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1
Küçükyalçın, Erdal. "Ōtani Kōzui’s Leadership in the Establishment of Turkish-Japanese Economic Relations during the Early Years of the Republic." GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES ON JAPAN, no. 7 (March 31, 2024): 119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.62231/gp7.160001a05.
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Ōtani Kōzui (1876-1948) was the first Japanese, or perhaps the first foreigner to point towards Turkey (Feb. 1924) as soon as the Republic was declared (Oct. 1923); the first to bring foreign direct investment to the Turkish Republic through his collaboration with the founding father of the Republic of Türkiye, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk at the Ankara Gazi Farm (Feb. 1927); the first to make a foreign industrial investment with his collaboration with Memduh Gökçen in Bursa (Apr. 1929). Ōtani was also one of the co-founders of the Japanese-Turkish Trade Association in Osaka (Nov. 1925), the Japanese-Turkish Association in Tokyo (June 1926), and he was the author of the lines on “Ōtani Kōzui Epitaph” dedicated to Turkish soldiers who lost their lives at the Ertuğrul Firgate Incident in 1890, erected at the Kushimoto Ertuğrul Memorial (Mar. 1929). This paper traces his footprints in the early years of the newly founded Republic of Türkiye.
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Yang, Li. "The KMT’s Shifting Approach to the Outside World during the 1920s: A Reinvention of Chinese Confucianism." Open Journal for Studies in Philosophy 8, no. 1 (May 13, 2024): 13–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.ojsp.0801.02013l.
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Through a Confucian lens, this research explores the transformation of the Kuomintang’s (國民黨; KMT) foreign policy during the 1920s. It examines the shift in the KMT's foreign policy from Sun Yat-Sen’s 孫逸仙 (1866-1925) “Allying with Soviet Russia” (lian’e 聯俄) stance to Chiang Kai-shek’s 蔣介石 (1887-1975) prioritization of Western relations around 1927. The study highlights the reintroduction of Confucianism in the KMT's foreign policy during this period, considering the conventional Confucian education of KMT leaders. Unlike previous studies analyzing this shift from political or historical perspectives, this study provides a chronological analysis that centers around the change to Confucianism. It addresses a significant research vacuum in the existing literature and uses archival analysis to examine the evolution of the KMT’s foreign policy. The study examines primary sources such as Sun’s speeches, Chiang's diary, and contemporaneous memoirs. The study comprises three chronological sections. The first section (1920–1924) explores the influence of Confucianism on Sun’s alignment with Soviet Russia due to commonalities between Confucianism and Communism. The second section (1924-1927) examines how Confucianism shaped the KMT’s Western-oriented shift. The third section (1928–1930) delves into the philosophical basis of the Treaty Revision Movement (Gaiding xinyue yundong 改訂新約運動) and the adoption of ‘keeping good faith and pursuing harmony’ (Jiangxin xiumu 講信修睦) as the foreign policy principle. This research concludes that Sun, inspired by Confucian-Communist parallels, initially aligned with Soviet Russia but that later, under Chiang’s leadership, the KMT used “The Confucianisation of the Three People’s Principles” (Sanminzhuyi 三民主義) in its consolidation of a power shift towards the West and adopted Confucian principles to further legitimize its rule by promoting the New Treaty Movement.
3
Hudson, Hugh D. "The 1927 Soviet War Scare: The Foreign Affairs-Domestic Policy Nexus Revisited." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 39, no. 2 (2012): 145–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-03902002.
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The Soviet War Scare of 1927 is usually treated solely within the bounds of Soviet political machinations. This study explores the connection between Bolshevik domestic and foreign policy in the War Scare of 1927 with a focus on the peasants. The peasants in the early years of the NEP were seeking a compromise with the regime, seeing the relations of power following the war, the civil war, and horrendous famine of 1921-1922, not in their favor. The War Scare of 1927 altered how both the peasants and the regime saw one another and the possibility of compromise. The rumors of war were soon coupled with threats of peasants uprising against the communists. By fall 1927, both the local police in their svodki and the central OGPU in its summary reports to the political leadership were describing a mounting confrontational atmosphere among the peasants. Given the heightened anxieties within the leadership regarding the Soviet Union’s ability to defend itself, concern over the reliability of the peasantry and a demand to know more fully about the “political situation in the countryside” had reached a fever pitch. Surveiling the countryside, both the central OGPU and the party leadership concluded, not without some evidence, that a growing number of peasants desired a showdown. The War Scare of 1927 added significantly to the factors that helped set the process of collectivization in motion.
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Karnups, Viesturs Pauls. "Latvian-Estonian Economic Relations 1918–1940." Humanities and Social Sciences Latvia 30, no. 1, 2 (December 20, 2022): 25–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/hssl.30.02.
