Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Foreign trade regulation – Political aspects'
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Bester, Juan. "The political economy of the intellectual property rights regime : Aids and the generic medicine debate in South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53144.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a descriptive and interpretive study into the political economy of intellectual property rights, the conceptual and practical implications for the phenomenon of global governance, and how developing countries experience problems with the implementation of national policies that infringe on international intellectual property rights. The specific area of interest is the generic medicine debate that ensued in South Africa after the alleged violation of patent rights of anti-HIV/Aids drugs by the Department of Health. The research question that is addressed is to what extent has the existing international intellectual property rights regime been influenced and/or undermined by South Africa's intended application of WTO regulations in terms of compulsory licensing and parallel imports of "essential" medicines. In doing so, the paper examines the roles of the important states, international organisations, institutions, and private sector firms within the sphere ofthe political economy of intellectual property and how they impede upon or improve the functioning of the intellectual property rights regime. The methodology entails analytical inquiries into documentary evidence on the nature of the international intellectual property rights regime. Areas that are examined are the agendas of the important actors, namely states and their respective departments; individuals and firms; and international organisations. The concept of intellectual property is examined to determine its dynamic role within the generic medicine debate. The thesis concludes that the agendas of pharmaceutical firms and states are exploiting current political stalemates in the negotiations for a fair intellectual property rights regime. National health agencies, and specifically the South African Department of Health, are under enormous pressure to provide affordable health services. Specifically, the US Government and US pharmaceutical firms are dominating discussions on the architecture of the international intellectual property law regime. By using an analysis incorporating systemic, domestic interest, institutional, and ideational perspectives, it is argued that South Africa's drive for a more distributive intellectual property rights regime has placed the issue of health, Aids and generic medicine firmly within the sphere of the political economy of trade agreements.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is 'n deskriptiewe en 'n interpretiewe studie oor die politieke ekonomie van intellektuele eiendomsregte, die konseptuele en praktiese implikasies vir die verskynsel van globale regering, en hoe ontwikkelende lande probleme ervaar met die implimentering van nasionale beleid wat internasionale intellektuele eiendomsregte aantas. Die spesifieke area van belang is die generiese medisyne debat wat onstaan het na die beweerde skending van patentregte van anti-HIVNigs medisyne deur die Departement van Gesondheid. Die navorsingsvraag wat beantwoord word behels die omvang van die impak van Suid- Afrika se voorgenome toepassing van WTO bepalinge, met betrekking tot die verpligte lisensiering en parallelle invoer van "essensiele" medisyne, op die bestaande internasionale intellektuele eiedomsreg regime. Hierdie tesis ondersoek vervolgens die rol van state, internasionale organisasies, instellings, en privaat sector firmas binne die sfeer van die politieke ekonomie van intellektuele eiendom en hoe hulle afsonderlik die funksionaliteit van die intellektuele eiendomsregte regime beïnvloed. Die metodologie behels 'n analitiese ondersoek van die literatuur oor die aard van internasionale intellektuele eiendomsreg regimes. Areas wat ondersoek word, is die agendas van belangrike akteurs, naamlik die staat en sy onderskeie departemente; individue en firmas; asook internasionale organisasies en instellings. Die konsep van intellektuele eiendom word ondersoek om die dinamiese uitwerking daarvan op die generiese medisyne debat te verstaan. Hierdie tesis voer aan dat die agendas van firmas, spesifiek farmaseutiese firmas en state die huidige politieke dooiepunt in die onderhandeling rondom 'n regverdige intellektuele iendomsregte-regime, uitbuit. Nasionale instellings, soos die Suid-Afrikaanse Departement van Gesondheid, is onder groot druk om bekostigbare gesondheidsdienste te lewer. Die VSA en farmaseutiese firmas domineer onderhandelinge vir 'n nuwe struktuur vir die internasionale eiendomsregte-regime. Deur gebruik te maak van 'n analitiese raamwerk wat sistemiese, interne belange, institusionele, en ideologies perspektiewe inkorporeer, word daar geargumenteer dat Suid-Afrika se pogings om 'n meer distributiewe intellektuele eiendomsregte regime te verseker, die probleem van gesondheid, Vigs, en generiese medisyne binnne die sfeer van die politieke ekonomie van handelsooreenkomste, plaas.
Sherman, Richard Scott. "Managing political exchange : multilateralism in global trade policy /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10737.
Full textSenona, Joseph M. "Human rights and the WTO: Incorporation or cooperation? Is there a need for an agreement on trade-related aspects of human rights?" Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=init_7812_1177925661.
Full textHerbstreuth, Sebastian. "The problem of foreign oil dependence in the United States." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608185.
