Academic literature on the topic 'Foreign trade regulation – Africa, North'
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Journal articles on the topic "Foreign trade regulation – Africa, North"
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Rinchinov, Artem B. "PRC's digital media amid the trade war with the United States: Conditions within the country and prospects for expansion." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 474 (2022): 153–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/474/17.
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The article aims to highlight some of the features of Chinese information policy and state regulation in order to survey the current state of Chinese media theory within the country. In the sphere of China's foreign relations, the aim was to find evidence that, under conditions of economic pressure, China is moving from a policy of “soft power” towards its partner countries to the practice of building direct economic and infrastructural dependence. The theoretical part of the article is mainly based on the materials of the Chinese Tsinghua Institute. When studying the situation abroad, data from the Australian Institute for Strategic Policy and similar think-tanks in North America were used. According to the current Chinese media theory, all information sources inside the country make up three major groups with more than six subdivisions inside each group. Another point of Chinese media theory, which includes the “six forces” concept, brings much more controversy. According to it, “government” and “party force” are different actors while “capital force” has only limited influence over media content. This concept may be disputed by example of “Southern Model”, when one of the Chinese provinces used a lot of autonomy in its broadcasting policy. The autonomy came to an end, when the state-owned company SMC gained control over the province's broadcasting in 2007. This is one of the examples of how party, state and capital forces' acts combined and merged into one. Correlation analysis shows the interdependence between capital and state forces within the country. The article examines activities of Chinese media, government-organized non-governmental organizations (GONGO), and communications corporations abroad. According to open-source data, the hugest economic intervention in media markets of developing countries made by China so far is united under the Digital Silk Road initiative. During the trade war, many Chinese companies, like Huawei, lost their western customers and markets access. By maintaining Chinese media market shut for foreign capital and by expanding own communication network beyond borders through the web of GONGO and favored contracts, Beijing gains an advantage in the ongoing trade war. Such impermanence shows the incompleteness of media theory in China. While being recent, it struggles to describe objective reality without notion that in highly monopolized and regulated spheres, like Chinese media market, the forces of national capital and government may act on behalf of each other. China, despite the lack of a sophisticated theoretical basis, gains control over the media policy in developing countries. The Chinese-built communication infrastructure, which allows controlling internet and mobile media, becomes fundamental for countries in Africa, South-East and Central Asia. Such a situation may lead these countries to fall into the Chinese sphere of influence.
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DUGINETS, Ganna, and Hossain Zonfali OMRAN. "UKRAINE’S TRADE RELATIONS WITH THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA." Vol 21, No 4 (2022), Vol 21, No 4 (2022) (December 1, 2022): 474–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.35774/jee2022.04.474.
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Ukraine’s foreign trade is being restructured and geographically diversified. The countries of the Middle East and North Africa play a key role in these processes in their capacity as trade partners. Consistent revenues from export are especially important for Ukraine’s recovery post-war, so the development of its foreign trade should entail a change in the approach to the Middle East and North Africa, namely a shift away from «casting a wide net» towards more targeted identification of emerging markets and concentrated efforts to deepen trade ties with these select countries. The research outcomes substantiate a comprehensive scientific and methodological approach to assessing the effectiveness of trade cooperation between countries. The proposed approach uses economic and mathematical modelling based on cluster analysis of existing cooperation features to benchmark the conditions of trade cooperation. Based on obtained results, it also allows for a continuous monitoring and assessment of the efficiency of implemented measures geared towards developing trade relations with the countries of the region.
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Wróblewska, Wioletta, Łukasz Kopiński, Dariusz Paszko, and Joanna Pawlak. "Unijny eksport i import roślin ozdobnych – zmiany w ujęciu rodzajowym i geograficznym." Zeszyty Naukowe SGGW w Warszawie - Problemy Rolnictwa Światowego 18(33), no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 319–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22630/prs.2018.18.1.29.