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This paper provides an overview of Latvian-Estonian economic relations in the interwar period. In the interwar period, economic relations between Latvia and Estonia were mainly confined to foreign trade, although there were some investments in Latvia from Estonia, as well as tourism. Latvia’s foreign trade in relation to Estonia was regulated by a number of trade treaties and agreements entered into in 1923, 1927, 1928, 1931, 1932, 1935, and 1937. Latvia’s main imports from Estonia in the interwar period were horses, cement, petroleum products from oil shale (including bitumen, crude oil, etc.) – except petrol, petrol, and fabrics (cotton, linen, wool, etc), whilst Latvia’s main exports to Estonia were linoleum, machinery (agricultural and industrial), timber and timber products (including plywood), rubber goods (including galoshes), paints, inks, and paint products, sugar, as well as radios. In general, trade and thus economic relations were of marginal significance to both countries in the interwar period due mainly to similarities in their agriculturally based economic structures.
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Sokolov, Alexander. "Anglo-Soviet Trade Relations on the Eve of the Severance of Diplomatic Relations in 1927." ISTORIYA 13, no. 7 (117) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022008-7.
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During the 1920s, the USSR tried to establish both trade and diplomatic relations with England. In the conditions of the growing economic crisis of 1925, representatives of British business circles were interested in creating favorable conditions for the development of mutually beneficial trade and economic ties with Soviet Russia. The foreign trade turnover between the two countries was actively developing. At the same time, the trade balance was in favor of the UK. Meanwhile, the Conservative cabinet was clearly moving towards a break with the USSR. Soviet financial assistance to striking miners in 1926, as well as material support for the national revolutionary movement in China, contributed to the deterioration of Soviet-British relations. Representatives of some of the British commercial and industrial circles were extremely interested in trade with Russia. They rightly believed that England would suffer more damage from the rupture than the Soviets. One of the steps towards easing tensions and creating favorable conditions for the development of trade and economic relations was the conclusion in May 1927 of an agreement between the delegation of the USSR and the board of Midland Bank on crediting Soviet orders of British goods. However, the subsequent police raid on the premises of the joint stock company “Arkos Limited” led to the termination of diplomatic relations with the USSR. As a result of the breakdown of relations, English firms suffered heavy losses. Orders were lost for the amount of the loan, on the provision of which an agreement was reached with Midland Bank. The termination of relations with the USSR had negative consequences for the British economy. The volume of Soviet-British trade has significantly decreased. The gradual improvement of Soviet-British relations led to the restoration of lost trade and economic relations. However, the issue of granting large loans, including from Midland Bank, remained unresolved.
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Sergeev, Evgeny Yu. "“WORLD REVOLUTION” ON THE ОUTSKIRTS OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 1920’S. MYTH OR REALITY?" RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 4 (2022): 10–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2022-4-10-32.
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Based upon the wide range of sources, including Russian and British archival documents, published diplomatic correspondence, diaries penned by some eye-witnesses and newspaper commentaries, the article dwells upon the attempts by the Comintern to bring to life the ideas of “world revolution” in the Middle East states – such as Persia and Afghanistan, as well as in the Chinese possessions – Sinkiang and Tibet, which in the period under review – the second half of the 1920s, gained a quasi-independent status. The author meticulously examines various forms and methods of exporting revolutionary practices to the British Empire Asian outskirts, where Indian subcontinent occupied a key position. As a result of the study, it was established that by the beginning of the 1930s, the concept of the “world revolution” as one of the directions of Soviet foreign policy underwent a transformation from reality into a myth, which began to perform mainly propaganda functions. Besides that, the author came to conclusion that the transformation had a serious impact on the development of Soviet-Britain relations during the second conservative government of S. Baldwin, being zigzag in nature – from the state of mutual confrontation in 1925–1926, through the rupture of 1927, to the restoration after the return to power of the Labour Party in 1929.
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McKercher, B. J. C. "From Enmity to Cooperation: The Second Baldwin Government and the Improvement of Anglo-American Relations, November 1928–June 1929." Albion 24, no. 1 (1992): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051243.
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One of the pervading interpretations of Anglo-American relations in the interwar period is that the advent of James Ramsay MacDonald's Labour government in June 1929 set in train the series of events that ended bitter relations between Britain and the United States, bitterness which had been caused by the naval question. There are several strands to this: first, that the American policy pursued by the Conservative second Baldwin government from November 1924 to June 1929, and especially after the failure of the Coolidge naval conference in the summer of 1927, was bankrupt; second, that MacDonald was more amenable to settling British differences with the Americans than were his Conservative predecessors and, that being so, softened the hardline towards the United States that had marked Conservative foreign and naval policy for more than two years; and, finally, that MacDonald's decision to travel to the United States on what proved to be a very successful visit in the autumn of 1929 to meet Herbert Hoover, the new president, to discuss outstanding issues personally, was a major diplomatic coup. Some of this received version is true. No one can doubt that MacDonald and his Labour ministry played a crucial role in helping to ameliorate the crisis that had been dogging good Anglo-American relations for more than two years before June 1929. The Labour Party constituted the government when the London naval conference of 1930 ended the period of Anglo-American naval rivalry. Moreover, for six months before that conference convened, Labour had conducted effective diplomacy in preparing for its deliberations.
