the model has the potential to be useful in terms of providing local nurses with an opportunity to express their own thoughts and ideas in relation to the education of NESB nurses in the clinical environment. The model is based upon the theoretical perspectives of �productive diversity� and �clinical governance and organisational learning�.

This thesis, based on private papers, society records, autobiographies and memoirs, newspapers and periodicals, examines one mainly female imperialist organisation - the Victoria League - and the women who ran it. It considers two related questions - what made Edwardian women imperialist, and how, within the limits of Edwardian society, could they express their imperialism? The thesis shows that several of the League's founders and executive had visited South Africa during or shortly before the Boer War, and that this experience, particularly for those who came into close contact with Milner, was pivotal in stimulating them to active imperialism. The Victoria League, founded April 1901, aimed to promote imperial unity and a British South Africa in a variety of suitably 'womanly' ways: Boer War charities, imperial education, exporting literature and art to the white dominions (particularly the Transvaal), welcoming colonial visitors to Britain, arranging for the welcome of British settlers in the colonies, and promoting social reform as an imperial issue. It worked overseas through a number of independent Victoria Leagues in Australasia, the Imperial Order, Daughters of the Empire in Canada, and the Guild of Loyal Women in South Africa; and at home with a number of similar (though largely male) imperial propaganda societies. The thesis also considers the Victoria League's attitude to race, particularly through its debate over entertaining Indian students. It ends with a discussion of the options available to imperialist women; and of the obstacles they faced in questions of authority (how far and in what ways a woman could pronounce on imperial subjects) and of ideology (as expressed through the anti-suffrage campaign). It concludes that the Victoria League, by transferring areas of activity long acknowledged as 'feminine' to the imperial stage, redefined areas of female competence and enlarged woman's 'separate sphere' to include the active propagation of imperialism.

This study investigates the Foreign Architectural Book Society [F.A.B.S.] and its members from its foundation in 1859 through to the 1930s. Particular attention is given to the second generation of F.A.B.S. members, active between 1890 and 1920, who shared scholarly interests apparent in the architectural values they promoted in publications and their own buildings. In this period these F.A.B.S. members also occupied positions of power within the profession and influenced their contemporaries by encoding Beaux-Arts values in a reformed architectural education system. These developments are analysed using certain aspects of elite theory: this highlights the protectionist aspects of this education system and explains the survival into the 1930s of architectural values promoted by F.A.B.S. members. The F.A.B.S. was founded with the intention of internally circulating foreign architectural books and this study examines how the society operated. The functioning of the F.A.B.S. is analysed in relation to other societies its members joined, establishing their high social standing and a network of scholarly organisations through which architectural values were formed. An analysis of publications and buildings by the second generation of F.A.B.S. members reveals the fact that they promoted two architectural styles, Neo-Wrenaissance and Monumental Classicism. It is argued that Wren's influence was central to the formation of the values embodied in these styles. In the case of the Neo- Wrenaissance it is shown that this is a more appropriate term to describe works usually noted as examples of Neo-Georgian architecture. When examining Monumental Classicism it is noted that F.A.B.S. members used Beaux-Arts compositional devices, as encoded in architectural education, but promoted it as a national style by invoking the example of Wren. In conclusion it was argued that F.A.B.S. members encoded these stylistic values in the reformed architectural education system and this partially explains how the outmoded values of the Neo-Wrenaissance and Monumental Classicism managed to survive as valid stylistic options until the end of the 1930s.