Full textYeukai, Chandaengerwa. "Trade promotion vs the environment: Inevitable conflict." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
Full textEvans, Peter C. "International regulation of official trade finance competition and collusion in export credits and foreign aid /." Thesis, View report (non-printable), 2005. http://dspace.mit.edu/bitstream/1721.1/33684/1/64631402.pdf.
Full textTitle from title screen (viewed July 6, 2007). Includes bibliographical references (p. 333-362). Also issued in paper format.
Deumié, Florence. "The Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety and the international trade of genetically modified organisms : a new element of the conflict between trade and the environment." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=31156.
Full textAll information is correct as at 14 November 2000.
Greyling, Minette Ilse. "The World Trade Organisation : international trade, dispute settlement & the environment." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53695.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: The norms governing international trade on the one hand, and sustainable development on the other, have both different origins and objectives. This is the central problem that will be addressed in this research assignment, by analysing the structure, functioning and future of the World Trade Organisation Dispute Settlement Mechanism (DSM). Though there has been a significant shift from politics to legality, the dispute settlement system is still far from perfect. When looking at recent environmental trade disputes, the stress placed on the system is revealed. •• The focus is on the impact of environmental disputes on the nature and functioning of the DSM, and how these disputes have contributed to the development of international trade law, and the concept of sustainable development. These will all contribute to a greater understanding of the interaction of the World Trade Organisation and the multilateral trading system, and the future role the WTO should play on the agenda for sustainable development.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die norme wat enersyds internasionale handel, en andersyds volhoubare ontwikkeling beheer, het uiteenlopende oorspronge en doelstellings. Hierdie is die sentrale probleem wat deur hierdie navorsingsverslag aangespreek word, te wete deur die struktuur, funksionering en toekoms van die Wereldhandelsorganisasie (WHO) Dispute Settlement Mechanism (DSM) te analiseer. Hierdie dispuutskikkingstelsel is nog steeds nie volmaak nie, ten spyte daarvan dat daar reeds 'n betekenisvolle verskuiwing van politiek tot wetlikheid plaasgevind het. As daar na onlangse omgewingshandelsdispute gekyk word, kom die druk wat op die stelsel geplaas word, duidelik na vore. Die fokus word dus met hierdie navorsingsverslag geplaas op die impak wat omgewingsdispute op die aard en funksionering van die DSM het, en hoe die dispute bygedra het tot die ontwikkeling van internasional handelswette asook op die konsep van volhoubare ontwikkeling. Hierdie fokus behoort by te dra tot 'n groter begrip tot die interaksie tussen die Wereldhandelsorganisasie (WHO) en die multilaterale handelstelsels, asook op die toekomstige rol wat die WHO behoort te speel met betrekking tot die agenda vir volhoubare ontwikkeling.
Somers-Cox, Tamara Joy. "Political risk in the oil and gas industry in emerging markets : a comparative study of Nigeria and Mexico." Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86335.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: The interplay between political risk and emerging markets is current and dynamic. As global interest shifts, investors cannot ignore emerging market behaviour and their influence. However, with great potential and opportunities, too comes great political risk. This research study begins with the point raised by the Eurasia Group that emerging market risk differs to that of developed market risk, and that risk in some instances can be ‗unbounded‘. Subsequently, the Eurasia Group deems emerging markets a top risk for 2013. Focussing on the oil and gas industry in emerging markets, Nigeria and Mexico offer valuable case studies. This research study offers a comparative study of these two countries in order to determine a generic list of political risk factors that are facing the oil and gas industries in emerging markets. In an increasingly volatile world, with a growing global demand for energy sources, and greater uncertainty surrounding investments and potential returns, political risk analysis is an invaluable decision-making tool for Transnational Oil Corporations (TNOCs) in order for their assets and interests to be protected. The central research question concerns the main political risk factors facing investors who want to participate in the oil and gas industry in emerging markets. The aim of the research study is to answer the central research question through the help of supplementary questions. The first of these ask what the main political risk factors for TNOCs operating in the Niger Delta are. The second question asks what the main political risk factors for TNOCs operating in the Gulf of Mexico are. So as to complete the political risk picture, the last question asks how political risk in the oil and gas industry can be mitigated. This research study will contribute to existing research, and will assist investors with risk identification, analysis and mitigation. By utilising the generic list of essential political risk factors, TNOCs are made aware of the most salient political risks in the oil and gas industry in emerging markets, and therefore are better placed to make rational and informed decisions when it comes to foreign investment.