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The aim of the article was to analyze the changes in the value of EU foreign trade in ornamental plants in 1999 and 2014 in generic and geographical approach. Intra-EU trade, and the EU with European countries outside the Community, and Africa, the Middle East, North America, Latin America, and other regions of the world have been taken into account. The analysis covered the export and import of ornamental plants in total and seven groups of floricultural products. The balance, level and dynamics of changes of individual groups of ornamental plants in EU trade were analysed by taking into account the geographical structure of trade. The fixed base index and percentages were used. The foreign trade in ornamental plants of the EU is characterized by the principle of geographical proximity. The main supplier of decorative plants in the EU remains The Netherlands, and the main recipient of ornamental plants from the EU, but of decreasing importance, was Germany. In the EU's foreign trade with other regions of the world, the role of Africa grew as a supplier of mainly cut flowers and seedlings, it diminished the role of North and Latin America as suppliers of mainly cut greenery. Significant recipients of flower bulbs were North America and Asia.
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Singh, Devesh, and Zoltán Gal. "Economic Freedom and its Impact on Foreign Direct Investment: Global Overview." Review of Economic Perspectives 20, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/revecp-2020-0004.
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AbstractThe purpose of this research is to examine the economic freedom (EF) along with its macroeconomic determinants impact on Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflow in South Asia, East Asia, Latin America, Middle East, and North Africa, Northern Europe, Southern Europe, Western Europe, Eastern Europe and Sub Saharan Africa. We use Heritage Foundation economic freedom index data over the period of 1999 to 2018 and employ the stepwise multi regression on variables of business freedom, government spending, tax burden, government integrity, property rights, investment freedom, trade freedom and monetary freedom. The results show that EF has a significant positive impact in South Asia, Latin America, East Asia, North Europe and West Europe. However, for the Middle East and North Africa, East European and South European economies EF has an insignificant influence on FDI inflow.
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Gallien, Max. "Informal Institutions and the Regulation of Smuggling in North Africa." Perspectives on Politics 18, no. 2 (June 6, 2019): 492–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592719001026.
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Contemporary writing on North African borderlands invokes the idea of a general, unregulated porosity through which small-scale informal traders of food or textiles move alongside drug smugglers and terrorists. I challenge that conception, demonstrating that the vast majority of smuggling activity is in fact highly regulated through a dense network of informal institutions that determine the costs, quantity, and types of goods that can pass through certain nodes, typically segmenting licit from illicit goods.While informal, the institutions regulating this trade are largely impersonal and contain third-party enforcement, hence providing a direct empirical challenge to common characterisations of informal institutions in political science. I argue that revisiting the characteristics associated with informal institutions, and understanding them as contingent on their political environment, can provide a new starting point for studying institutions, the politics of informality, state capacity, and the regulation of illegal economies.
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Tkachenko, Marina. "ASSESSMENT OF RISKS AND BENEFITS IN TRADE COOPERATION OF RUSSIA AND THE COUNTRIES OF NORTH AFRICA." Russian Journal of Management 8, no. 4 (January 25, 2021): 176–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/2409-6024-2020-8-4-176-180.
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The article examines the historical background of trade cooperation between Russia and the countries of North Africa at the present stage. Based on the analysis of the ratings of the socio-economic development of countries, the author determines the risks and barriers in foreign trade cooperation between Russia and the countries of the region, as well as those advantages that should stimulate their mutually beneficial cooperation.
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HARDING, NICHOLAS B. "NORTH AFRICAN PIRACY, THE HANOVERIAN CARRYING TRADE, AND THE BRITISH STATE, 1728–1828." Historical Journal 43, no. 1 (March 2000): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99008900.
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Recent interest in the early-modern British composite state has neglected Hanover, despite evidence of frequent and informal co-operation between the countries in foreign affairs. This article explores one aspect of diplomacy with particular import for the British–Hanoverian union, British policy in North Africa, and finds a greater degree of integration in trade policy than has been hitherto recognized. Britain's government came to recognize and treat Hanoverians in Morocco as British subjects during the eighteenth century, a policy which was expanded to the rest of North Africa and elsewhere after the acquisition of the maritime state of East Friesland at the Congress of Vienna increased the Hanoverian government's commercial responsibilities beyond its ability to cope. British policy did not reflect a consensus, and it was criticized by some who regarded Hanover as an entirely foreign state beyond the purview of the British government. But British sponsorship of Hanoverian trade prevailed over such dissent until the union's end, so that Britain's experience of composite statehood lasted until 1837.