Post-conflict operations have become a key, yet widely contested topic in international relations, particularly due to the U.S.-led interventions and post-conflict operations in Afghanistan and Iraq. Post-conflict state-building - the initial construction of the institutions, structures, and processes of a functioning, minimally capable state after the major combat operations of a war - is a critical concept within this debate. This thesis evaluates U.S. foreign policy regarding post-conflict state-building, specifically U.S. strategy and planning for the immediate post-conflict period. Through an institutional approach based on Allison & Zelikow's Model II organizational behavior paradigm, the thesis identifies structural, resource, and policy issues that create institutional challenges for post-conflict state-building strategy and planning within the U.S. foreign policy-making process. This thesis assesses three critical institutions - the Defense Department, State Department, and Congress - and evaluates the structural, resource, and policy issues within each of these institutions as they pertain to post-conflict state-building. Two case studies - post-conflict state-building strategy and planning in Panama after U.S. invasion in December 1989 and in Iraq after the U.S.-led invasion in March 2003 - are used to identify the institutional factors that shape U.S. foreign policy regarding post-conflict state-building. State-building is conceptually part of warfighting in U.S. foreign policy. However, the immediate post-conflict period is not adequately addressed in current planning or operations. Structural, resource, and policy issues often prevent the strategic proposition of post-conflict state-building from becoming an operational reality. There are disconnects between strategic goals and operational resources that relegate the importance of post-conflict state-building and limit its effectiveness in U.S. foreign policy. U.S. government institutions conceptualize long-term transformational goals for state-building, yet neglect the transitional, shorter-term components of post-conflict state-building, which link the major combat operations to the longer-term development assistance.

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Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): Kadhim, Abbas K. ; Looney, Robert. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on February 2, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-68). Also available in print.

This dissertation examines British munitions procurement chronologically from 1914 through early 1916, the period in which Britain's war effort grew to encompass the nation's entire industrial capacity, as well as much of the industrial capacity of the neutral United States. The focus shifts from the political struggle in the British Cabinet between Kitchener and Lloyd George, to Britain's Commercial Agency Agreement with the American banking firm of J. P. Morgan and Company, and to British and German propaganda in the United States.

As democracy globally declines according to the indices that measure the level of democracy around the world, existing literature lines up a wide spectrum of explanations for this decline. However, the impact of foreign policy on the domestic democratic system is widely overlooked. In this research project I have investigated the possible contribution of human rights infringing elements in foreign policy to the decline of democracy in the US.  I have done a single case study with a constructivist approach, US foreign policy in the post Cold War era being the case, focussing on the War on Terror. This is done with Historical Institutionalism as the theoretical framework. The results of this study show that practices of detention without legal charges and torture strain the rule of law and the accountability of officials and violates the value of equality, a core value of democracy. I come to the conclusion that foreign policy does have impact on the quality of the domestic democracy.

碩士
淡江大學
歐洲研究所碩士班
99
During the reign of the British Queen Victoria, it’s a very important period. It is well-developed in arts and cultures. There are not only lots of significant policies, in Britain domestically, but diplomatically, the UK government has gained numerous colonies and many interests from wars. We can realize that the UK is constitutional monarchy, the prime minister has the absolute power, while the power of the king or queen is limited. As a result, prime ministers play very important role in this period, they decide the foreign policy of UK. There are three typical prime ministers, John Palmerston, Benjamin Disraeli, and William Gladstone. This thesis analyzes the life background of the three prime ministers. When they face different foreign affairs in the future, what foreign policy will they adopt? What are the most remarkable behaviors in their politic career? And we can know that how these three prime ministers insist on their policies, and bring huge interests for UK. The thesis about the foreign effort during the period of Queen Victory mainly discuss on Opium War, Crimean War, and Boer Wars. We can see what foreign policy UK use in three wars. In addition to the debates in the UK parliament, we can realize in which angles did these three ministers used the most advantageous policies for UK. After the Napoleon war, the Foreign Minister of Austrian Empire, Klemens von Metternich holds Congress of Vienna. This is a very meaningful congress for Europe at that time. It changes the original system of Europe, and it forms the congress system. Also, the concept of “balance of power” is very important. In this time, UK not only uses the balance of power in Europe, but takes advantages of their geography positions. UK chooses the most advantageous way to put their foreign policies into practice, and uses the Isolationism very well. Besides, due to the industrial revolution in 19 century in Europe, the mercantilism is prevailed, and the large market demand of original materials, the imperialism reaches its climax. UK not only use imperialism, but use the policy of isolation and “balance of power”, as a result, they gain as many colonies and interests as they can from every wars, and they become the British Empire, on which the sun never set.