8
Panova, Olga Yu, and Victoria Yu Popova. "Theodore Dreiser in Leningrad. New Materials." Literature of the Americas, no. 15 (2023): 16–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2541-7894-2023-15-16-41.
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Theodorе Dreiser was invited to the USSR to take part in the celebration of the tenth anniversary of the October Revolution. His visit to the Soviet Union that lasted over two months (November 4, 1926 — January 13, 1928) has been documented and studied quite well: Dreiser's Russian diary that he kept during his travel was published almost 30 years ago, and four years ago its Russian translation appeared. Another source is Ruth Epperson Kennell’s book Theodore Dreiser and the USSR. A First- Hand Chronicle (1969). A number of studies and scholarly publications are devoted to Dreiser’s trip; however, new materials and documents that contribute to more detailed reconstruction of Dreiser’s Russian journey still are being found in the archives. New documents from the funds of the All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries (VOKS) that highlight Dreiser’s stay in Leningrad (November 26 — December 2, 1927) are published in the Addendum to the article: a report submitted to VOKS by Sergei Trivas, officer for Anglo-American countries, who accompanied Dreiser as a guide and interpreter, and a letter of gratitude from Dreiser to Nikolai Derzhavin, VOKS representative in Leningrad.
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Zhukovskaya, Natalia. "Canada's 1927 Election to the Council of the League of Nations: Imperial Unity and National Interests." Russia and America in the 21st Century, S2 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760027904-1.
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The activities of universal international organizations (the League of Nations and the UN) have always influenced the dynamics of world processes. In the article, the author examines the election of Canada to the Council of the League of Nations in 1927. This event influenced the principle of the formation of the system of electoral groups, reflected on the transformation of relations between the Empire and the Dominions, determined the vector of development of Canadian foreign policy in the framework of the concept of "middle power".
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Cao, Yixuan. "Research on the impact of Sino-US trade war on China's high-tech industry." BCP Business & Management 25 (August 30, 2022): 872–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpbm.v25i.1927.
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In today's economic globalization, with the continuous improvement of China's national status and economic strength, the conflict of national interests with the United States is also increasing, which leads to the tense trade relations between the two countries. At the same time, with the increasing trade surplus between China and the United States, the Trump administration launched a "301 Investigation" against China on the grounds of the huge trade gap between China and the United States, and launched the Sino-US trade war. The United States intends to sanction and restrict the development of China's high-tech industries, and safeguard its own international economic and technological status. However, in the long run, the severe situation caused by the Sino-US trade war has inspired domestic high-tech enterprises that "core technology is the first competitiveness". The Chinese government and enterprises still need to increase research investment, absorb high-tech talents, actively expand the market, reduce dependence on foreign advanced technology, and optimize their own industrial structure, so as to improve the competitiveness of China's high-tech products.
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Demianovskyi, V. V. "GENESIS OF CRIMINAL RESPONSIBILITY FOR APPROPRIATION, POSSESSION OF MILITARY PROPERTY USING OFFICIAL RANK COMMITTED BY A MILITARY OFFICER." Actual problems of native jurisprudence 5, no. 5 (October 2021): 76–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/392202.
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The article provides a comprehensive study of the emergence and development of criminal liability for dishonest appropriation, military property acquiring through abuse of official rank committed by a military official. The research of normative-legal acts of different periods of origin of the Ukrainian statehood is carried out, in particular disclosing the essence of responsibility for dishonest appropriation, military property obtained through abuse, misuse of official rank performed by a military officer. Such normative legal acts are Russkaya Pravda, Sudebniki of 1468, 1550, Statutes of 1529, 1566 and 1588, Rights and Institutions of Little Russia, ‘Conciliar Code’ of 1649, Military Article of 1715, ‘The civil rights of the Little Russian people’ of 1743, ‘Field criminal law’ of 1812, Code of Laws of 1832 (Criminal Code), ‘Statute of a denomination or police officer’ of 1782, the Statute of Punishment, the Village Court Statute of 1839, Penal and Correctional Regulations of 1845, Statutes of Public Administrations ‘Code of military regulations’ of 1869 ‘Statutes of Punishment Criminal Code’ of 1903, ‘Code on weapon requisition’ of 1917, Criminal Codes of the USSR of 1922, 1927, and 1960, decrees on ‘Criminal liability for theft of state and public property’, and on ‘Strengthening the protection of personal property of citizens’ of 1947, Criminal Code of Ukraine of 2001, etc. Having conducted research on legislative acts that were relevant in today's Ukraine at different times, having reviewed scientific works of domestic and foreign scientists, the main aspects of the formation and development of criminal liability for dishonest appropriation, military property acquiring through abuse of official rank committed by a military official are proposed. It is investigated that the norms of the Military Article of Peter I, which regulated the relations in the army, significantly affected the development and approval of the current military criminal legislation of Ukraine. Much attention in the article is paid to the Criminal Codes of 1922, 1927 and 1960, because they see an experiment in the classification of criminal law, taking into account and improving the rules of past regulations, and clearly states the responsibility for the criminal offense researched by us.