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Elbashir, Rania. "LIBYA'S FOREIGN TRADE WITH EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." MEST Journal 10, no. 2 (July 15, 2022): 64–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.12709/mest.10.10.02.07.
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The subject of this empirical and theoretical work is the exchange of foreign trade in Libya with the countries of the European Union. The scientific objective of the research is to make a scientific classification of the volume of foreign trade between Libya and the European Union countries and to discover the factors that hinder foreign trade and explain them scientifically. European countries also support this cooperation and contribute significantly to the formulation of future cooperation policies with Libya in various social, political, and economic fields. However, this cooperation takes place in light of objective difficulties arising from the conflicting interests of Western countries in North Africa and Libya. Since these relations are burdened with many problems of different nature, we started this paper from two assumptions: The first premise is that in the trade relations between Libya and the European Union, there are common interests for foreign trade that are more feasible. The second premise is that more encouragement and protection for investments by the countries of the European Union helps in new qualitative development and economic growth in Libya, which will significantly improve trade relations between Libya and the countries of the European Union.
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Hutsaliuk, O. M., Іu A. Bondar, and O. O. Sukhachova. "Vectors of Development of Trade and Economic Cooperation of Ukraine with the Countries of the Middle East and Africa." Management of Economy: Theory and Practice. Chumachenko’s Annals, no. 2021 (December 23, 2021): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.37405/2221-1187.2021.35-50.
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The main directions of development of foreign policy relations and trade and economic cooperation of Ukraine with the countries of the Middle East and Africa are considered in the article. In particular, the state of Ukraine’s foreign trade relations with the Middle East and Africa and the directions of their growth are analyzed. The existing potential for strengthening cooperation in the region has been identified and its main prospects have been outlined. The analysis of the existing institutional system of foreign trade in Ukraine is carried out. that in the conditions of deteriorating economic situation in the world and reduction of indicators of export potential of Ukraine for 2019-2020, it is quite important to form and implement institutional support for the strategy of promoting the development of domestic producers and promoting their products to foreign markets. The main factors that should be taken into account by domestic producers in the process of entering the markets of the Middle East are substantiated. The hierarchy of the purposes of institutional maintenance of foreign trade of Ukraine in the context of cooperation with the countries of the region is offered. According to the indicators of exports of goods and services to major trading partners for 2018-2020, the formation of export destinations in Ukraine. The growth of exports and the dynamics of Ukraine’s foreign trade, which in turn brings currency to the country, more investment and, most importantly, the fact that the country will become a more competitive country. The development of bilateral and multilateral relations of Ukraine with the countries of North Africa is considered in the plane of geoeconomic interests of Ukraine. This indicates Ukraine’s interest in the development of trade and economic cooperation, based on the significant potential importance of the markets of these countries for the exit of Ukrainian exporters, as the countries of the region still show significant demand for Ukrainian goods. The preconditions of practical problems of development of foreign economic relations of Ukraine with the countries of the studied region are investigated, namely that recently the geopolitical influence of the last on the world arena has essentially increased. Prospects for further research in this area are to determine the theoretical and practical prerequisites for creating a strategy to promote the export of goods and services in the markets of the Middle East and Africa. Keywords foreign trade, export, import, trade and economic relations, foreign policy relations, geo-economic interests.
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Němečková, Tereza, Lea Melnikovová, and Natalia Piskunova. "Russia's return to Africa: a comparative study of Egypt, Algeria and Morocco." Journal of Modern African Studies 59, no. 3 (August 26, 2021): 367–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x21000070.
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AbstractThe article analyses Russia's recent return to Africa. It attempts to answer the question to what extent Russia has abandoned its traditional tools of cooperation such as nuclear energy and military cooperation and engaged in new ‘smart’ ones as indicated by former Foreign Minister Ivanov in 2011. The paper builds on three case studies of African countries having the largest trade volume with Russia in 2018, i.e. Egypt, Algeria and Morocco, and analyses their changing relationship with Russia over the last decade. The results show that Russia has not abandoned its traditional tools but has intensified the use of new ones. The North African region as such has regained significance in Russia's foreign policy. Bilateral relations with all three North African countries have increased at both political and economic levels recently.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Foreign trade regulation – Africa, North"
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Dullabh, Nitesh Amratlal. "South Africa's post-apartheid foreign policy : towards a diplomacy of trade." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002984.
