Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Foreign relations'
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1
Gaarder, Christopher. "California's Foreign Relations." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1147.
Full textAbstract:
Globalization has significantly increased the number of stakeholders in transnational issues in recent decades. The typical list of the new players in global affairs often includes non-state actors like non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations, and international organizations. Sub-national governments, however, have been given relatively little attention even though they, too, have a significant interest and ability to shape the increasing flow of capital, goods, services, people, and ideas that has so profoundly influenced the global political economy in recent decades. California, arguably the most significant among sub-national governments – its economy would be seventh or eighth in the world at $2.2 trillion annually, it engages in over $570 billion in merchandise trade, and has a population of nearly 40 million, out of which over 10 million are immigrants – is also one of the most active in transnational issues. The state government has opened and closed dozens trade offices abroad since the 1960s. It set up a multi-billion dollar carbon cap-and-trade system jointly with the Canadian provinces of Québec and Ontario under Assembly Bill 32, one of the most significant pieces of climate change legislation to date. California’s educational, technological, and media hubs – its public and private universities, Silicon Valley, and Hollywood – draw some of the best and brightest from around the world. California also has a long history of involvement in transnational issues. State efforts to undermine growing Chinese then Japanese “menace” immigrant populations from the mid-19th through the mid-20th centuries influenced United States foreign policy.
This thesis first takes a look at the federalism and international relations issues faced by California as it plays a greater role in transnational issues. Then, it examines the main actors and institutions, and the issues at play. The states have some leeway under the Constitution and contemporary political order to use their domestic powers to influence global issues, whether through climate legislation, public pension divestment, or non-binding “Memoranda of Understanding” with foreign governments. Such behavior, while less significant than national policy, can fill gaps in national policy, promote policy change, and deepen global ties, promoting a more complex interdependence among nations. California can also exert a moral, soft power influence in leading by example. The structures promoting California’s growing role in transnational issues are poorly organized. If the Golden State is to better leverage its political, economic, and moral authority internationally, it would do well to more explicitly develop a unified vision for its role in the world.
2
Lo, Sek-man, and 盧錫文. "Vietnam's major foreign relations, 1975-1982." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1985. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31948625.
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3
Lo, Sek-man. "Vietnam's major foreign relations, 1975-1982." [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1985. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B12323676.
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4
Elmadani, Abdulla. "Indo-Saudi relations 1947-1997 : domestic concerns and foreign relations." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.400916.
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5
Beltran, Thelma L. "Philippines-Soviet relations." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111184.
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This study traces the development of Philippine-USSR relations and
examines the implications of such development for Philippine national
security, in particular, and the regional security of Southeast Asia in
general. At a glance, this is a problem for history and not for
international relations. However, national and regional security
problems in Southeast Asia are closely tied with the historical
development of each nation's relations with external powers,
particularly the United States and Soviet Union. Any assessment of
different national threat perceptions and their policy implications for
national or regional security can be misleading if not viewed within
the perpective of historical developments.
This is particularly true with respect to the Philippines. The
country has never been isolated from regional events nor from the
influence of international powers. Its security options reflect this
relationship. First, it was closely allied with the United States (as
it still is), being a US colony since the turn of this century up to
1946 when the country got its political independence. Second, while
politically independent, the Philippines has been economically
dependent. Third, as a result of this dependency, Philippine foreign
policy up to 1968 was closely tied with the American foreign policy.
Fourth, with worldwide economic recession, following the oil embargo of
1973, the country was forced to open trade and diplomatic relations
with other countries, particularly with the socialist and communist
bloc. And fifth, the Philippines established diplomatic ties with the USSR in 1976, apparently to ensure trade and commercial markets outside
of the traditional US and Japan markets.
6
Eberly, Kurt Jeffrey. "Pennsylvanians, Foreign Relations, and Politics, 1775-1790." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1297560596.
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7
Whittington, Sherrill. "China's contemporary foreign relations and defence developments." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112027.
Full textAbstract:
After four decades of post-war revolutionary struggle,
erratic swings of domestic policies and dramatic changes
in leadership style, the People's Republic of China
(PRC) is apparently set on a stable pragmatic path
which is intended to take a technologically advanced
nation into the twenty-first century. An international
policy based on extensive economic relations with both
Western and Eastern blocs, coupled with the promotion
of global conciliation is the foreign policy formula
which Beijing considers will best promote its domestic
interests. Throughout the Maoist period which dominated
almost thirty years of the Republic's existence, the
global policy was one promoting a 'United Front' with
fellow Third World nations based on the Five Principles
of Peaceful Coexistence, while simultaneously attempting
to extricate the nation from the overriding influence
of the Soviet Union. To avoid "leaning to one side",
being overdependent on any one major power, thereby
became the leitmotif of Beijing's foreign policy as
Sino-Soviet discord was parallelled by open criticism
of the imperialistic aggression of the capitalist superpower,
the United States. However, shifts in the global
balance by the early 1970s and Washington's desire
to conciliate with the People's Republic led to a reappraisal
of Beijing's international posture, with the U.S.A.
coming to be regarded more benignly.
8
Whelan, Kathryn M. "Australia's foreign relations with Indochina : the evolution of an independent Australian foreign policy? /." Title page, table of contents and conclusion only, 1993. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arw566.pdf.
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9
Barrett, Gordon Robert Burgess. "Foreign policy, propaganda, and scientific exchange : scientists in China's cold war foreign relations." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.685012.