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Young, Julia G. "The Calles Government and Catholic Dissidents: Mexico's Transnational Projects of Repression, 1926-1929." Americas 70, no. 01 (July 2013): 63–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500002881.
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During the late 1920s, the Mexican government under President Plutarco Elías Calles (1924-1928) confronted multiple challenges to state consolidation. These included plots by political rivals, foreign relations crises, and several popular revolts. The longest-lasting and most destabilizing of these was the Cristero War, which persisted from 1926 until 1929, with sporadic uprisings into the early 1930s. Despite these challenges, Calles and his handpicked successors not only remained in power at the beginning of the 1930s, but also launched the single-party political system that would endure in Mexico until the end of the twentieth century.
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Young, Julia G. "The Calles Government and Catholic Dissidents: Mexico's Transnational Projects of Repression, 1926-1929." Americas 70, no. 1 (July 2013): 63–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2013.0058.
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During the late 1920s, the Mexican government under President Plutarco Elías Calles (1924-1928) confronted multiple challenges to state consolidation. These included plots by political rivals, foreign relations crises, and several popular revolts. The longest-lasting and most destabilizing of these was the Cristero War, which persisted from 1926 until 1929, with sporadic uprisings into the early 1930s. Despite these challenges, Calles and his handpicked successors not only remained in power at the beginning of the 1930s, but also launched the single-party political system that would endure in Mexico until the end of the twentieth century.
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Osipov, Evgeny. "On the Question of the Debts of Czarist Russia. The Soviet-French conference of 1926–1927." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2022): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640019513-2.
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In this article based on materials from the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs archive, most of which have not yet been introduced into the academic circuit, the author examines the preparation, progress, and results of the Soviet-French conference in 1926–1927, where the question of repayment of debts of the Russian Empire, as well as the possibility of France's loans to the USSR were discussed. French documents show that the Soviet side from the very beginning indicated that the issue of paying off royal debts for it, due to the economic situation in the country, was inextricably linked with the provision of loans. The French delegation, although it did not recognize the connection between these two issues, was ready to discuss them in parallel and showed a real interest both in settling the debt issue and in providing loans. Despite considerable disagreement, the positions of the sides gradually converged during the negotiations, specific figures and details on key issues were agreed on, and a mutually acceptable outcome seemed quite possible. However, the coming to power in France in July 1926 of the government of the National Association, headed by Raymond Poincaré, instead of the Left Bloc, which was constructively disposed towards the USSR, and, especially, the Anglo-Soviet flare-up, followed by a breakdown in diplomatic relations between Moscow and London, led to a rise in anti-Soviet sentiment in France and, consequently, a hardening of the French negotiating position, which ultimately led to the failure of the conference. French holders of Russian securities were primarily the ones who lost out.
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Möller, Kay. "Germany and China: A Continental Temptation." China Quarterly 147 (September 1996): 706–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000051766.
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The fact that Reichswehr officers served as advisors to Chiang Kai-shek between 1927 and 1936 and that Hitler, before concluding his anti- Comintern pact with Japan, may have toyed with a Chinese alternative, can only partly be explained by Germany's great power aspirations at the time. Bom powers had been latecomers to global interaction and were rather traditional continental players when compared with Britain or the United States. Both derived their foreign policy claims from a pre-modern and sometimes mythological status.
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Zametica, Jovan. "Sir Austen Chamberlain and the Italo-Yugoslav crisis over Albania February - May 1927." Balcanica, no. 36 (2005): 203–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0536203z.
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In the Spring of 1927 a major European crisis was developing in the Balkans It concerned the rivalry between Mussolini?s Italy and the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes over Albania in which, though a small and backward country, both Rome and Belgrade claimed to have legitimate political and security interests. At the time, the Italo-Yugoslav crisis was seen by many observers as containing the potential of turning into a war the Italian government in particular insisting that Belgrade was engaged in military preparations in order to launch an invasion of Albania. An important factor that made the Italo-Yugoslav rivalry over Albania possible in the first place was the country?s perennial political instability. Thus the crisis attracted considerable attention in Europe. Given the fact that France and Italy experienced strained relations, and that the Weimar Germany had only recently returned to the mainstream of the affairs of Europe following the treaties of Locarno, it was Great Britain that emerged as the chief player in attempts to defuse the emergency. Historians have paid relatively little attention to this, by now largely forgotten, episode in the diplomatic history of interwar Europe. The existing literature, however mistakenly tends to interpret the efforts of Great Britain as favoring the Italian claims in Albania. This article, which makes extensive use of primary sources from the Foreign Office, demonstrates that Foreign Secretary Sir Austen Chamberlain and all his relevant officials handled the crisis in an even-handed manner throughout and that, at times, if London exhibited any sympathy and understanding at all for either side, it was towards Belgrade rather than Rome.