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This thesis attempts to argue that a post-apartheid foreign policy will no longer be based on seeking legitimacy for the South African Government. Instead, it argues that if South Africa wants to grow, both domestically and nternationally, it will be imperative for it (South Africa) to move from an import substitution trade policy to an export-oriented trade policy. It is further suggested that the export-led strategy will be an important component for the promotion of South African international trade in the post-Cold War era. South Africa cannot improve the status of its trade regime by its own doing. It will require the support and assistance of international organizations and hence, the international community. Following the principles, rules and procedures of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT); it is argued, will help South Africa reconstruct its trade policies on the basis that they are free, fair and above all competitive. Furthermore, maintaining a constantly favourable relationship with the international community will allow easy access to international markets for South African goods and services, and eventually the smooth integration of the South African economy in the international political economy. This study, noting the importance of trade with a dedicated commitment to exports, concludes that although exports would flourish, there will be an immediate need for diplomats to be conversant with contemporary international trade developments. This would require diplomats to be innovative, steadfast and disciplined in their day-to-day negotiations. In the final instance, the role of trade in South Africa's future will ultimately be determined by its trade postures and the type of diplomacy to be used by its diplomats.
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Nadeau, Christian. "The regulation of foreign direct investment in Mexico and the North American free-trade agreement." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22506.
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This thesis*, after presenting an overview of Mexico, examines the new business environment prevailing in Mexico focussing on the laws and regulations affecting foreign investments and and foreigners in Mexico. It then compares Mexico's foreign direct investment (FDI) regulations with those of Canada and the United States in relation to the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement of 1988. Since Mexico's FDI concerns and policies are similar those of Canada, this comparison provides useful perspectives for a prospective analysis of acceptable FDI regulations in a North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA).The adoption by Mexico of industrialized country standards and principles has led to the negotiation of a NAFTA between Canada, the United States and Mexico. Further investment liberalization will be a major part of the price Mexico will need to pay for the sucessful conclusion of NAFTA. Such liberalization will benefit Mexico's development provided that it retains a few of the prevailing restrictions and the legal means to implement future policies on investment, thus ensuring for itself a part of the benefits of FDI. (Abstract shortened by UMI.) ftn*This thesis encompasses all regulations in place before March 31, 1992.
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Mutai, Henry Kibet. "The regulation of regional trade agreements : harnessing the energy of regionalism to power a new era in multilateral trade /." Connect to thesis, 2005. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/529.
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This thesis examines the regulation of regionalism by the WTO and the formation and operation of regional trade agreements by developing countries. In particular, this work focuses on regional integration in Eastern and Southern Africa. The aim of the thesis is to assess the effectiveness of the relevant legal regimes and determine ways in which they can be made more effective, both in terms of their impact on state conduct and in terms of their impact on the economic welfare of the states concerned. The thesis argues that, with regard to the WTO legal regime, the exemption from the application of Article XXIV, GATT 1994 given to developing countries by the Enabling Clause has contributed to the lack of effectiveness of the WTO regime. For developing countries, on the other hand, the Enabling Clause has deprived them of the legal discipline required to establish effective free trade areas and customs unions. This latter argument is examined through a case study of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA). The thesis contends that for COMESA countries to engage in meaningful trade liberalisation, and to participate fully in the WTO, acceptance of greater legal discipline is critical. Such legal discipline can be obtained through compliance with Article XXIV.
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Chen, Heng. "An investigation of the main factors that have an impact on the decision of a foreign business to enter South Africa." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1222.