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die wisselwerking tussen politieke risiko en opkomende markte is intyd en dinamies. Soos globale belange verskuif, kan beleggers nie die opkomende markte se gedrag en invloed ignoreer nie, alhoewel met groot potensiaal en geleenthede kom daar ook groot politieke risiko. Die navorsingstudie het begin met die Eurasia Groep wat uitgelig het dat opkomende markrisiko verskil van die van ‘n ontwikkelde mark en dat die risiko in sekere gevalle ―ongebonde‖ kan wees. Gevolglik is opkomende markte as ‘n top risiko vir 2013 geklassifiseer. Met ‘n fokus op die olie- en gasindustrie in opkomende markte, bied Nigerië en Mexiko waardevolle gevallestudies. Die navorsingstuk bied ‘n vergelykende studie van dié twee lande met die doel om ‘n generiese lys van politieke risikofaktore wat die olie- en gasindustrie in opkomende markte in die gesig staar, vas te stel. In ‘n toenemende onstabiele wêreld met ‘n toenemende globale aanvraag vir energiebronne en groter onsekerheid rakende beleggings en potensiële opbrengs, is politieke risiko-analise ‘n waardevolle besluitnemings-meganisme vir Trans-Nasionale Oliekorporasies (TNOKs) om hul bates en belange te beskerm. Die sentrale navorsingsvraag fokus op die hoof politieke risikofaktore vir beleggers wat in die olie- en gasindustrie van opkomende markte wil belê. Die doel van die navorsingstudie is om die sentrale navorsingsvraag te beantwoord met behulp van aanvullende vrae. Die eerste vraag raak die hoof politieke risikofaktore vir TNOKs aan wat in die Niger-Delta opereer. Die tweede vraag handel oor die hoof politieke risikofaktore vir TNOKs wat in die Golf van Mexiko opereer. Die laaste vraag voltooi die politiese risiko profiel deur te vra hoe die politieke risiko in die olie- en gasindustrie verminder kan word. Die navorsingstudie sal bestaande navorsing aanvul en beleggers help om risiko‘s te identifiseer, analiseer en verminder. Deur ‘n generiese lys van politieke risikofaktore te gebruik, word TNOKs bewus gemaak van die mees prominente politieke risiko‘s in die olie- en gasindustrie van opkomende markte, wat hulle in staat stel om rasionele en ingeligte besluite te neem wanneer dit by internasionale beleggings kom.
Bidie, Simphiwe Sincere. "The obligation of non-discrimination under the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) and the agreement on Trade-related aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS): a developmental perspective." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/338.
Full textWei, De Cai. "Trade related environmental measures of European Union : a new kind of trade barriers?" Thesis, University of Macau, 2005. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1637069.
Full textTaylor, Ian. "Hegemony, 'common sense' and compromise : a neo-gramscian analysis of multilateralism in South Africa's post-apartheid foreign policy." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51785.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study attempts to overcome past failings in the analysis of post-apartheid South Africa's foreign policy. In contrast to "explanations" offered by most previous analyses, this work demonstrates that the behaviour exhibited by Pretoria is not immutable or simply subject to the global "realities", but is derivative of the specific historic conjuncture of forces that joined together during the transition from apartheid, and which remain open-ended. The changes in the African National Congress' economic and political policies during the transition period are seen as the key to any attempt to understand Pretoria's post-1994 foreign policy behaviour. This is intimately connected to the structural changes in the international political economy and the change in the balance of international class forces brought about by the neo-liberal counter revolution. Deploying a theoretical framework derivative of the work of the Italian Marxist, Antonio Gramsci, this study situates South Africa's foreign policy in a world where the ideology of neo-liberalism has achieved hegemonic status amongst the transnational elite class - fractions of national elites, representing and reflecting the interests of money capital. Such a hegemonic project informs the beliefs of the Government of National Unity and the subsequent foreign policy activities postured by Pretoria. This study attempts to understand how and why the ANCacceded to the dominant discourse of neo-liberalism and why this must be contextualised within the structural constraints brought to bear upon the GNUin an increasingly globalised world. This accession to neo-liberal beliefs has gIVen nse to contradictions within the domestic polity between contending class fractions and within the ANC'sown ranks. This has provoked a fundamental tension in Pretoria's overall foreign policy, where on the one hand South Africa accepts the fundamental normative world order, whilst on the other pushes various reformist initiatives which seek to re-negotiate Pretoria's standing within this framework. Specifically, South Africa's behaviour in multilateral organisations has been marked by a tactical middlepowermanship role, essentially problem-solving, which seeks to smooth out the international system so that the ongoing world order may function as "efficiently" as