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Saidov, Shavkat J. "SCIENTIFIC, THEORETICAL AND METHODOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF THE RESEARCH OF KHOREZM-RUSSIAN RELATIONS IN THE SOVIET ERA (XIX CENTURY AND THE FIRST HALF OF THE XX CENTURY)." American Journal of Social Science and Education Innovations 6, no. 4 (April 1, 2024): 38–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajssei/volume06issue04-06.
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This article is dedicated to studying the scientific-theoretical and methodological aspects of bilateral relations during the historical period from the early 19th century to the first quarter of the 20th century between the Khiva Khanate and the Russian Empire (1806-1917), the Provisional Government (March-October 1917), the Soviet state (1917-1920), and the Khorezm People's Soviet Republic (KPSR) with the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR) and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) (1920-1924) in the historiography of the Soviet period. The author attempts to illuminate the scientific-theoretical and methodological aspects of studies conducted during the Soviet era on international relations and foreign policy, based on the "class" approach and commissioned historical research.
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Grasso, Mirko. "Salvemini, militant historian, and his publications on Fascism." Modern Italy 28, no. 4 (October 19, 2023): 312–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2023.44.
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AbstractThis essay analyses Salvemini's major works on Fascism, namely The Fascist Dictatorship in Italy (1927), Mussolini Diplomate (1932) and Under the Axe of Fascism (1936). The focus of this analysis is twofold: to explore both Salvemini's methodology and the events leading to the publication of these works. In The Fascist Dictatorship in Italy, Salvemini examines the origins and the rise of Mussolini's movement, highlighting the complicity of the monarchy, the army, and industrial magnates. In Mussolini Diplomate, he analyses Fascist foreign policy from 1922 to 1932, in which Salvemini is unable to identify a consistent strategy, but only a propagandistic approach aiming to foster diplomatic relations. In Under the Axe of Fascism, Salvemini dissects Fascist economics, debunking the idea that the corporate state was an original and equitable compromise in the conflict between capital and labour, as was being portrayed abroad. An analysis of these three volumes brings into focus some noteworthy aspects of Salvemini's so-called ‘historiographical workshop’, which have hitherto been overlooked by historians (such as his adept use of sources and his endeavour to combine social sciences and economics), as well as underscoring his ability to forge cultural and intellectual networks, an essential element for undertaking such a complex task.
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Šipelytė, Monika. "Juozas Gabrys and Lithuania at the League of Nations: Press, Business, Politics." Lietuvos istorijos studijos 48 (December 27, 2021): 33–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lis.2021.48.2.
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The activity of Juozas Gabrys and his colleagues at the League of Nations in Geneva from 1927 until 1939 is the main subject of this article. The questions about this group of people are analyzed through several perspectives, such as journalism, business, and politics. The territorial and ethnical problems which were addressed by Lithuania at the League of Nations and the decisions of Lithuanian diplomats and politicians were overviewed in the press publications of Gabrys in various Lithuanian newspapers. In these texts he mostly focuses on two main topics in international interwar Lithuanian politics – the question of Vilnius its regarding mutual relations with Poland and the question of Memel and its region, which was intensely disputed by Lithuanian and German influences. Simultaneously, Gabrys had the intentions to develop business relations between Lithuania and Switzerland. He and his family worked in the fields of real estate and money exchange. Also, he established the Lithuanian Information Bureau in Geneva, which received irregular donations from the Lithuanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, yet most of the publications were funded by Gabrys himself. The answer to the question of Gabrys’s real influence on Lithuanian foreign policy could be given only partially. As for now, the possibility to measure this influence is limited only to the press and information field, as Gabrys’s work in those fields, although forgotten and underestimated nowadays, was observed and evaluated by his contemporaries. Due to his publications, Lithuanians could form an opinion about the League of Nations and its decisions as well as the situation on the level of European policy.
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Bakic, Dragan. "Nikola Pasic and the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, 1919-1926." Balcanica, no. 47 (2016): 285–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1647285b.
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This paper looks at Nikola Pasic?s views of and contribution to the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SCS/Yugoslavia after1929) during the latest phase of his political career, a subject that has been neglected by historians. His activities in this field are divided into two periods - during the Paris Peace Conference where he was the head of the SCS Kingdom?s delegation and after 1921 when he became Prime Minister, who also served as his own Foreign Minister. During the peace conference, Pasic held strong views on all the major problems that faced his delegation, particularly the troubled delimitation with Italy in the Adriatic. In early 1920, he alone favoured the acceptance of the so-called Lloyd George-Clemenceau ultimatum, believing that the time was working against the SCS Kingdom. The Rapallo Treaty with Italy late that year proved him right. Upon taking the reins of government, Pasic was energetic in opposing the two restoration attempts of Karl Habsburg in Hungary and persistent in trying to obtain northern parts of the still unsettled Albania. In time, his hold on foreign policy was weakening, as King Alexander asserted his influence, especially through the agency of Momcilo Nincic, Foreign Minister after January 1922. Pasic was tougher that King and Nincic in the negotiations with Mussolini for the final settlement of the status of the Adriatic town of Fiume and the parallel conclusion of the 27 January 1924 friendship treaty (the Pact of Rome). Since domestic politics absorbed much of his time and energy, the old Prime Minister was later even less visible in foreign policy. He was forced to resign in April 1926 on account of his son?s corruption scandal shortly before the final break-down of relations with Italy.