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The new South Africa has an amazing economic growth that creates a significant opportunity for international companies to start their businesses in South Africa. For those companies which are interested in the South African market, it is very important for them to understand the factors that influence their entry-mode selection. The objective of this study is to determine the main factors that have an impact on the decision of a foreign business to enter South Africa. To achieve this objective, the researcher used an integrated study method, as follows: {u10007A} A systematic review of the popular entry-modes and the main factors influencing the entry-mode selection, sourced from the relevant literature. In addition, South African business was also introduced. {u10007A} Based on the factors related in the literature, an empirical survey was completed by those foreign companies who had already successfully entered into South Africa, in order to figure out the rank importance of these factors. With an integrated study of literature and empirical research, the rank importance of factors that have an impact on the foreign business entry-mode selection in South Africa is as follows: 1. Firm’s product 2. Control level of entry-mode 3. Ownership of entry 4. Resource commitment of entry-mode 5. Political factor 6. Firm’s objective 7. Technological factors 8. Economic factors 9. Firm’s experience in international marketing 10. Firm’s size 11. Dissemination risk of entry-mode 12. Socio-cultural factors 13. Flexibility of entry-mode Key terms: International market entry-mode South African business environment.
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Franse, Ricardo. "The response of an original equipment manufacturer to the Motor Industry Development Programme : a case study /." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/303/.
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Dube, Memory. "Liberalisation and regulation of trade in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) : a critical analysis of the SADC trade protocol's provisions and its implementation." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008204.
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The Southern African Development Community (SADC) declared a Free Trade Area on 17 August 2008. The Free Trade Area is the ultimate objective of the Trade Protocol on trade cooperation in SADC, signed in 1996. The Protocol is supported and complemented by the ambitious Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan (RISDP). The idea behind the SADC Trade Protocol was to counter the developmental challenges facing SADC member states and to improve the productive and trade capacity of SADC countries. The implementation of the SADC Free Trade Area has been guided by the WTO/GATT regulatory framework on regional trade agreements, particularly GATT Article XXIV, the Understanding on the Interpretation of GATT Article XXIV, as well as the Decision on Differential and More Favourable Treatment, Reciprocity and Fuller Participation of Developing Countries (Enabling Clause). This research seeks to analyse the SADC Trade Protocol's provisions and the implementation of such provisions. To facilitate an understanding of factors that affect the implementation of the SADC Trade Protocol, SADC's institutional and operational framework is discussed from a legal-historical perspective. The provisions of the Trade Protocol are analysed for compliance with WTO/GA TT rules as well as for applicability within the SADC context. The provisions of the WTO/GA TT regulatory framework on regional trade agreements are also analysed with a view to determining whether they are applicable in developing country situations such as SADC. The Free Trade Area is seen as the first step towards regional economic integration in the region and is to be followed by a Customs Union, a Common Market and then eventually an Economic Community with its own central bank and regional currency. It is envisaged that the region will proceed through all these traditional theoretical phases of economic integration between 2008 and 2018. The implementation of the Trade Protocol has been beset with institutional, administrative and infrastructural challenges which pose obstacles to the attainment of the other stages of economic integration in the time frames prescribed in the RISDP. These challenges are assessed for impact on the regional economic integration of SADC by evaluating the progress towards implementing the Trade Protocol provisions and the implementation of measures taken towards the launch of the Free Trade Area. Emerging issues are also identified and analysed for their effect on the Free Trade Area and the general economic agenda of SADC. Of particular note is the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) being negotiated with the European Union where SADC countries are negotiating in four different configurations. An analysis of this EPA situation reveals that it compounds a pre-existing problem: that of overlapping membership of regional trade agreements. Prior to the EPAs and the intensified drive towards the creation of the Customs Union, there was largely no need to rationalise the overlap in regional trade agreement memberships, but it is now a matter of urgency. The overlap in membership has complicated EPA negotiations and places serious doubts on the prospects of complete regional integration in SADC.This research concludes with observations on South Africa's complicated relationship with her SADC neighbours. South Africa's trade policies, as regards both the SADC region and the world, are discussed. Because of its political and economic dominance, South Africa's policies have a ripple effect on the rest of SADC; hence the need for South Africa to be vigilant in formulating and implementing its trade policies.
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Pillay, Morgenie. "The negotiation process of the EU-SA Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement: a case of reference for the south?" Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003031.
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Overall the conclusions drawn about South Africa’s negotiating style and tactics were arrived at by analysing a number of reports (that closely followed the evolution of the negotiations) and then paralleling this case study’s findings with the conjectures made by the theoretical frameworks (i.e. works by Putnam, Zartmann and Churchmann) about how negotiations proceed. In the final analysis, the findings of this case are intended to provide insight for the south about how to approach any future trade negotiations with the North (or more specifically with the EU).