possible. Such behaviour has been qualitatively different from the activist role that was expected from an ANC-led administration. Indeed, the activism exhibited by South Africa has been largely centred around the promotion of the liberalisation of markets and free trade, albeit tempered by an awareness of the need to reconcile its acceptance of the hegemonic order, with that of the appeals of a historically important fraction of its support constituency: the Left and labour. Attempts to reconcile these two positions, of promoting "free" trade whilst at the same time demanding "fair" trade for example, mirror the broader contradictions that have been evident in South African foreign policy. They reflect the historic compromise that saw the ANCcome to administrative power, and also the desire by the government to balance its neo-liberal credentials with certain reformist convictions. This has been most evident in Pretoria's behaviour in multilateral organisations. SLXmultilateral initiatives, and Pretoria's role within each, are examined: the World Trade Organisation, the Cairns Group, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the Non-Aligned Movement, the Commonwealth, and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Implications for future South African foreign policy are drawn out, and a critical eye cast on whether such roles played out by Pretoria are immutable, or subject to change.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om vorige tekortkominge in die analise van post-apartheid Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid te oorkom. In teenstelling met die "verduidelikings" wat deur meeste vorige analises gebied word, illustreer die werk dat Pretoria se buitelandse gedragspatroon nie onveranderlik is en bloot onderhewig is aan die globale "realiteite" nie, maar voortvloei uit die besondere historiese tydsgewrig van magte wat saamgevoeg is gedurende die oorgang van apartheid na 'n onvoorspelbare era. Die veranderinge binne die African National Congress se ekonomiese en politieke beleid gedurende die oorgang periode word voorgehou as die sleutel tot enige poging om Pretoria se post-1994 buitelandse gedrag te verklaar. Strukturele veranderinge in die internasionale politieke ekonomie en die veranderinge in die magsbalans tussen internasionale klasse as gevolg van neo-liberalisme, het 'n fundamentele impak op die aard van hierdie buitelandse gedrag. Met behulp van 'n teoretiese raamwerk gedistilleer uit die werk van die Italiaanse Marxis, Antonio Gramsci plaas die studie Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid in 'n wêreld waarin die neo-liberale ideologie hoogty vier veral onder die transnasionale elite klas - fraksies van nasionale elites verteenwoordigend van die belange van finansiële kapitaal. Sodanige hegemoniese projek onderlê die oortuiging van die Regering van Nasionale Eenheid (RNE) en voortvloeiende buitelandse beleidsaksies. Die studie probeer vasstel hoe en waarom die ANC toenemend gehoor gegee het aan die oorheersende neo-liberale diskoers en waarom hierdie toetreding gekontekstualiseer moet word in terme van die strukturele beperkinge waaronder die RNE onderhewig is in 'n immerglobaliserende wêreld. Hierdie toetrede tot neo-liberale oortuiginge het aanleiding gegee tot teenstrydighede intern, tussen strydende klasfraksies asook binne die ANC se eie geledere. Hierdie teenstrydighede word ook weerspieël in Pretoria se buitelandsebeleids aksies in die algemeen. Aan die een kant aanvaar Suid- Afrika fundamenteel die normatiewe basis van wêreldorde, terwyl daar ook aan die ander kant gepoog word om Pretoria se posisie binne hierdie wêreldorde te bowe te kom. Suid-Afrika se gedrag in multilaterale organisasies in die besonder word gekenmerk deur 'n taktiese intermediêre rol ("middlepower role") hoofsaaklik van 'n probleem-oplossende aard, wat daarop gemik is om die internasionale sisteem so glad moontlik te funksioneer en teenstrydighede binne die wêreldorde te oorkom. Hierdie rol konstitueer 'n fundamentele wysiging van die aktivistiese rol wat van 'n ANC-regeerde Suid-Afrika verwag is. Die aktiwiteite wat wel deur Suid-Afrika geopenbaar is, sentreer hoofsaaklik om die bevordering van vrye en regverdige handel, alhoewel gerigsnoer deur 'n bewustheid van die behoefte om sodanige posisie te versoen met die aanvaarding van die bestaande hegemoniese orde aan die een kant en die eise van arbeid en politieke steun aan die Linkerkant van die politieke spektrum. Pogings om hierdie twee posisies te versoen - om "vrye" sowel as "regverdige" handel te versoen byvoorbeeld, weerkaats die algemene teenstrydighede waardeur Suid-Afrikaanse buitelandse beleid gekenmerk word. Die paradokse is tekenend van die historiese kompromie wat tot die ANC se bewindsoorname aanleiding gegee het asook die regering se behoefte om sy neoliberale orientasie te balanseer met bepaalde hevormingsoortuiginge. Hierdie patroon is besonder merkbaar in die geval van multilaterale organisasies. Ses multilaterale inisiatiewe en Pretoria se verhoudinge met elk van die volgende internasionale organisasies word van naderby bekyk, veral ten opsigte van die Wêreldhandelsorganisasie, die Cairns Groep, die Verenigde Nasies Konferensie oor Handel en Ontwikkeling, die Onverbonde Beweging, die Statebond en die Kernspêrverdrag. Daar word gewys op die implikasies vir Suid- Afrika se buitelandse beleid, terwyl daar krities gevra word of sodanige rolle wat deur Pretoria gespeel word, 'n bepaalde onveranderlikheid geniet of ook onderhewig is aan veranderinge.