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Magadeev, Iskander E. "The Role of Czechoslovakia in the Development of the Soviet-French Relations During the Non-Recognition Period of the USSR: View from Paris (1920–1924)." Slavianovedenie, no. 1 (February 15, 2024): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869544x24010036.
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The article aims to discern the contents and specifics of the French estimates in regard of the Czechoslovakian role in the interactions between the Third Republic and the Soviet Russia/USSR in 1920–1924. Chiefly, the author analyses the French answers on the question about the significance and potential function of Czechoslovakia in the interstate triangle. Rather recently published French diplomatic documents are used as sources, as well as the evidence taken from the Diplomatic archives of the French Ministry of Europe and foreign affairs, and the from funds of the Historical services of the French Ministry of Armed forces. The author concludes that Paris contemplated two main roles of Prague in the triangle USSR – Czechoslovakian Republic – France. First, Czechoslovakia could be an important element of the «sanitary cordon» directed against Germany and the Soviets; second, she could perform the function of a potential bridge in the case of Franco-Soviet normalisation. Such roles of Czechoslovakia were not antagonistic, and Paris tried to combine them in the French foreign policy and strategy. The variety of international, regional and interior circumstances defined what role was emphasised by the leadership of the Third Republic. In 1919–1921, 1923, when the Soviet-French contradictions were sharp and Paris underlined the «Soviet menace», the right governments of France tended to think about Czechoslovakia more as an important element of the «sanitary cordon», though understanding that the latter wasn’t really solid. On the contrary, in 1922 and from end of 1923, while the interest of France in normalising the relations with the Soviets grew stronger, the role of Czechoslovakia as a potential bridge to USSR attracted more attention of the Paris (these aspirations remained unfulfilled). Though the French estimates were volatile and depended on person, the images of the russophilia of the Czechoslovakian society, and the thesis that antagonism Czechoslovakia and USSR couldn’t escalated to war, persisted.
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YEŞILBURSA BEHÇET, KEMAL. "FROM FRIENDSHIP TO ENMITY SOVIET-IRANIAN RELATIONS (1945-1965)." History and Modern Perspectives 2, no. 1 (March 30, 2020): 92–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2020-2-1-92-105.
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On 26 February 1921, the Soviet Union signed a «Treaty of Friendship» with Iran which was to pave the way for future relations between the two states. Although the Russians renounced various commercial and territorial concessions which the Tsarist government had exacted from Iran, they secured the insertion of two articles which prohibited the formation or residence in either country of individuals, groups, military forces which were hostile to the other party, and gave the Soviet Union the right to send forces into Iran in the event that a third party should attempt to carry out a policy of usurpation there, use Iran as a base for operations against Russia, or otherwise threaten Soviet frontiers. Furthermore, in 1927, the Soviet Union signed a «Treaty of Guarantee and Neutrality» with Iran which required the contracting parties to refrain from aggression against each other and not to join blocs or alliances directed against each other’s sovereignty. However, the treaty was violated by the Soviet Union’s wartime occupation of Iran, together with Britain and the United States. The violation was subsequently condoned by the conclusion of the Tripartite Treaty of Alliance of 29 January 1942, which permitted the Soviet Union to maintain troops in Iran for a limited period. Requiring restraint from propaganda, subversion and hostile political groups, the treaty would also appear to have been persistently violated by the Soviet Union: for example, the various radio campaigns of «Radio Moscow» and the «National Voice of Iran»; the financing and control of the Tudeh party; and espionage and rumour-mongering by Soviet officials in Iran. Whatever the Soviet’s original conception of this treaty may have been, they had since used it one-sidedly as a treaty in which both countries would be neutral, with one being «more neutral than the other». In effect, both the 1921 and 1927 treaties had been used as «a stick to beat the Iranians» whenever it suited the Soviets to do so, in propaganda and in inter-governmental dealings. During the Second World War, the treaty between the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union and Iran, dated 29 January 1942 - and concluded some 5 months after the occupation of parts of Iran by allied forces, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union were entitled to maintain troops in Iran, but the presence of such troops was not to constitute a military occupation. Nonetheless, Soviet forces in the Northern provinces used their authority to prevent both the entry of officials of the Iranian Government and the export of agricultural products to other provinces. The treaty also required military forces to be withdrawn not later than six months after «all hostilities between the Allied Powers and Germany and her associates have been suspended by the conclusion of an armistice or on the conclusion of peace, whichever is the earlier». This entailed that the Soviet Union should have withdrawn its forces by March 1946, six months after the defeat of Japan. Meanwhile, however, there emerged in Iranian Azerbaijan, under Soviet tutelage, a movement for advanced