Full textAbstract:
Scientists were important players in China's Cold War foreign relations. This dissertation examines the international activities of a cohOlt of elite and internationally educated scientists who were involved in international organisations such as the World Federation of Scientific Workers (WFSW) and events such as the Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs. Focusing on the first three decades of the Cold War, this study encompasses a series of critical phases in China's development, in its relations with the outside world, and for its scientific community. Recently declassified archival material covering this period provides an opportunity for a far greater depth of analysis and nuance in understanding than would have been possible less than a decade ago. For the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), these elite scientists were singularly effective intercultural intennediaries who, embedded in overlapping transnational epistemic and activist networks, won sympathy and support for the People's Republic of China (PRC) among foreign intellectuals. Such party-approved propaganda activities also afforded these scientists valuable opportunities to maintain contact with overseas scientific communities from which they were otherwise largely cut off. These PRC-based scientists and the domestic scientific organisations with which they were affiliated all had roles to play within the Chinese foreign affairs system. This dissertation shows that scientists' individual personal and professional networks, their activities in the WFSW, at the Pugwash conferences, and at events like the Peking Science Symposium conferences, all carried a mixture of opportunity and risk for a developing state like the early PRC.
10
Krzakowski, Caroline. "Aftermath: Foreign Relations and the Postwar British novel." Thesis, McGill University, 2012. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=106245.
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In the aftermath of the Second World War, British writers engaged with the reconfiguration of national identity that resulted from the dissolution of the empire. In many regards, the postwar British novel performs the work of diplomacy. While colonial power held together global networks before the war, an emerging discourse of internationalism urged cooperation after the war. Rebecca West's travelogue about Yugoslavia, Black Lamb and Grey Falcon, as well as her reportage on the Nuremberg Trials, laid the groundwork for her incomplete tetralogy, Cousin Rosamund: A Saga of the Century. In both her fiction and non-fiction, West considers questions of British responsibility on the international stage. Similarly, Lawrence Durrell writes about the aftermath of the Second World War by reflecting on the motives and effects of British foreign policy in the Mediterranean. Durrell's travelogue, Bitter Lemons of Cyprus, influenced the narrative structure of the Alexandria Quartet. By focalizing Mountolive, the third volume of the Quartet, through the character of a diplomat, the narrative reflects on questions of the private and public responsibilities of ambassadors. Olivia Manning's Balkan Trilogy, which concerns British nationals in Romania before and during the war, is concerned with global events that provoke mass displacements. Even the British become refugees because of aggressive warfare. While journalists craft their reputations through authorship in the public sphere and diplomats inscribe their perspective into the reports they send to embassies, the spy's works remain hidden from the public gaze. Nonetheless, it fulfills a diplomatic function. In The Spy Who Came in from the Cold and The Looking Glass War, John Le Carré shifts novelistic attention to the ways in which spies skirt democratic processes and opt for creating international relationships through secret means. This thesis relies on archival documents and theories of narrative in order to demonstrate how a concern with international cooperation influences postwar preoccupations and narrative structure. Although literary critics often characterize the postwar British novel as being in decline, mid-century novelists, in fact, adapt the genre to changes in the global balance of power.Les écrivains britanniques d'après-guerre révisent l'identité nationale suite à la dissolution de l'empire. Un discours de coopération internationale remplace les liens globaux maintenus par le colonialisme. Pendant cette période, le roman britannique sert à une fonction diplomatique de plusieurs façons. Le récit de voyage de Rebecca West, Black Lamb and Grey Falcon et ses articles sur les procès de Nuremberg ont influencé sa tétralogie inachevée, Cousin Rosamund: A Saga of the Century. Dans ses romans ainsi que dans ses reportages, West se penche sur la question de responsabilité de la Grande Bretagne dans un climat de diplomatie internationale. De la même manière, Lawrence Durrell écrit à propos des motivations et des effets de la politique étrangère britannique dans la region méditerranéenne. Son récit de voyage, Bitter Lemons of Cyprus, a influencé la structure narrative de la série Alexandria Quartet. Le troisième roman dans la série, Mountolive, focalise sur la question des responsabilités privées et publiques à travers la figure du diplomate. La trilogie d'Olivia Manning, Balkan Trilogy, qui raconte l'histoire de personnages britanniques habitant la Roumanie avant et après la guerre, se préoccupe des effets que les catastrophes globales ont sur les réfugiés de guerre. Dans ce roman, même les personnages britanniques deviennent des réfugiés. Pendant que les journalistes forment leur reputation dans la sphère publique et que les diplomates incluent leur opinion des faits implicitement dans les rapports qu'ils envoient à leur ambassades, le travail de l'espion demeure caché du regard public. L'espion contribue cependant au travail diplomatique. Dans ses romans, The Spy Who Came in from the Cold et The Looking Glass War, John Le Carré ré-oriente l'attention sur les moyens par lesquels les espions contournent les procédés démocratiques et choisissent de créer des liens internationaux par des voies secrètes. Cette thèse met en valeur les sources archivales d'auteurs et de départments gouvernementaux, dont elle a recours. En général les critiques littéraires considèrent que le roman britannique d'après-guerre représente un déclin. Toutefois, cette étude démontre que les romanciers de cette époque adaptent leurs romans aux changements du pouvoir politique international.
11
McKeever, Dalton Edward. "US foreign relations in the Caspian Sea region." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 1999. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/77.
Full textAbstract:
This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science
12
Min, Gyungsook. "Reporting East Asia : foreign relations and news bias." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/4721.
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This thesis, Reporting East Asia: Foreign Relations and News Bias, seeks to argue for the importance of understanding foreign relations in the study of 'bias' in international news. It begins by pointing out that many previous studies have examined pressures on news emanating from inside national boundaries, but have excluded force from outside, and most notably, the military and economic relations between reporting and reported nations. For the purpose of the study, newspapers from three countries; the US, South Korea and Japan (which different represent types of power order within the military and economic spheres in the Pacific region), were chosen. Three recent key events in the region were selected as case studies for news analysis: 1)The Shooting Down of the Korean Airline 007, by the Soviet Union in 1983; 2)The Former Philippine President, Marcos' Step Down in 1986 : and 3) the Anti-Government Demonstrations in South Korea in 1987. Throughout the thesis, the relationship between reporting countries and reported countries has been analysed. The relationships between the reporting nations and more powerful and influential nations, has also been examined, in order to establish how far the news content of a less powerful country is also shaped by its relations with dominant nations. The results of the study indicate that there is a strong relationship between the 'biased' news reporting of international events and the unequal relationships between and among nations. Consequently, it implies that understanding foreign relations is an important tool in the analysis of bias in international news reporting. However, the thesis concludes by suggesting that in order to fully understand the operating environment of international news, the internal dynamics of news organizations, media systems (including the relationship of news media to governmenta, and national power structures) needs to combined with the analysis of foreign relations in any future research.