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Nyhodo, Bonani. "The impact of the Doha round of WTO agricultural negotiations on the South African economy." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1734.
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Thesis (MScAgric (Agricultural Economics)--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.The Doha Round of negotiations on the liberalisation of agricultural trade inherited complications from its predecessor - the Uruguay Round (UR). It needs to be noted, as one of the fundamental differences, that agriculture sectors in the developed countries of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) get support from their governments. In contrast to the situation, in the developing countries, agriculture is taxed to generate government revenue. The subsidies that farmers receive in the developed countries affect farmers globally through world prices (world prices depression). Therefore protection and greater subsidies should be not encouraged. As such, after a long time of preferential treatment, agriculture trade was tabled as a separate issue of negotiations at the UR and resulted to the round to be prolonged. However, one of the achievements of the UR was imposing of bound tariffs on agricultural products and determining tariff equivalence for non-tariff measures. Then, the Doha Round (DR) also known as the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) which is the first round to place development and focus strongly on agricultural liberalisation as a tool for development. International trade theory supports agricultural liberalisation, as negotiated in the DDA. Therefore, the DDA, in seeking more liberalised agricultural markets, continues a theoretically sound approach, as in the UR. The effects of liberalising agricultural trade in the DDA will differ across countries, whereas some will gain, others may loose, and the same situation is true for different sectors within an economy. The focus of the DDA on agriculture, as a tool of development, links well to the fact that agriculture in the developing countries accounts for a substantial share of their gross domestic products (GDPs) and exports. This situation, therefore, calls for a closer consideration of the possible impact of agricultural liberalisation in South Africa even though agricultural share of GDP is less than 4 percent.
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Bester, Juan. "The political economy of the intellectual property rights regime : Aids and the generic medicine debate in South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53144.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a descriptive and interpretive study into the political economy of intellectual property rights, the conceptual and practical implications for the phenomenon of global governance, and how developing countries experience problems with the implementation of national policies that infringe on international intellectual property rights. The specific area of interest is the generic medicine debate that ensued in South Africa after the alleged violation of patent rights of anti-HIV/Aids drugs by the Department of Health. The research question that is addressed is to what extent has the existing international intellectual property rights regime been influenced and/or undermined by South Africa's intended application of WTO regulations in terms of compulsory licensing and parallel imports of "essential" medicines. In doing so, the paper examines the roles of the important states, international organisations, institutions, and private sector firms within the sphere ofthe political economy of intellectual property and how they impede upon or improve the functioning of the intellectual property rights regime. The methodology entails analytical inquiries into documentary evidence on the nature of the international intellectual property rights regime. Areas that are examined are the agendas of the important actors, namely states and their respective departments; individuals and firms; and international organisations. The concept of intellectual property is examined to determine its dynamic role within the generic medicine debate. The thesis concludes that the agendas of pharmaceutical firms and states are exploiting current political stalemates in the negotiations for a fair intellectual property rights regime. National health agencies, and specifically the South African Department of Health, are under enormous pressure to provide affordable health services. Specifically, the US Government and US pharmaceutical firms are dominating discussions on the architecture of the international intellectual property law regime. By using an analysis incorporating systemic, domestic interest, institutional, and ideational perspectives, it is argued that South Africa's drive for a more distributive intellectual property rights regime has placed the issue of health, Aids and generic medicine firmly within the sphere of the political economy of trade agreements.