provincial autonomy which developed into a separatist movement under a Communist-led «National Government of Azerbaijan». In 1945, Soviet forces prevented the Iranian army from moving troops into Azerbaijan, and also confined the Iranian garrison to barracks while the dissidents took forcible possession of key points. At the same time, Soviet troops prevented the entry of Iranian troops into the Kurdistan area, where, under Soviet protection, a Kurdish Republic had been set up by Qazi Mohammad. In 1946, after Iran had appealed to the Security Council, the Russians secured from the Iranian Prime Minister, Qavam es Saltaneh, a promise to introduce a bill providing for the formation of a Soviet-Iranian Oil Company to exploit the Northern oil reserves. In return, the Soviet Union agreed to negotiate over Azerbaijan: the Iranians thereupon withdrew their complaint to the Security Council, and Soviet forces left Azerbaijan by 9 May 1946. In 1955, when Iran was considering joining a regional defensive pact, which was later to manifest itself as the Baghdad Pact, the Soviet Government threatened that such a move would oblige the Soviet Union to act in accordance with Article 6 of the 1921 treaty. This was the «big stick» aspect of Soviet attempts to waylay Iranian membership of such a pact; the «carrot» being the conclusion in 1955 of a Soviet-Iranian «Financial and Frontier Agreement» by which the Soviets agreed to a mutually beneficial re-alignment of the frontier and to pay debts arising from their wartime occupation of Northern Iran. The Soviets continued their war of nerves against Iranian accession to the Pact by breaking off trade negotiations in October 1955 and by a series of minor affronts, such as the cancellation of cultural visits and minimal attendance at the Iranian National Day celebrations in Moscow. In a memorandum dated November 26, the Iranian Government openly rejected Soviet criticisms. Soviet displeasure was expressed officially, in the press and to private individuals. In the ensuing period, Soviet and Soviet-controlled radio stations continued to bombard their listeners with criticism of the Baghdad Pact, or CENTO as it later became. In early 1959, with the breakdown of the negotiations for a non-aggression pact, Iran-Soviet relations entered into a phase of propaganda warfare which intensified with the signature of the bilateral military agreement between Iran and the United States. The Soviet Union insisted that Iran should not permit the establishment of foreign military bases on its soil, and continued to threaten Iran despite the Shah’s assurance on this issue. Consequently, the Iranians denounced Articles 5 and 6 of the 1921 treaty, on the basis of which the Soviet Union was making its demands. Attempts by the Secretary-General of the United Nations to improve relations met with little success until September 1959, when Russia offered massive economic support on condition that Iran renounced its military agreements with the United States. This offer was rejected, and, as relations continued to become strained, the Soviets changed their demand to one neither for a written agreement that Iran would not allow its terrain to be used as a base of aggression nor for the establishment of foreign missile bases. The publication by the Soviet Union of the so-called «CENTO documents» did nothing to relieve the strain: the Soviet Union continued to stand out for a bilateral agreement with Iran, and the Shah, in consultation with Britain and the United States, continued to offer no more than a unilateral assurance. In July 1962, with a policy of endeavouring once more to improve relations, the Shah maintained his insistence on a unilateral statement, and the Soviet Government finally agreed to this. The Iranian undertaking was accordingly given and acknowledged on 15 September. The Instruments of ratification of the 1957 Agreements on Transit and Frontier Demarcation were exchanged in Moscow on 26 October 1962 and in Tehran on 20 December, respectively.
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Kennedy, Michael. "Chicanery and candour: the Irish Free State and the Geneva Protocol, 1924–5." Irish Historical Studies 29, no. 115 (May 1995): 371–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400011883.
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The foreign policy of the Irish Free State under the Cumann na nGaedheal administrations of 1922–32 was a far more complex issue than has generally been realised. Policy had a greater scope than simply Anglo-Irish relations. It had two basic foundations. Through the 1921 treaty, the state reluctantly joined the British Commonwealth. Then, with great deliberation, the Free State joined the League of Nations, being admitted on 10 September 1923. By developing an active multidimensional foreign policy using these structures, the new state sought to show its ‘international’ and European credentials. The Irish Free State was to carve out a small niche for itself in the post-Versailles world order. An analysis of the Free State’s response to the Geneva Protocol of 1924 provides a case study of this multifaceted foreign policy in action.As the foundations of Irish foreign policy in the 1920s, the League and the Commonwealth were played off against each other. A prominent stance at the League indicated that although the Free State was a dominion, it was not tied to the imperial line and could act independently to secure its own interests. The Free State’s position as a radical dominion was emphasised through League membership as the state used its independence at the League in the 1920s to develop the concept of the Commonwealth as a looser international grouping of equals. This approach to foreign policy served to benefit both core aspects of the state’s foreign relations. Generally these two core aspects of foreign policy complemented each other.