This case study explores Chinese international students' perceptions of meaningfill learning. Ten Chinese international students, who have post-secondary educational experience in both China and Canada, and five student services staff participated in this study. Data triangulation and method triangulation were used in this study. The study identifies four major themes found in student perceptions of meaningful learning: Practical Learning, Learning Under Pressure, Comfortable Learning, and Active Learning. This study indicates a positive relationship between out-of-school experiences and meaningful learning for international students. It reveals that students are aware of the important influence of the learning environment in their motivation and learning. This study challenges the stereotype of Chinese learners and highlights their preference for active learning over passive learning. The implication of this study emphasizes combined efforts of students and educators in co-constructing meaningful learning. The paper ends with the researcher's self-reflections on how this study affects her meaningful learning.

The purpose of this study is to illuminate and richly describe five Chinese graduate students' learning experiences in subject area classrooms in a Canadian university. Using a case study qualitative inquiry approach, the researcher conducted five individual interviews, one focus group interview and five follow-up interviews on five Chinese graduate students in the Spring 2007. The findings of the current study indicate that the participants encountered difficulty when they were learning in a Canadian university in a second language environment but also they enjoyed support at the same time. Different strategies that Chinese students employed to deal with the course work were reported. The findings also indicate that instructors played a major role in their learning process. When the instructors valued students' input and selected topics where Chinese students could contribute, students were eager to participate in classroom activities. Discussions and implications are included for both teachers and students in the field of second language learning and teaching and for university administration. In the Canadian classroom there is a need to address professional development to prepare the instructors in understanding learning experiences of second language learners.

This thesis is dealing with the development of the Great Britan foreign policy in the last two decades of the 19th century. The period of time covered her is marked by the era berween the Anglo-Egyptian War in 1882 and the sign of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance in 1902. Primarily, the thesis concentrates on the Foreign Office working and the top-british politicians. The fundamental objective is assessment of the process of change British policy and the definitive rejection of Splendid Isolation in 1902. Therefore it will especially watch the rivalry of powers in peripheries in Africa, Balkans and the Far East. The thesis is devided into eight chapters. The final part resumes the data arising from the research of creation the foreign policy. Key Words: Foreign policy, Great Britain, foreign policy, Victorian era, splendid isolation, Anglo-Japanese Alliance, 19th century

碩士
義守大學
管理碩博士班
102
In the recent several years, economy in Taiwan is facing great changes in internal and external situations. Domestic companies is unable to raise salary due to wage pressures, price increases and the labors are not willing to get employed for thinking three K factors; resulting in labor shortage, enhancing the protest of environmental awareness and other factors and cause dispute of investment environment in Taiwan. On the other hand, worldwide international development of foreign enterprises is extremely fast, domestic enterprises response to the global trend of international development and adopt the global international operation management business mode, move the labor-intensive industries to the workforce in Southeast Asia or Mainland China for investment with unconscious protest, inexpensive wage and abundant labors. This is a limit that Taiwan ties up the cross-strait law, and let its personnel, goods, financial flow and other aspects still has restriction; therefore, shout loudly that relax the law restriction. Set up economic free trade area in entire Taiwan, and attract foreign enterprises to invest in Taiwan with completely free business and trade activities will make Taiwan to master the global international economy and trade opportunities. This research mainly proposes operation pattern of economic free trade area in Taiwan; first, it organized and understood the function and features of domestic trade in service, and then discussed the relevant supporting that shall be prepared when position Taiwan to set up economic free trade area. The researcher advocates that any enterprise and people shall have moral and make money for country in real, which is called “money. money. money. Law”！ The supporting strategy of the researcher’s thesis: Taiwan needs to develop free trade area with high-tech national integrated international logistics; operate turning table strategy and Taiwan takes off again. Moreover, for the economic characteristics of free trade area set up in entire Taiwan, plan for logistics operation pattern of manufacturers in each areas and the corresponding high-tech national information system operating logistics for free trade. This research uses the unsuccessful economy of previous free trade port zone to operate turning table strategy and Taiwan takes off again. Plan for operation pattern of economic free trade area in entire Taiwan, expect it as the foundation and basis for follow-up establishment, strengthen the operation efficiency of the industry after the international division of labor, and thus make the industry a more competitive advantage in the international market.