Manjoro, Faith Tendayi. "International trade and environmental disputes : an analysis of Article XX of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (1994) and environmental policies of the developing and developed world." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007444.
Full textKurdi, Ammr. "Regulation and Political Costs in the Oil and Gas Industry: An Investigation of Discretion in Reporting Earnings and Oil and Gas Reserves Estimates." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc30481/.
Full textSpadafore, Annemarie Michaela. "Excess Baggage: Weighing the Contribution of Political and Corporate Interests in the W.T.O. Cases over Commercial Aircraft Subsidies." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1218774986.
Full textQobo, Simon Z. T. "Assessing industrialisation in South Africa with special reference to textile and clothing trends during the 1990s." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52701.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: As the wave of globalisation sweeps across the countries of the world, the economies of these countries are increasingly opening. The industrial and trade strategy approach is shifting to greater openness due to the pressures of international competitiveness. This means that domestic economic activity alone cannot sustain the national economy. One of the features of this openness is trade liberalisation. Trade between various countries is becoming more important as a way of earning foreign currency to address balance of payment problems and as well as to boost the domestic economy. This has great potential, in the long run, to generate employment opportunities. Immediately after South Africa ushered in a democratic dispensation in 1994 it had to contend with global pressure to liberalise its trade and put in place economic fundamentals that synchronize with the global economic order. The political economy of global trade structure is characterized by bargaining power inequalities amongst the developed countries (North) and the developing countries (South). Trade relations between the developed and developing countries has ~ element of power-play that advantage developed countries and the terms of trade are still skewed in favour of developed countries due to the power that developed countries wield in the global economic system. This study uses the structuralist development theoretical perspective (dependency theory) and the combination of qualitative and quantitative paradigms in understanding the trade relations between the developed countries. The study, through this theoretical paradigm, seeks to examine the degree of success or failure of the Uruguay Round of trade negotiations in particular with regard to tariff reduction commitments, and opportunities or constraints created thereof. A case study oftextile and clothing industry will be used, and this will highlight some of the negative implications of the Uruguay Round commitments.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Namate die globaliseringsgolf oor die lande van die wereld spoel, word die ekonomiee van die lande meer toeganklik vir ander state. Die industriele en handelsstrategie benadering het, as gevolg van intemasionale mededinging, 'n klemverskuiwing na meer openheid meegebring. Dit het tot gevolg dat huishoudelike ekonomiese aktiwiteit nie alleen 'n ekonomie kan onderhou nie. Een van die kenmerke van hierdie openheid is die liberalisering van handel. Handel tussen state word toenemend belangrik vir die verdien van buitelandse valuta om betalingsbalans probleme aan te spreek, asook om plaaslike ekonomiee te stimuleer. Oor die lang termyn hou dit groot potensiaal in om werksgeleenthede te skep. Onmiddelik na demokratisering in 1994 was Suid-Afrika geforseer om sy handel te liberaliseer en sy ekonomiese grondslag te sinchroniseer met die globale ekonomiese orde, Die struktuur van die politieke ekonomie van intemasionale handel word gekenmerk deur ongelykhede tussen die ontwikkelde Noorde en die ontwikkelende lande van die Suide. Handelsbetrekkinge tussen ontwikkelde- en ontwikkelende lande bevat 'n element van magspel waarin eersgenoemde bevoordeel word. Hierdie studie maak gebruik van die strukturalistiese ontwikkelingsperspektief en 'n kombinasie van kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe paradigmas, ten einde 'n beter begrip te verkry van handel tussen ontwikkelde lande. Deur middel van die teoretiese paradigma, probeer die studie om die werkbaarheid van die Uruguay Ronde, spesifiek · met betrekking tot tarief verlagings en die geleenthede of beperkings wat daardeur geskep word, aan te toon. 'n Gevallestudie van die tekstiel en klerebedryf sal gebruik word om die negatiewe implikasies van die Uruguay Ronde te belig.
Lee, Jin W. "The cost of the voluntary export restraint of Japanese automobile exports to the United States." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/45776.
Full textAt the request of the United States Government, effective as of April 1, 1981, the Japanese began voluntarily restraining exports of automobiles to the United States to provide the U.S. automobiles industry with a period of time to make the necessary adjustment to become more competitive with imports.
It is the purpose of this paper to examine the impact of the VER, particularly the costs to consumers and the benefits to U.S. producers, quota rents captured by the Japanese producer during 1981-84 will also be examined.
Between 1981 and 1984 the Voluntary Export Restraint Agreement cost the U.S. economy $8.4 billion. In terms of increases in the cost of purchasing a car, the estimate ranges between $95 in 1981 to as high as $241 in 1984. E During the four years of the VER, the consumer costs : amounted to $8.9 billion. Meanwhile, the U.S. producers of automobile benefited only $403 million as a result of the VER. If this benefit is translated to the number of jobs saved, it amounts to 29,000 jobs. Therefore, the consumer cost of creating each new job was $334,000.