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is 'n deskriptiewe en 'n interpretiewe studie oor die politieke ekonomie van intellektuele eiendomsregte, die konseptuele en praktiese implikasies vir die verskynsel van globale regering, en hoe ontwikkelende lande probleme ervaar met die implimentering van nasionale beleid wat internasionale intellektuele eiendomsregte aantas. Die spesifieke area van belang is die generiese medisyne debat wat onstaan het na die beweerde skending van patentregte van anti-HIVNigs medisyne deur die Departement van Gesondheid. Die navorsingsvraag wat beantwoord word behels die omvang van die impak van Suid- Afrika se voorgenome toepassing van WTO bepalinge, met betrekking tot die verpligte lisensiering en parallelle invoer van "essensiele" medisyne, op die bestaande internasionale intellektuele eiedomsreg regime. Hierdie tesis ondersoek vervolgens die rol van state, internasionale organisasies, instellings, en privaat sector firmas binne die sfeer van die politieke ekonomie van intellektuele eiendom en hoe hulle afsonderlik die funksionaliteit van die intellektuele eiendomsregte regime beïnvloed. Die metodologie behels 'n analitiese ondersoek van die literatuur oor die aard van internasionale intellektuele eiendomsreg regimes. Areas wat ondersoek word, is die agendas van belangrike akteurs, naamlik die staat en sy onderskeie departemente; individue en firmas; asook internasionale organisasies en instellings. Die konsep van intellektuele eiendom word ondersoek om die dinamiese uitwerking daarvan op die generiese medisyne debat te verstaan. Hierdie tesis voer aan dat die agendas van firmas, spesifiek farmaseutiese firmas en state die huidige politieke dooiepunt in die onderhandeling rondom 'n regverdige intellektuele iendomsregte-regime, uitbuit. Nasionale instellings, soos die Suid-Afrikaanse Departement van Gesondheid, is onder groot druk om bekostigbare gesondheidsdienste te lewer. Die VSA en farmaseutiese firmas domineer onderhandelinge vir 'n nuwe struktuur vir die internasionale eiendomsregte-regime. Deur gebruik te maak van 'n analitiese raamwerk wat sistemiese, interne belange, institusionele, en ideologies perspektiewe inkorporeer, word daar geargumenteer dat Suid-Afrika se pogings om 'n meer distributiewe intellektuele eiendomsregte regime te verseker, die probleem van gesondheid, Vigs, en generiese medisyne binnne die sfeer van die politieke ekonomie van handelsooreenkomste, plaas.
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MARTINES, Francesca. "The cooperation agreements between the EEC and Maghreb countries : a contribution to the study of the consistency of EEC development cooperation policy." Doctoral thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/4704.
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Defence date: 21 January 1993Examining Board: Prof. Roberto Barsotti (Università di Firenze) ; Renaud Dehousse (European University Institute, supervisor) ; Prof. Francis Snyder (European University Institute) ; Prof. Antonio Tizzano (Università di Roma) ; Prof. Joseph H.H. Weiler (Harward Law School)
First made available online: 2 August 2016
Books on the topic "Foreign trade regulation – Africa, North"
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South Centre (Independent Commission of the South on Development Issues), ed. Lopsided rules of North-South engagement: The African Growth and Opportunity Act. Geneva 19, Switzerland: South Centre, 1999.
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Labour Resource and Research Institute (Namibia), ed. Trade and EPAs: Current developments and challenges for Africa. Windhoek, Namibia: Labour Resource and Research Institute, 2009.
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Kameni, Enga. Trade and EPAs: Current developments and challenges for Africa. Windhoek, Namibia: Labour Resource and Research Institute, 2009.
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V, Blaine Russell, ed. Trade barriers in Africa and the Middle East. New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2007.
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Lisinge, Robert Tama. Trade facilitation to integrate Africa into the global economy. [Addis Ababa]: African Trade Policy Centre, 2004.
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North Africa: Unlocking India's trade and investment potential. Mumbai: Export-Import Bank of India, 2019.
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D, Nkurunziza J., and Mwalwanda C. T, eds. Export diversification in Africa in the context of the post-Uruguay round. [Addis Ababa]: Economic Commission for Africa, 1998.
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Blumberg, Leora. Trade relations with Southern Africa: A preliminary legal analysis. [Halfway House, South Africa]: Development Bank of Southern Africa, 1994.
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Hiensch, Annick. Tracking European aid, debt, and trade commitments to Africa. Amsterdam: Association of European Parliamentarians for Africa (AWEPA), 2007.
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Publications, USA International Business. Global export-import procedures and contacts handbook: Portugal, Puerto Rico, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, South Africa, Spain, Sweden, Switserland, Taiwan, Thailand, UAE, UK, US, Venezuela. Washington, DC: International Business Pub., 2008.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Foreign trade regulation – Africa, North"
1
Dagbanja, Dominic Npoanlari. "The Legal Status and Limitations on Investor–State Arbitration in Africa." In The Investment Treaty Regime and Public Interest Regulation in Africa, 121—C3.P226. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192896179.003.0003.