13
Merdad, Jamil M. (Jamil Mahmoud). "Saudi-American Bilateral Relations: a Case Study of the Consequences of Interdependence on International Relations." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331198/.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines the consequences of interdependence between Saudi Arabia and the United States from 1960 to 1978 as it relates to the concepts of cooperation and conflict. Research on interdependence focuses primarily on relations among Western countries and on whether interdependence is increasing or decreasing between them. It has rarely addressed relations between countries with different levels of economic development or the consequence of interdependence for international relations in terms of conflict and cooperation. Specifically, this study examines the following question: Does the level of interdependence between Saudi Arabia and the United States have any affect on the level of bilateral conflict and cooperation between the two countries? The hypotheses are tested using regression analysis. The primary conclusion is that increases in bilateral interdependence between Saudi Arabia and the United States from 1960 to 1978 produced increased cooperation as well as conflict.
14
Marshall, Helen. "Australian foreign policy and Cambodia : international power, regionalism and domestic politics." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112135.
Full textAbstract:
The Hawke Labor government came to power in March 1983 committed to playing a more active
role in finding a solution to the Cambodian conflict, improving bilateral relations with Vietnam
and restoring Australian aid. This signalled a departure from the Fraser government's
minimal involvement in the issue, and reflected a closer identification of Australia's interests
with the Asia-Pacific region. As Foreign Minister, Bill Hayden, explained:
The war in Cambodia, in all its many dimensions, is the greatest unresolved source of
tension in Southeast Asia...The future of Australia lies in developing a mature and
balanced set of relationships with its neighbours in Southeast Asia. Indochina is part of that neighbourhood.
15
Sasley, Brent E. "Individuals and the significance of affect : foreign policy variation in the Middle East." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102843.
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This dissertation seeks to expand our understanding of variation in foreign policy. Although we have a series of large, extant literatures dealing with the sources of foreign policy, there has been less attention paid over the last decade to understanding why states change their behavior. At the same time, the thesis argues that foreign policy change is best understood as a result of the role of individual decision-makers and the role that emotion plays in their foreign policy calculations.Foreign policy depends on the decisions made by individual leaders. The type of individual thus determines the specific policy. Here individuals are categorized as ideological or adaptable. Ideological individuals are more rigid in their belief structures, are more likely to select policies that fit with their extant understandings of the world and the position of their state in it, and more likely to rely on the emotional or affective appeal an object or issue holds for them. Adaptable leaders are more flexible, not tied to specific ideologies or reliant on emotion to guide their thinking, and thus more likely to choose or learn ideas that best respond to changing environmental conditions. At the same time, how a state's decision-making institutions are structured tells us how likely it is that an individual's own predilections matter. In polities where decision-making is centralized (e.g., in the office of the prime minister), individuals have greater leeway to put their ideas (whether based on their ideological outlooks or shifting environmental circumstances) into practice, while in de-centralized polities other actors constrain the leader from autonomous decision-making. In such cases, it is likely that an individual's ideas will conform to those of the constraining actors. Finally, the role of ideas is taken into consideration, as the dominant national ideas about foreign policy regarding a specific issue-area help us better understand the context in which individuals make (or change) foreign policy.
This model is tested against alternate explanations---systemic imperatives, Constructivism, public opinion, poliheuristic theory, and prospect theory---in two case studies: the Israeli decision to pursue and sign the 1993 Oslo Accords, and the 2002 decision by the Islamist government in Turkey to actively lobby for membership in the European Union. Both foreign policies represent significant variation, and both provide important theoretical and empirical puzzles for scholars.
16
Peters, Joel. "Israel's relations with black Africa, 1973-1985." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670348.
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17
Blake, Timothy R. "British foreign relations with the United States during Lord Curzon's tenure as Foreign Secretary." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84477.
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This thesis is an attempt to examine Anglo-American relations at the end of World War One, when Great Britain was no longer preeminent in world affairs and the United States was as yet unwilling to continue the responsibilities that it had taken during the war. Lloyd George who sought to keep the threads of power in his hands appointed Auckland Geddes as Ambassador to the United States, a man who was personally loyal to him, thus seeking to bypass Lord Curzon's authority as Foreign Secretary. Matters were complicated by the declining influence of President Wilson and the growth of isolationist sentiment in the United States. The advent of the Harding administration created further difficulties as Harding felt compelled to yield to the influence of public opinion which rejected the Treaty of Versailles and the League of Nations.Various issues had to be resolved, the future of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, the war debt, differences over the mandate of Yap, and the question of oil from the Middle East. Here the dealings of Anglo-American relations during Curzon's tenure at the Foreign Office are examined. Curzon took a conventional approach to Anglo-American negotiations. While Great Britain struggled to improve conditions with the United States, the outcome was nothing like the special relationship that manifested itself after 1945. Curzon's conventional view of foreign policy clashed with Lloyd George's essentially personal approach to foreign affairs. Geddes who was intended to be the Prime Minister's confidential agent proved, except on the question of the war debt, inadequate to the task.
18
Raimundo, Antonio Joaquim. "The Europeanisation of national foreign policy : Portuguese foreign policy towards Angola and Mozambique, 1978-2010." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/471/.