As for the impact of VER on the Japanese producers, the result shows that the price effects of the VER has increased over the four years as the restrictive effect of the VER has intensified. During 1981, the VER added $733 to the price of each Japanese automobile, but by 1984, it was adding about $2,000.
Master of Arts
Penwarden, Mia. "Suur druiwe? Wyn, die TDCA en Suid-Afrika." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53076.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: In October 1999 South Africa and the European Union (EU) signed a free trade agreement, the Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA), which came into effect on 1 January 2000. The TDCA was developed to enhance bilateral trade, economic-, political- and social cooperation and consists of three components - the creation of a Free Trade Area between South-Africa and the EU, EU financial aid to South Africa through the European Programme for Reconstruction and Development (EPRD), and project aid. However, the EU, in an effort to secure the best possible deal for itself, often behave in its own interests (through the manipulation of the Wine and Spirits Agreement) during the negotiations for the TDCA. The goal of this study was to establish what exactly trademarks are, and what implications the EU's protection of intellectual property rights on wine and spirits trademarks will have on i) the South African wine industry, ii) whether South Africa could have exercised another option, iii) whether this action has created a precedent with which the EU can, in future, again force South Africa or any of its other developing trade partners to make concessions, and iv) who gains the most from the TDCA. The concludes that the EU, through the manipulation of the Wine and Spirits Agreement, left South Africa with no choice by to concede the use of the contested trademarks - something that has already taken its toll on the South African wine industry - in order to save the TDCA. This action created a precedent that the EU will, in future, again be in a position to threaten developing countries with the termination of an agreement should they fail to comply with its demands. Finally, the conclusion is made that even though the TDCA was created to assist South Africa with its reintegration into the world market, it will ultimately be the EU that benefits most from the agreement.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrika en die Europese Unie (EU) het in Oktober 1999 In vryehandelsooreenkoms, die Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) onderteken, wat op 1 Januarie 2000 in werking getree het. Die TDCA is ontwerp om bilaterale handel-, ekonomiese-, politieke- en sosiale samewerking te bevorder en bestaan uit drie komponente, naamlik die skep van 'n vryehandelgebied tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika; finansiele steun deur die EU aan Suid-Afrika onder die European Programme for Reconstruction and Development (EPRD) en projekhulp. Die EU het egter dikwels in eiebelang opgetree (deur middel van die manipulasie van die Wyn- en Spiritus Ooreenkoms) tydens die onderhandelingsproses in 'n poging om die beste moontlike ooreenkoms vir homself te beding. Die doel van hierdie studie was om te bepaal wat presies handelsmerke is, en watter implikasies die EU se beskerming van intellektuele eiendomsregte aangaande wyn- en spiritushandelsmerke op i) die Suid-Afrikaanse wynbedryf sal he, ii) of Suid-Afrika 'n ander opsie kon uitoefen, iii) of hierdie aksie In presedent geskep het waarmee die EU Suid-Afrika of enige van sy ander ontwikkelende handelsvennote in die toekoms weer sal kan dwing om toegewings te maak, en iv) wie die meeste baat vind by die TDCA. Die studie het tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die EU deur die manipulasie van die Wyn- en Spiritus Ooreenkoms aan Suid-Afrika geen keuse gegee het nie as om die gebruik van die betwiste handelsmerke op te se - iets wat reeds die Suid-Afrikaanse wynbedryf geknou het - in 'n poging om die TDCA te behou. Hierdie optrede skep 'n presedent dat die EU voortaan in onderhandelings met ander ontwikkelende state weer kan dreig om die hele ooreenkoms te verongeluk indien daar nie aan sy eise voldoen word nie. In die laaste instansie is daar tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat, alhoewel die TDCA daarop gemik was om Suid-Afrika te help met sy herintegrasie tot die wereldmark, dit uiteindelik die EU is wat die meeste daarby gaan baat.
Melloni, Mattia. "The principle of non-discrimination and the GATT/WTO jurisprudence of "Like Products"." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211054.
Full textDoctorat en droit
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Oliveira, Daniel Simões. "As regiões guerrilheiras colombianas e sua relação com a economia e politica no mundo contemporaneo." [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279245.