This thesis aims to investigate how the Certificate of General Education for Adults (CGEA) caters for non-language outcomes in ESL literacy classrooms. The research focuses specifically on ESL literacy learners with limited or no formal education who are characterised as having literacy needs. Non-language outcomes (NLO) such as improved self-esteem, cultural awareness and the development of learning-to-learn skills are seen by many teachers to be important gains from language and literacy courses. However, since the introduction of competency-based credentials like the CGEA, many practitioners are concerned that these do not acknowledge NLO. Using the theoretical framework of a previous study by Jackson (1994) into NLO categories, this thesis reported on the findings of a qualitative multi-case study of six teachers and their low-level ESL literacy learners. A range of data including teacher interviews, classroom observations and field notes was used to examine the informants’ conceptualisation of both ESL literacy learner characteristics and of NLO. The teachers were also asked to comment on whether NLO were documented in the CGEA. The data revealed that the informants’ characterisation of ESL literacy learners matches current definitions found in the literature. The teachers reported that these learners do make non-language gains, particularly in the affective and learning skills categories. This thesis also identified classroom metalanguage to be an additional NLO for the target learners which was not previously identified by Jackson (1994).

MCOM
Department of Economics
The choice of a weak or strong currency has been at the center of the debate in most developing economies as exchange rates play a vital role in a country’s level of economic growth. This growth is critical to many developing economies. The study assessed the role of real exchange rate on economic growth in South Africa from 1994, first quarter, to 2015, fourth quarter. The study used time-series data in which Augmented Dicky Fuller and Philip Perron tests for stationarity, cointegration test, Vector Error Correction Model (VECM) approach for the long-run relationship were conducted. Impulse Response Function (IRF) and Variance Decomposition (VD) were also conducted to explain the response to shock amongst variables and how much of the forecasting error variance is explained by the exogenous shocks to other variables. VECM results showed a positive role exchange rates play on economic growth in South Africa. The study’s implication is that currency devaluation (exchange rates depreciation) can be effective in improving economic growth in the short-run. Nonetheless, a strong currency is good for economic growth in the long-run as it attracts foreign investments and a good instrument for controlling inflation. Thus, basing on the findings of the study, the floating exchange rate system adopted by South Africa in 2000 can be maintained.