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After its transition to democracy and decolonisation in the mid-1970s, Portugal’s main external focus shifted from Africa and the Atlantic to Europe. However, past priorities continued to occupy an important place in its foreign policy. This thesis assesses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on Portuguese foreign policy by focusing on relations with Angola and Mozambique, the two largest former colonies of Portugal in sub-Saharan Africa. The thesis uses the concept of “Europeanisation”, comprising three relevant dimensions for examining possible changes in the foreign policy of an EU member state: national adaptation (a “top-down” process), national projection (“bottom-up”), and identity formation (socialisation process). In order to better control for the influence of other variables (beyond the EU) on Portuguese policy, the concept of Europeanisation is framed within a foreign policy analysis approach. The study focuses on the period between 1978 and 2010, and covers three policy areas: external trade, development aid and political-diplomatic issues. The application of this analytical framework produced significant evidence of Europeanisation, both in its dimension of national adaptation and, chiefly, national projection. The analysis also revealed variations across policy areas and country cases, with the strongest evidence of Europeanisation found for the domain of trade and for the case of Mozambique in general. These findings give support to studies stressing that EU membership “strengthened” Portugal’s postcolonial relations, but also add a more detailed and nuanced understanding of the EU’s impact on the national level.
19
Thompson, Maximillian. "Making friends : amity in American foreign policy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:314db049-15df-4c1d-8a58-feaad76b1c28.
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This thesis examines an important but understudied phenomenon in international politics: the role of amity in foreign policy. The core research question is "how have American friendships for specified others been made possible?" Drawing on the logic of securitization, this thesis employs Aristotle's notion of character friends as Other Selves and Judith Butler's concept of performativity to elaborate an international process of friendship or amitization. In doing so, the thesis employs critical discourse analysis of presidential rhetoric and popular culture to elucidate the process through which discourses of similarity become naturalized frames of reference within the conduct of foreign policy. It argues that friendship emerges when a state comes to see itself in an other and that this similarity (re)produces a certain form of state identity that enables and forecloses certain policy options vis-à-vis friends. Friendship manifests in a habitual, or naturalized, disposition to treat friends better than others. As such, it can account for how certain policies and postures, such as uncritical and often unconditional support for subjects positioned as "friends," have come to be pursued as common sense. Amitization is illustrated by assessing three case studies: the Anglo-American "special relationship;" the US-Israel "unbreakable bond;" and America's membership of "the Atlantic Community." Specifically, the thesis similarly demonstrates the ways in which amity accounts for how supererogatory commitments such as vast financial assistance, diplomatic support, information sharing, security guarantees and concern for the welfare of these specified others have come to be seen as unquestionably legitimate policies in the broader trajectory of American foreign policy. Amity matters and the practices of amitization are inseparable from intelligible foreign policy.
20
Aldamer, Shafi. "Saudi-British relations, 1939-1953." Thesis, Durham University, 2001. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4386/.
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The present study attempts to understand the shift that occurred in Saudi-British relations by the year 1953. The tracing of such a shift is dealt with by investigating the development of these relations from 1939 and through to 1953.The research is drawn upon a documentary diplomatic history method reinforced by an analytical approach. Within the framework of analysis, the Realism approach to international politics is selected. Certain assumptions that most of - classical and modern - Realists agreed upon are in use, specifically the state-centric assumption, the rationality assumption, the unitary assumption, the anarchic assumption, and the security assumption. As is clear from existing secondary sources, Saudi Arabia and Britain enjoyed a kind of special relationship in the early 1940s, but by the last year of King Ibn Saud's reign (1953) these two states' relations had deteriorated into severe conflict. Though some existing sources have attempted to shed some light on that development, their findings are indeed modest. In fact, none of this literature has studied the topic from a purely Saudi-British perspective, nor has any of it explored and analysed the matter with the depth that it deserves. By focusing on Saudi-British relations the chapters of this thesis are endeavouring to answer profoundly a variety of questions that affected the main course of these relations. By questioning the impact of certain issues on Saudi-Anglo relations - such that of Saudi-US relations, the security concept, the Saudi-Hashemite problem, and the frontier conflict - the thesis will address its main theme.
21
Albers, Martin. "The policies of Britain, France and West Germany towards the People's Republic of China, 1969-1982." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708129.
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22
Kalkan, Erol. "Europeanisation of change in foreign policy : transformation of Turkish foreign policy in the EU accession process." Thesis, University of Kent, 2015. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/47464/.
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The aim of this research is to investigate the influence of Turkey’s European Union (EU) candidature on its foreign policy towards its non-EU neighbours, namely Iran and Syria. It argues that EU conditionality and adaptation pressure for the convergence and alignment of Turkey’s authoritarian political regime to the EU acquis communautaire have produced unintended outcomes in Turkey’s foreign policy towards its non-EU neighbours, in addition to the intended outcomes in Turkey’s domestic politics. To investigate these phenomena, this study poses the following questions: how, to what extent and in what direction has Turkey’s foreign policy changed towards its non-EU neighbours during the country’s EU candidature, and how has Turkey’s EU candidature to the EU played a role in this? This study utilises Europeanization, and the rational choice and historical versions of the new institutionalist theory as its theoretical framework. Interview and case study methods were employed to answer this research question, and triangulation and the creation of counterfactual scenarios were used to substantiate the validity of the study’s findings and interpretation. The findings indicate that, first, Turkish foreign policy towards its non-EU neighbours has undergone a deep transformation from being merely security-oriented disengagement to politically and economically-oriented engagement. Secondly, although 1) due to the nature of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), the literature on Europeanisation in the field of foreign policy primarily addresses socialisation and experimental learning related to the impact of the EU on member and/or non-member states’ foreign policies, and 2) due to the nature of EU-Turkey relations, the literature on the impact of the EU on Turkey’s foreign policy mostly focus on Turkey’s foreign policy towards Turkey’s EU neighbours and primarily addresses EU conditionality and adaptation pressure in the field of foreign policy as it is related to the impact of the EU on Turkey’s foreign policy, the findings of this research show that, in fact, EU conditionality and adaptation pressure in the fields of democracy and the rule of law, and in the economic realm, has unintentionally left a very visible influence on Turkish foreign policy towards Turkey’s non-EU neighbours by: (a) changing the institutions, institutional structures and institutional power relations, (b) empowering the governmentand civil society against the military–bureaucratic elites in political decision making, (c) accomplishing political and economic stability and growth, (d) increasing respect for and protection of religious and minority rights, and transferring domestic religious and minority issues into the realm of normal politics, and thus (e) changing the institutions, interests, preferences and demands that are involved in foreign policy-making towards Turkey’s non-EU neighbours.