Full textDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: O presente trabalho tem como objetivo aprofundar o conhecimento acerca dos sentidos da atual ordem mundial vigente a partir do estudo da dinâmica conflituosa observada no território colombiano. Nesse sentido, toma como objeto central de sua reflexão a constituição de duas importantes regiões no interior do país, cujos contornos se definem pela presença de atividades econômicas de grande porte mediadas pelos movimentos guerrilheiros que, através do controle da circulação espacial nos espaços em questão, passam a impor uma organização peculiar e funcional aos interesses desses movimentos armados. As duas Regiões em questão, a Cocaleira e a Petrolífera, serão tomadas destarte em suas particularidades internas, para que posteriormente seja pensado o significado destes espaços na lógica do capitalismo contemporâneo, expandido ao nível global
Abstract: The objective of the present work is to deepen the knowledge concerning the directions of the current effective world-wide order from the study of the conflicting dynamics observed in the Columbian territory. In this direction, it takes as central object of its reflection the constitution of two important regions in the interior of the country, whose contours are defined by the presence of great economic activities mediated by the guerrila movements that, through the control of the space circulation in these regions, impose a peculiar and functional organization to the interests of these armed movements. The two Regions in question, the Petroliferous and the Coke one, will be taken in its internal particularities so that later the meaning of these spaces in the contemporary capitalism logic, expanded to the global level, can be thought
Mestrado
Política Externa
Mestre em Relações Internacionais
HARRISON, James. "The impact of the world trade organisation on the protection and promotion of human rights." Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/4654.
Full textExamining board: Prof. Ernst-Ulrich Petersmann, EUI (supervisor) ; Prof. Francesco Francioni, EUI ; Prof. Sheldon Leader, Essex University ; Prof. Giorgio Malinverni, Geneva University
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
This dissertation examines the impact of international trade rules on the promotion and protection of human rights, and explains why human rights are an important mechanism for assessing the social justice impact of the international trading system. The core of the dissertation is an in depth analysis of the impact of international trade law rules on the protection and promotion of human rights, emphasising the significance of the jurisdictional context in which the human rights issues arise: coercive measures that are taken by one country to protect and promote human rights in another country are distinguished from measures taken by a country to protect and promote the human rights of its own population. The author contends that international trade law rules have utilised certain ad hoc mechanisms to deal with particularly pressing human rights concerns in the trade context, but also argues that these mechanisms do not provide systemic solutions to the inter-linkages between the two legal systems. The author therefore examines mechanisms by which human rights arguments could be more appropriately raised and adjudicated upon in WTO dispute settlement proceedings. He concludes by considering broader systemic issues outside the dispute settlement process that need to be addressed if trade law rules are to successfully protect and promote human rights.
Van, der Merwe Leoni. "The impact of South Africa's non-ratification of the Convention on the International Sale of Goods ("CISG") on its trade as well as relations with other countries." Diss., 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/22989.
Full textMercantile Law
LL. M. (International Economic Law)
Marshall, Kevin Scott. "Administered protection the political economy of U.S. countervailing duty and antidumping regulation /." 1993. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/33094079.html.
Full textBaik, Chang Jae. "Politics of super 301 the domestic political basis of U.S. foreign economic policy /." 1993. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/39721145.html.
Full textTompsett-Makin, Deborah. "The role of political coalitions in trade liberalization Mexico 1976-1992 /." 1998. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/42271536.html.
Full textCARATELLI, Irene. "The Political impact of the EU's international trade : EU trade power, policy and influence." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13296.
Full textExamining Board: Marise Cremona (EUI, Law Department); Christopher Hill (University of Cambridge); Erik Jones (Johns Hopkins, Bologna); Pascal Vennesson (EUI/RSCAS, Supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The aim of the PhD Thesis is to ascertain whether the EU is able to exert a political influence through its international trade agreements. Since the Union has always been considered as an economic giant and a political dwarf at the global level, the objective is to evaluate whether the EU external trade may be considered as a useful tool to address the gap between its economic and political relevance. If the EU is effectively able to wiled a political influence through trade also beyond the neighbourhood area, where it uses the membership card chip, the EU might have a greater global role. The conceptual analysis of the Thesis is based on the distinction between the EU trade Power (i.e. Resources, Institutions and Values), EU trade Policy activity and its final Influence in order to disentangle the 'levers' from the 'leverage' exercised by the EU through its external trade policy. The potential for political influence of the EU ultimately relies on the ability to change the norms, beliefs, rules and regulations in EU partner countries, during and after the trade negotiations. The empirical side of the research focuses on two bilateral agreements: the EU-Mexico Partnership Agreement (2000), and the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between the EU and South Korea (2009). Despite the strong differences between the case studies (in terms of their geographic location, production and export patterns, timing of the negotiations, etc.), Mexico and South Korea share four basic similarities: i) neither is an EU neighbouring country (i.e. the EU cannot use the membership card); ii) both are strongly dependant and receive their primary influence in economic, political and security terms from the United