Zamachy terrorystyczne z 11 września 2001 r., otworzyły szeroko zakrojoną debatę na temat właściwego kursu, jaki powinny obrać Stany Zjednoczone w polityce zagranicznej i obronnej, jak również strategii bezpieczeństwa narodowego. Niektórzy krytycy strategii administracji G. W. Busha oskarżali ją o sięganie po szkodliwy, z punktu widzenia prestiżu USA, unilateralizm. Według nich, administracja Busha odwróciła się z od tradycyjnej, powszechnie akceptowanej, a nawet podziwianej amerykańskiej liberalnej polityki zagranicznej. Fala niekończącej się krytyki wobec tej administracji wynikała z błędnej interpretacji tradycyjnej polityki zagranicznej oraz amerykańskiego multilateralizmu. Główna teza rozprawy zakłada, że wbrew wszechobecnej retoryce wskazującej na radykalną zmianę kultury strategicznej Stanów Zjednoczonych w czasie prezydentury George’a Walkera Busha, USA po zakończeniu zimnej wojny niezmiennie były mocarstwem nastawionym ofensywnie, ich kulturę strategiczną ukształtowaną pod wpływem uwarunkowań zewnętrznych oraz presji międzynarodowej, charakteryzowała stabilność.Autor ma nadzieję, że ta rozprawa pozwoli obalić mit, zgodnie z którym zamachy z 11 września były impulsem do dokonania wolty w strategii bezpieczeństwa USA i odejścia od tradycyjnej amerykańskiej kultury strategicznej. W rzeczywistości polityka zagraniczna prowadzona przez Busha po tych zamachach znajdowała się pod silnym wpływem liberalnego internacjonalizmu. Sytuowała się ona w ramach głównego nurtu tradycji amerykańskiego liberalizmu.Celem pracy doktorskiej jest analiza ewolucji roli siły zbrojnej w kulturze strategicznej Stanów Zjednoczonych po zimnej wojnie. Jednocześnie autor starał się przeanalizować związki pomiędzy wymiarem deklaratywnym a operacyjnym kultury strategicznej USA. Rozprawa została podzielona na cztery rozdziały. Rozdział I jest poświęcony analizie „teorii” kultury strategicznej. Celem tej części jest stworzenie podstawy teoretycznej lub raczej wstępu do dalszej analizy na temat ciągłości i zmiany kultury strategicznej USA po zimnej wojnie. Kolejne rozdziały są poświęcone kulturze strategicznej USA. W rozdziale II autor analizuje uwarunkowania kultury strategicznej USA. Stara się przedstawić wpływ na kształt kultury strategicznej USA, wyjątkowych warunków geostrategicznych, doświadczeń historycznych, koncepcji politycznych oraz amerykańskiego stylu życia. Przedmiotem trzeciego rozdziału są strategiczne i doktrynalne przejawy kultury strategicznego Stanów Zjednoczonych. Celem autora jest identyfikacja i analiza wpływu doświadczeń w ostatnich – prowadzonych po zakończeniu zimnej wojny – konfliktów zbrojnych, zmian w środowisku międzynarodowym i unikalnych czynników, zapisów Strategii Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego USA, doktryn wojskowych oraz refleksji teoretycznej na sposób prowadzenia działań wojennych przez USA. W ostatnim – IV rozdziale podjęto kwestię operacyjnego wymiaru amerykańskiej kultury strategicznej. Autor stara się przeanalizować w nim ewolucję użycia siły po zimnej wojny, zarówno w wymiarze bezpośrednim (konflikty zbrojne) jak i pośrednim (obecność wojskowa, bazy wojskowe na całym świecie i ćwiczenia wojskowe).
Since the terrorist attacks of September (11th) 2001, a wide-ranging debate regarding the appropriate course of American foreign and defence policy as well as national security strategy has opened up. Some critics of the Bush administration’s national strategy accused (the) Republican administration of a disastrous unilateral approach. According to them, the Bush administration has turned back from its long-standing and widely respected or even admirable traditional American liberal internationalism in foreign affairs. The wave of never ending criticism misinterprets foreign policy of the administration as well as American liberal multilateral tradition.The main thesis of the dissertation assumes that in spite of pervasive rhetoric concerns a radical change of American strategic culture during the George Walker Bush presidency tenures, The United States, after the Cold War, was an offensively-oriented superpower with fairly stable strategic culture formed under the influence of international pressure and a number of unique internal determinants.The author hopes that this dissertation will refute the myth according to which 9/11 was the impulse to make a volte in U.S. security strategy and move away from traditional American strategic culture. In practice, Bush’s foreign policy since 9/11 has been heavily influenced by liberal internationalism. The foreign policy of the Republican administration (was) well within mainstream American tradition of liberalism.This aim of the Ph. D. dissertation is to analyse the evolution of the role of military force in American strategic culture after the Cold War. Simultaneously, the author attempted to analyse links between declarative and operational dimensions of U.S. strategic culture.The dissertation is divided into four parts. Chapter I analyses the “theory” of strategic culture. The aim of this part is to provide an essential theoretical framework or rather an introduction to further analysis concerning the continuity and change of U.S. strategic culture after the Cold War. The following chapters strictly adhere to the subject of U.S. strategic culture. In chapter II the author tries to analyse context of U.S. strategic culture. The author attempts to outline the impact on the shape U.S. strategic culture of American, unique geostrategic conditions, historic experience, U.S. political thought and system and (the) American way of life. The subject of the third chapter will be the strategic and doctrinal manifestations of strategic culture of the United States. The aim of the author is to identify and analyse how experience of current Post-Cold War era armed conflicts, changes in the international environment and the unique factors depicted in the previous section shape U.S. National Security Strategy, military doctrines and theoretical reflections on the American way of war. In the last –chapter IV discusses the operational dimension of American strategic culture. The author tries to analyse the evolution of the use of force after the Cold War, both in terms of direct armed conflicts and indirect military presence inter alia military bases located around the world and military exercises.