23
Aliyev, Elbay. "Azerbaijan-turkish Relations (1992-2012): A Foreign Policy Account." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12614488/index.pdf.
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This study aims to examine the foreign policy of Azerbaijan toward Turkey in a
historical perspective on the one hand and to analyze foreign policy formations
during the Abulfaz Elchibey, Heydar Aliyev and Ilham Aliyev periods on the other.
The thesis argues that One nation, two states principle does not have a validity in
dictating the bilateral relations, instead a realist engagement is being favored by
Azerbaijan with an emphasis on national interest. As a result, it is asserted that
Azerbaijan&rsquos foreign policy remains in a cautious and consistent manner toward Turkey.
24
Ryan, Bernard. "Political Islam and the Shaping of Iranian Foreign Relations." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2007. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1229.
Full textAbstract:
This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
25
Van, Deusen Karl J. "U.S.-Portuguese relations and foreign base rights in Portugal." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 1990. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA237179.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 1990.Thesis Advisor(s): Bruneau, Thomas C. Second Reader: Yost, David S. "June 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on October 15, 2009. DTIC Identifier(s): Military Bases, Political Science, Theses, United States, Portugal, Azores, Security Assistance Program, France, West Germany, European Community, Western European Union, Madeira, Trade. Author(s) subject terms: Portugal, Azores, Lajes, Flores, Beja, Overseas Bases, Security Assistance, Slazar, Soares, Silva, Emigration, Emigrant's Remittances, Trade, Foreign Direct Investment, WEU, CFE. Includes bibliographical references (p. 180-185). Also available in print.
26
Ebrahim, Lauren Yasmin. "Russian Foreign Policy: Understanding Russian-Iranian Relations Since 2008." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/297538.
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Iran and Russia have a subtle relationship. The two nations originally shared a common goal of "limiting American influence." That bonded them, with Russia providing weapon sales, nuclear training, and peacefully sharing a common resource with Iran. Sanctions placed on the Islamic Republic of Iran by the United Nations however, have brought the Russian Federation to reevaluate their relationship with Iran and impose limits, even delaying weapons delivery to Iran in some cases. This paper will analyze and distinguish Russia's position on Iran specifically since 2008. It will describe the teetering relationship up until now, where the Russian Federation is endorsing Iran for being able to bring possible solutions to the civil war in Syria. This paper will attempt to uncover the reason for the unstable relationship, and its correlation to the relationship between Russia, the United States and other Western countries. The trends of the relationship will be looked and the future implications of the unsure relationship will be considered.
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Jin, Rong. "India and China :competitive co-existance through conflict management and cooperation promotion." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954064.
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Ponniah, Helen. "Malaysia - Japan relations : economic and political implications." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110876.
Full textAbstract:
Japanese involvement in Malaysia dates back to
the beginning of this century. From the beginning
Japanese interests were predominantly economic in nature
Japan looked upon Malaya as a source of raw materials
and also as a potential market for its finished products
Japan was initially drawn by the rubber industry which
became lucrative in 1910 and the iron ore mines which
were essential for its steel industries. In 1928 iron
ore imports from Malaya accounted for 40 percent of
Japan's total consumption. Japanese cotton goods and
other manufactures were low priced and therefore popular
in Malaysia. However Japanese efforts to make in-roads
on the Malaysian economy were impeded by the British
colonial administration. For example, the British
enacted a Rubber Restriction Act in 1917 which limited
rubber exports to Japan. The British also introduced a
quota system on Japanese manufactured imports in the
late 1930s.
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Stevens, Bron. "President Carter and the Egypt-Israeli rapprochement." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114551.
Full textAbstract:
On 17 September 1978 Egypt and Israel signed the Camp David Accords}
these provided -frameworks within which a comprehensive peace and an
Egypt-Israel treaty could be negotiated. The Accords were heralded as
a breakthrough in the search -for peace in the Middle East and a
demonstration o-f the supreme power o-f the United States in the region.
The crucial American role in negotiating these Accords was the
culmination of a trend, exhibited as early as the Eisenhower
administration, as the United States became the only power able to
influence Israe1. Such inf1uence was best exerted directly by the
President; the Camp David Accords were a direct consequence of the
personal intervention of President Carter. Yet the Accords fell far
short of the comprehensive peace the Carter administration originally
sought and claimed to have achieved. Israel remains surrounded by
hostile neighbours, involved in intermittent wars and in occupation of
over one million unwilling Palestinians of the West Bank and Gaza. The
weaknesses of the Accords and the hostile reception they received among
even 'moderate’ Arab regimes reflects the limitations on US power to
influence Israel or the Arabs.
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Walker, Douglas Earl. "The phoenix of foreign policy isolationism's influence on U.S. foreign policy during the twentieth century /." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 1990. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA242065.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 1990.Thesis Advisor(s): Abenheim, Donald. Second Reader: Teti, Frank M. "December 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on March 30 2010. DTIC Descriptor(s): Foreign Policy, United States Government, Variations, Abandonment, Pressure, Fear, Dissociation, Policies, Cold War. DTIC Identifier(s): Foreign Policy, History, United States, Isolationism, World War 1, World War 2, Cold War, Post Cold War Era, Theses. Author(s) subject terms: Isolationism, U.S. Foreign Policy, U.S. History - 1914-1990. Includes bibliographical references (p. 177-185). Also available in print.
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Xia, Lan Yan. "The change and challenge of Chinese overseas interest in post 9/11 era." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554620.
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Afacan, Isa. "Turkish-American Relations in the Post-Cold War Era, 1990-2005." FIU Digital Commons, 2011. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/347.