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Abstract Chapter 3 critically analyses how investment treaty arbitration affects the exercise of judicial authority of the courts in Africa. Investor–state arbitration permits foreign investors to bypass municipal courts and thereby make foreign investors less accountable to the host state through established state institutions. Yet, African constitutions studied vest original, appellate, and final jurisdiction over legal disputes to municipal courts. The chapter establishes that foreign investors do not have an automatic and direct right in customary international law to access international dispute resolution. In this regard, the chapter challenges the capacity of African states to agree to investment treaty arbitration in light of national constitutions and customary international law. The principles of constitutional governance, especially on accountability of governments through the judiciary, transparency, rule of law, and the need to put citizens first prohibit an automatic, absolute substantive and procedural preferential treatment to foreign investors. The chapter makes a case for African states to reconsider the role of domestic courts and state-state dispute settlement mechanisms for both investment and trade disputes that are consistent with constitutional governance, the rule of law and democracy.
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Gegout, Catherine. "The European Union." In Why Europe Intervenes in Africa, 243–90. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190845162.003.0007.
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Chapter six shows that even the European Union, which gives a high priority to addressing development problems, and which is legally constrained to act in accordance with international law, often adopts a realist type of foreign policy in Africa. First, in terms of aid and trade (including arms trade), the European Union privileges relations with strong economies in the North of Africa, South Africa, and oil-resource states. The second section demonstrates that the European Union plays a limited diplomatic role in conflicts in Africa, it is securitizing its development policies, and has deployed civilian operations which face difficulties on the ground. Then, an analysis of EU military interventions in Africa shows that they are not consistent, and are either discussed but not carried out, or limited in time and space. The fourth section focuses on motives. The European Union has never intervened primarily for humanitarian motives. EU states do not have a consistent approach towards conflicts, and when they discuss intervention, they often fail to give any priority to European solidarity. As a result, and as expected by realism, member states are more likely not to intervene, or to intervene unilaterally or in ad hoc interventions, than to work through the EU framework.
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Kruglanski, Arie W., Jocelyn J. Bélanger, and Rohan Gunaratna. "The Rise of Contemporary Violent Islamist Extremism." In The Three Pillars of Radicalization, 7–33. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190851125.003.0002.
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This chapter examines the historical context of the current wave of extremism, recounting the unfolding of the war on terror declared by President George W. Bush in the aftermath of the tragic attacks by Al Qaeda on the World Trade Center in New York and the Pentagon. It discusses the fight against Al Qaeda core in the Pakistan–Afghanistan region and the spread of Al Qaeda’s spirit and influence to the Middle East and North Africa, as well as Central and Southeast Asia. It notes the formation of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), the spread of its influence around the globe, and the successes it had in inspiring scores of foreign fighters to join its ranks. Finally, it assesses the likely future developments in the war on terror and its likely impact on world politics and international relations.
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Zendejas, Juan Flores, and Felipe Ford Cole. "Sovereignty and Debt in Nineteenth-Century Latin America." In Sovereign Debt Diplomacies, 49–72. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198866350.003.0003.
Full textAbstract:
After their independence from Spain and Portugal, Latin American governments became frequent borrowers in international capital markets. However, the region’s political and economic instability also led to recurrent episodes of sovereign defaults. During the particular historical context of the nineteenth century, remedies to debt defaults were not limited to bilateral negotiations between creditors and governments. They also encompassed military interventions or control commissions formed by foreign governments, bondholders, or merchant bankers. In North Africa and the Middle East, debt defaults could even trigger military interventions from creditor states ending in the establishment of colonial regimes. This paper shows that such interventions were rare in Latin America, as creditors only enlisted their governments’ military intervention in the most extreme cases. In most cases, external control was exerted privately by bondholders and merchant banks through the imposition of economic policies promoting trade openness and fiscal management. Additionally, bondholders turned to legal methods of contractual enforcement to obtain debt settlements that limited the sovereignty of debtor states over their land, infrastructure, and resources. By the end of the century, Latin American jurists began to respond to the increasing use of legal techniques to settle sovereign debts by developing counter-legal discourses aimed at limiting foreign intrusion in sovereign affairs.