States; iii) both have strongly endorsed neoliberal and free market principles; and finally iv) each of them might be a potential gateway for the EU in its macro-region. Furthermore, Mexico and South Korea share also a more specific strategic value for the EU in three main respects. First, in both cases the rationale for EU to conclude the agreements was the same: economic and defensive vis-à-vis US previous trade agreements (the NAFTA and the US-South-Korea FTA). Second, the basic objectives of the EU in both countries tend to correspond to a great extent: the achievement of the commercial parity treatment of EU for its exporters vis-à-vis US’ exporters. Third, the overall political influence of the EU in the countries might thus be not only limited, but also fairly comparable. The theoretical structure and the empirical work highlight interesting indications. First, in terms of Power, neither the EU trade power, nor the conclusion of trade agreements is sufficient for the EU to exert, by default, a political influence in the countries considered. Second, in terms of Policy, during Peter Mandelson’s tenure as EC Trade Commissioner, the Union downsized the normative and political ambition of its external trade action in respect to the past, focusing on the achievement of commercial-parity objectives vis-à-vis other major global actors (i.e. a defensive trade strategy in relation to that of the US). Finally, in terms of Influence, both cases indicate that the EU has still a limited capacity to exert a political influence via its trade policy in nonneighbouring countries. Four main reasons help to explain this: 1) Internal institutional constraints within the EU; 2) The bilateral level of trade negotiation; 3) The weakness of EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy and of its Common Security and Defence Policy; 4) The defensive rather than proactive global projection of the EU. The Thesis concludes that although the EU foreign economic policy can be a means to address the capability-expectations gap that affects the EU as an international actor, there is still ample scope to improve the EU political influence through trade in countries beyond the neighbourhood area in economic, political and/or normative terms.
Warren, Tony. "The political economy of services trade and investment policy : Australia, Japan and the United States." Phd thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144419.
Full textBaur, Daniela. "Aspects of the international political economics of regional trade : comparative perspectives from Sub-Saharan Africa." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/10185.
Full textSub-Saharan African governments have long expressed their support for increased intra-African trade, but official statistics show that this type of trade. remains Iess than 5% of the total. The continued emphasis on establishing supranational organisations to direct regional trade Iiberalisation through. phased tariff reductions is symptomatic of the strategies dominating most. deliberations on regional integration. Despite the continuing proliferation of multilateral treaties, protocols and resolutions concerned with promoting regional trade, intra-African exchange has stagnated. Recorded barter in Africa's major sub-regional communities has not significantly increased between the late 1970's and today (Barad, 1990: 102). The reason for this absence of progress in the promotion of intra-African trade is most clearly expressed in the fact that Sub-Saharan Africa is experiencing its worst economic crisis to date. According to Williams (1993: 5-6) this crisis is manifested in foreign .debt, poverty and trade.deficits. These conditions are the result of the following: deteriorating terms of external trade, the rise in debt-servicing obligations relative to both export earnings and gross domestic product, climatic conditions such as drought, civil wars and regional disputes, the lack of infrastructure and the overvaluation of African currencies, government and privatesector corruption, and the inability of African states to respond to the oil crisis of 1979-1980. Naldi (1989: 2) adds the neglect of the agricultural sector, unfeasible . industrial programmes, and wasteful prestige projects as factors contributing to the economic crisis. African states have of necessity turned to the industrial nations of the First World for their image and development, since these communities have the technology and finances fundamental to development. This may be themain reason that 95% of all African trade occurs outside the African continent However, African leaders. have long recognised the need for closer regional ties as a way of overcoming the fragmentation of the continent, one of the major constraints on economic development. Ndulo (1992: 17) claims that the economic integration of Africa was the centr8llheme of the 1980 Lagos ?Ian of Action and numerous other high-level statements and reports on African policy and development strategy. Economic integration is perceived by many African states as the ultimate type of regional economic collaboration, and as a promising vehicle for enhancing economic and social development, This idea is reinforced by the relative success of integration in Western Europe and through the United States-Canadian Free Trade Agreement.
Wei, Zhang. "International trade agreements." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/53217.
Full textThesis (Ph.D.) - University of Adelaide, School of Economics, 2009
Wei, Zhang. "International trade agreements." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/53217.
Full textThesis (Ph.D.) - University of Adelaide, School of Economics, 2009
Davidson, Nigel Joseph. "The lion that didn't roar : can regulatory theory save the Kimberley process?" Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151474.
Full textPrévost, Marie Denise 1971. "The conflict between free trade and public health measures : the role of science." Diss., 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/15825.
Full textLaw
LL.M.
Prevost, Marie Denise 1971. "The conflict between free trade and public health measures : the role of science." Diss., 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/15825.
Full textLaw
LL.M.
Manamela, Makwena Ernest. "The social responsibility of South African trade unions : a labour law perspective." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/20069.
Full textPrivate Law
LLD
Schellnack, Isabel Stella. "Chile, South Africa and the great powers, 1795-1948." Diss., 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17672.
Full textM.A. (History)