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This study examines the contours of Turkish-American foreign relations in the post-Cold War era from 1990 to 2005. While providing an interpretive analysis, the study highlights elements of continuity and change and of convergence and divergence in the relationship between Ankara and Washington. Turkey’s encounter with its Kurdish problem at home intertwined with the emergence of an autonomous Kurdish authority in northern Iraq after the Gulf War that left a political vacuum in the region. The main argument of this dissertation is that the Kurdish question has been the central element in shaping and redefining the nature and scope of Turkish-American relations since 1991. This study finds that systemic factors primarily prevail in the early years of the post-Cold War Turkish-American relations, as had been the case during the Cold War era. However, the Turkish parliament’s rejection of the deployment of the U.S. troops in Turkey for the invasion of Iraq in 2003 could not be explained by the primacy of distribution of capabilities in the system. Instead, the role of identity, ideology, norms, and the socialization of agency through interaction and language must be considered. The Justice and Development Party’s ascension to power in 2002 magnified a wider transformation in domestic and foreign politics and reflected changes in Turkey’s own self-perception and the definition of its core interests towards the United States.
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Minsat, Arthur. "Making EU foreign policy towards a 'Pariah' state : consensus on sanctions in EU foreign policy towards Myanmar." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/601/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis seeks to explain why the European Union ratcheted up restrictive measures on Myanmar from 1991 until 2010, despite divergent interests of EU member states and the apparent inability of sanctions to quickly achieve the primary objectives of EU policy. This empirical puzzle applies the ‘sanctions paradox’ to the issue of joint action in the EU. It also connects the assessment of policy effectiveness to EU foreign policy-making. The investigation unravels this conundrum through competitive theory testing. The study discovers that EU foreign policy was essentially decided by the largest member states. Since 1996, the UK has fostered a consensus among EU policymakers on a principled common policy, which would induce political reform in Myanmar mainly via the implementation of punitive measures. Hence, noncompliance by the target with EU demands offers a credible, but insufficient explanation of why the EU tightened its sanctions regime. US pressure on EU policy was marginal. The dissertation argues that a ‘normative’ interpretation of liberal intergovernmentalism best solves this puzzle. The EU met domestic pressures for action, although the measures adopted were clearly too inadequate to be effective. Feedback on policy effectiveness did not play a significant role in EU decision-making. EU policy was driven by a consensus to treat Myanmar as a ‘pariah’ state. Ideological motivations have largely outweighed material interests. Normative arguments were necessary to put proposals on the common agenda; yet, decisions ultimately involved ‘cooperative bargaining’ among the largest states. Consensus building was therefore a dynamic process. The policy entrepreneur defined its interests domestically; member states with lower preference intensity generally refrained from opposing its leadership. This thesis thus contributes to the liberal intergovernmental scholarship by proposing a more comprehensive explanation for the drivers and constraints that influence the making of European sanctions.
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Knoetze, Christopher. "Feasting on foreign aid : a political economic examination of foreign aid's potential role in perpetuating chronic hunger and starvation in Malawi." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/20050.
Full textAbstract:
Foreign aid to Malawi has the ability to perpetuate the country's fifteen-year long hunger crisis. For millions of Malawians, chronic starvation is attributable to their inability to access food available on internationalised markets. Bilateral foreign aid to the Southern African state is aimed at stimulating development which, if successful, should also lift the country beyond threat of chronic, long-term malnourishment for the poorest of its citizens. Donor's, however, measure developmental aid's success along a narrow set of indicators - such as economic growth - dictating the direction of policy for recipient nations wishing to maintain the inflow of aid. For Malawi, this is all but inevitable as foreign aid accounts for 40% of government revenue. As a result of this dependency on external income, Malawi's government has targeted economic growth in order to maintain its aid support. Economic growth in Malawi has been fuelled by public spending and is unsustainable in the long term. The rapid growth was accompanied by high levels of inflation and the further entrenchment of a perennial trade accounts deficit, leaving the national currency weak. In addition, the majority of public spending reinforces the country's economic identity of an agricultural state, ensuring that 90% of Malawians who rely on agriculture for an income will remain poor due to the imbalance of trade. The indirect perpetuation of an agricultural economy, alongside unsustainable and unstable growth, has led to a situation where most Malawians cannot afford to buy food.
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Herrmann, John. "Japan's economic relations with the South Pacific." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/129551.
Full textAbstract:
The post-World War II decades witnessed one of the most important economic
achievements in recent world history: the rise of Japan as a global economic
power. This served notice of Japan's new status as an actor on the world stage
and ultimately, of its potential to influence developments around the world. In
the South Pacific, Japan's drive to globalise its giant economy over a period of
four decades generated a considerable impact on the economies of Pacific
Islands countries (PICs). In the period leading up to the mid-1970s, relations
between Japan and the South Pacific developed gradually with a continuing
emphasis on economic involvement initially through trade and investment.
That economic relationship expanded rapidly during the 1980s. Japan's intent
for a role beyond a continuing 'economic' emphasis became increasingly
apparent during this period with Overseas Development Assistance (ODA),
because of its strategic value, becoming a significant component in Japanese
involvement. It was the declaration of the Kuranari Doctrine in 1987 that
made clear Japan's motivation for a greater political role. Thus, from an initial
focus on economic activities in the South Pacific, strategic and political
objectives became important considerations for Japan in the growing economic
relationship.
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Morsy, Ahmed. "Bandwagon for profit : Egyptian foreign policy toward Iran." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13077.
Full textAbstract:
What explains the lack of normalized relations between Egypt and Iran? Despite mutual potential benefits Egypt and Iran could have gained from normalized bilateral relations over the past several decades, a range of factors prevented them from doing so, including personality politics, domestic political and economic considerations, as well as regional and external alliances and competing visions of regional order. Accordingly, the trajectory of modern Egyptian policy toward Iran has been non-linear. Realist and constructivist schools of International Relations theory, on their own, cannot adequately explain how Egypt's foreign policy toward Iran varied from times of hostility, friendship, stagnation, and openness under Presidents Gamal Abdel Nasser, Anwar Sadat, Hosni Mubarak, and Muhammad Morsi. As such, neoclassical realism - with its emphasis on the interaction between geopolitical structural conditions and the roles of leadership and domestic politics in shaping a state's foreign policy - offers the best framework for analyzing Egypt's foreign policy behavior toward Iran.
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Kim, Nam G. (Nam Gyun). "US-Japan Relations during the Korean War." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278651/.
Full textAbstract:
During the Korean War, US-Japan relations changed dramatically from the occupation status into one of a security partnership in Asia. When North Korea invaded South Korea, Washington perceived Japan as the ultimate target. Washington immediately intervened in the Korean peninsula to protect the South on behalf of Japanese security. Japanese security was the most important objective of American policy regarding the Korean War, a reality to which historians have not given legitimate attention. While fighting in Korea, Washington decided to conclude an early peace treaty with Japan to initiate Japanese rearmament. The issue of Japanese rearmament was a focal point in the Japanese peace negotiation. Washington pressed Japan to rearm rapidly, but Tokyo stubbornly opposed. Under pressure from Washington, the Japanese government established the National Police Reserve and had to expand its military forces during the war. When the Korean War ceased in July 1953, Japanese armed forces numbered about 180,000 men. The Korean War also brought a fundamental change to Japanese economic and diplomatic relations in Asia. With a trade embargo on China following the unexpected Chinese intervention in Korea, Washington wanted to forbid Sino-Japanese trade completely. In addition, Washington pressed Tokyo to recognize the Nationalist regime in Taiwan as the representative government of the whole Chinese people. Japan unsuccessfully resisted both policies. Japan wanted to maintain Sino-Japanese trade and recognize the Chinese Communists. The Korean War brought an economic boom to Japan. As a logistical and service supporter for United States war efforts in Korea, Japan received a substantial amount of military procurement orders from Washington, which supplied dollars, technology, and markets for Japan. The Korean War was an economic opportunity for Japan while it was a military opportunity for the United States. The Korean War was the beginning of a new era of American-Japanese military and economic interdependence. This study is based on both American and Japanese sources--primary and secondary.
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Lobo, Daniel Furahini Østerhus. "Perceptions of South African foreign policy in the African Union." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2014.
Find full textAbstract:
South Africa plays a very important role on the African continent, both politically and economically. She is often the main protagonist behind various peace-making efforts both regionally and continentally, and now she plays an even more important part in the African Union. In July 2012 South African candidate Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma was elected as chairperson of the African Union Commission, in an election which highlighted a need to investigate the perception of South Africa in the African Union. South African foreign policy has gone through various stages, from being internationally isolated during the apartheid era to being on the forefront continentally during the successive post-apartheid presidents. The electoral discourse in 2012 however, highlighted some divergent opinions on South African foreign policy which this study investigates. What was identified during the election campaign was a possible negative perception of South African foreign policy, both politically and in terms of the private sector. The study sought to investigate how South Africa is perceived on the African continent, and in order to reach a conclusion it performed a policy analysis as well as a qualitative discourse analysis of the statements given during the election. The policy analysis contextualises and explains South African foreign policy agendas and choices, and the discourse analysis sought to reveal any negative perceptions of South African foreign policy. The findings of the study are that there is a general negative perception of South Africa and her foreign policy in Africa, due to several reasons, which will be discussed in the following study. The negative perceptions stem from the Eastern region, the Western region, as well as from South Africa itself, through political analysts and experts.
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Nowosad, Orest J. W. "Weak power-great power relationships : Sino-Khmer Rouge relations 1975-1989." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110791.
Full textAbstract:
With the Khmer Rouge gaining control of Cambodia in 1975,
the further development of a relationship between a weak and
a strong power was to be seen.l The People's Republic of
China (PRC) would become associated with a regime which
would prove to be one of the most brutal and inhumane of the
modern age.
40
Que, Wen Jun. "String of pearls, myth or reality? : Sino-Indian interaction in Indian Ocean." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595577.
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Seaton, Steven Andrew. "Inconsistencies in American foreign policy: an examination." Thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/104321.
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Bulley, Daniel. "Ethics and foreign policy : negotiation and invention." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2006. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3483/.
Full textAbstract:
To what extent can ethics and foreign policy be conceived as possible? Instead of answering within the implied dichotomy of possibility and impossibility, this thesis argues for a reconceptualisation of the dichotomy. Ethics and foreign policy are better understood on the basis of undecidability: neither simply possible nor impossible, but both at the same time. A deconstructive reading of British (1997-2006) and EU (1999- 2004) foreign policy, both of which make claims to ethics, reveals how the issue is beset by internal contradictions, paradoxes and aporias. The deconstruction is structured around the concepts of subjectivity, responsibility and hospitality, each of which constitutes an important point of undecidability within British and EU representations of their ethical dimension. The subject of ethics and foreign policy is always haunted and inhabited by its object, responsibility is necessarily irresponsible, and hospitality contains an irrepressible hostility. Thus, ethics and foreign policy is best conceived as undecidably im-possible. However, such undecidability cannot be used to justify abandoning the goal of an ethical foreign policy. Rather, a Derridean 'negotiation' is proposed. Negotiation seeks to remain loyal to the dual injunction of deconstruction, an undecidability which is the condition of ethics and politics, and a decision which decides, and closes to certain figures of otherness. It requires a permanent questioning, testing and invention of the promise of ethics and foreign policy. This produces a range of illustrative suggestions for the possible enactment of an ethico-political foreign policy, which would refer to and strive for an ultimately unrealisable ethical foreign policy. This research contributes a fundamental critique and questioning of the possibility of ethics and foreign policy. It provides a revealing exploration of British and EU foreign policy from the period, based around responsibility and hospitality. Finally, the thesis introduces the Derridean notion of negotiation to the discipline, seen as a way of moving through the potential paralysis brought by the undecidability arising from foundational questioning.
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Mahdi, Samiullah. "Security and foreign policy of landlocked states." Thesis, University of Massachusetts Boston, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10160222.
Full textAbstract:
Wealth and stability of the region have a direct influence on the foreign policy and security of landlocked states. Landlocked states residing in poor and unstable neighborhoods, consequently, experience instability and have more limited foreign policy options compared to those landlocked states which are located in the rich and stable regions of the world. Besides those, two other factors, nationalism and the nature of the export product, extensively influence foreign policy and security of some landlocked countries. However, they are exceptions to the rule. Wealth and stability of the neighborhood determine the direction and fate of landlocked countries foreign policies and security measures.
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Edde, Dayana Paul. "Choosing accommodation over confrontation : Syrian policy towards Israel 1991-2000." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=81244.
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The collapse of the Soviet Union and the rise of the United States to dominance marked the start of a new era in international relations. The need to study accommodation as a security strategy in the developing world stemmed from this major development. In this context, this thesis attempts to add to the growing literature on accommodative strategies by analysing the dynamics of accommodation in protracted conflicts in the developing world. The specific case selected in the search for insights is the evolution of Syrian policy towards Israel in the post-Cold War era. Three instances of attempted accommodation are studied: the Madrid Peace Conference (1991), the Wye Talks (1995), and the Shepherdstown Talks (1999). This thesis argues that the main explanatory factors for accommodation in this case are to be found in the external politico-military sphere. On the objective level, the role of powerful third parties and the changes in the opponent's policies particularly stand out. On the subjective level, external politico-military concerns, in the desire to avoid potentially permanent losses, appear to be the prime generator of accommodative moves.
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Shi, Chen Lu. "India's strategic thinking and policies towards China :a geopolitical analysis." Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335232.
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Zhang, Rong Rong. "Emerging alliance? :analysis of China-Russia strategic partnership from perspective of balance of threat theory." Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335239.
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McKercher, Asa. "Canada, Britain, the United States, and the Cuban revolution, 1959-1968." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648348.
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Al, Thani Ahmed Nasser. "The Gulf Cooperation Council's foreign policy towards the Middle East peace process (1991-2005), with special reference to Qatar's foreign policy." Thesis, University of Gloucestershire, 2017. http://eprints.glos.ac.uk/5388/.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines the foreign policy of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and its member states, in particular Qatar, towards the peace process in the Middle East between 1991 and 2005. The study aims to identify, and critically engage with, a set of internal and external determinants, which influenced the foreign policy orientations of the GCC states towards the Middle East peace process after the Madrid conference in 1991 and until 2005. This time frame was selected because significant changes took place in the patterns of alliances among leading Arab states after 2005. Moreover, the study focuses on the extent to which Qatar’s foreign policy has been consistent, or inconsistent, with the rest of GCC foreign policy, and the reasons for both consistencies and inconsistencies. The study posits three main questions. First, what are the main determinants, internal and external, facing the GCC states while formulating their foreign policies towards the Middle East peace process, particularly between 1991 and 2005? Second, what was the overall foreign policy agreed between the GCC states towards the Middle East peace process during the same period? Finally, to what extent was Qatari foreign policy convergent with, or divergent from, the foreign policy of the Gulf Cooperation Council with regard to the peace process? To explore these questions, the study adopts a qualitative research methodology and archival document analysis strategy. A wide range of documents was used throughout the study, including UN documents, media data, official statements made by GCC ministers of foreign affairs, closing statements of GCC summits, speeches by the Emir of Qatar, and statements by Qatari diplomats and officials. The data analyses revealed, first, that the foreign policies of the GCC states and Qatar have converged when it ultimately came to supporting Palestinian rights and the US efforts on the peace process, and, second, that the foreign policies of Qatar and the GCC states have diverged on two significant issues: first Qatar’s desire to normalize economic and diplomatic ties with Israel, and, second, US and Qatari initiatives to push political reform agenda (democratization came first, among other objectives) in the region as a possible policy to resolve the Middle East conflict.
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Styan, David A. "Franco-Iraqi relations and Fifth Republic foreign policy, 1958-1990." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/15/.
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This study analyses the evolution of France's relations with Iraq since 1958. It seeks to understand the motivations behind French government, state and private sector interests in Iraq. This is done in the dual context of France's economic rivalry with other western powers in the Middle East, and the Iraqi state's attempts to follow an independent foreign policy while using its oil revenues to rapidly industrialise and arm itself. The text first charts France's rivalry with Britain in the ex-Ottoman empire and its fears of Anglo-American domination of oil supplies. It then demonstrates that while France's early links with Israel continued under President De Gaulle, by the mid sixties they had been eclipsed by the commercial importance of trade with Arab states. The core text then focuses on France's relationship with Iraq since 1958, the year in which new governments came to power in both states. Despite the 1972 nationalisation of the Iraq Petroleum company, in which France had a 25% stake, French politicians and businessmen nevertheless gained favourable access to oil supplies, greatly increasing their exports of defence and high technology products, including a nuclear reactor, to Iraq during the seventies. The Iran-Iraq war (1980-88) intensified both bilateral trade links and the indebtedness of Iraq to France. By the mid-eighties what become a de-facto alliance generated severe problems for France's middle eastern policies, particularly towards Iran. The central themes of the study are the processes of foreign policy formation in France, and the extent and impact of economic interests underlying policy making. The thesis argues that substantial state ownership in France's oil, defence and aeronautical industries, coupled with the common interests and interpretations of a relatively homogeneous and interconnected corps of businessmen, politicians and civil servants, helps explain the continuity of French policy in the region. This is seen to be true despite the change of government (from Gaullist to Socialist) in France in May 1981.
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Beacom, Robert John Aaron. "The new diplomacy? : British foreign relations and the Olympic Movement." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.269814.
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