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Litten, Frederick S. "The Noulens Affair." China Quarterly 138 (June 1994): 492–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000035852.
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The arrest in Shanghai of Hilaire Noulens and his “wife” (their real names were Yakov Rudnik and Tatyana Moiseenko, see below), members of the Communist International's (Comintern) apparat in East Asia, the seizure of a cache of documents concerning the Far Eastern Bureau (FEB) of the Comintern and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the subsequent trial of the Noulens by the Chinese authorities, and the interest taken in the case by numerous Communist-led organizations and fellow-travelling intellectuals was a cause célèbre in the early 1930s, in the foreign community in China as well as in Europe and North America. Despite having been compared to the notorious Sacco-Vanzetti case, and having been nearly as spectacular and important as the 1927 raid on the Soviet Embassy in Peking, the Noulens Affair as a whole has not been the subject of any reliable study.
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SOLIAR, Ihor. "DMYTRO LEVYTSKYI IN THE UKRAINIANS' LIBERATION STRUGGLE IN 1914–1923." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 31 (2018): 170–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2018-31-170-180.
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The article provides an analysis of the socio-political and diplomatic activities of Dmytro Levytskyi in 1914–1923, such as participation in revolutionary events in the Dnieper region in 1917–1918; directions of his diplomatic activity in Denmark in 1919–1920; priorities of emigration community work in Vienna in 1921–1922. It was noted that during the national liberation struggle, he, along with other leading figures of the Ukrainian People's Republic (UNR), did his best to establish the statehood and unification of Ukrainian lands. However, numerous miscalculations of leaders of the young state in the domestic and foreign policies made it impossible to realize the primordial aspirations of Ukrainians. The author presents a review of Dmytro Levytskyi's political views and activities: he welcomed the formation of the Central Council of Ukraine, the proclamation of the independence of the UNR, the signing of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk; as a member of the Galicia-Bukovyna Council he joined the Ukrainian National Union, which advocated the overthrow of the Hetman's power; due to his permanent stay in the capital of the UNR, he did not take an active part in the November disruption, 1918, and the formation of state institutions of the West Ukrainian People's Republic (ZUNR). However, the ZUNR leadership used his acquaintance with prominent figures of the UNR for establishing bilateral relations with the UNR Directory with the further prospect of unification of two Ukrainian states. Keywords Dmytro Levytskyi, Ukrainian Revolution, Unification of the UNR and ZUNR, diplomatic activity.
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Солоницын, П. С. "PRINCIPLES OF SOVIET PENAL LAW (1920-S)." Vestnik Samarskogo iuridicheskogo instituta, no. 1(57) (April 12, 2024): 69–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.37523/sui.2024.57.1.011.
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В статье рассматриваются особенности правового регулирования исправительно-трудовых (пенитенциарных) отношений в Советском государстве в 1920-е гг. В первую очередь обращается внимание на принципы советского пенитенциарного права указанного периода. Отмечается, что принципы пенитенциарной политики в Советской России и СССР в первое десятилетие советской власти (1917–1928 гг.) базировались на политических идеях, заложенных в уставных документах РКП(б), в том числе второй программе РКП(б), принятой в 1919 г. Согласно этим идеям из уголовного наказания следовало исключить его карающую составляющую. В перспективе лидеры большевиков рассчитывали, что с отмиранием эксплуататорских отношений исчезнет и сама преступность как пережиток классового общества. Теоретики советского права, включая Ленина и Курского, считали, что главным фактором преступности до революции 1917 г. являлось угнетенное и бесправное положение народных масс в буржуазно-феодальном обществе царской России. С марксистскими идеями большевизма полностью гармонировали теоретические выкладки левого течения социологической школы уголовного права, получившие широкое распространение в научной среде России еще до революции (С. В. Познышев, М. Н. Гернет и др.). Одним из сторонников этой школы был большевик и видный администратор Е. Г. Ширвиндт, занявший в 1922 г. должность начальника Главного управления мест заключения НКВД РСФСР. Под руководством Ширвиндта, знакомого с трудами российских и зарубежных теоретиков уголовного права, была предпринята попытка перестройки российской пенитенциарной системы на основе классового начала и социальных экспериментов в духе теоретических идей социологической школы. Принципы такой перестройки и пенитенциарной политики законодательно были оформлены в Основных началах законодательства Союза ССР и союзных республик, принятых в октябре 1924 г.. а также в исправительно-трудовых кодексах союзных республик, включая ИТК РСФСР 1924 г. В соответствии с положениями советского уголовного права 1920-х гг. исчезло само понятие наказания, оно было заменено термином «меры социальной защиты». К принципам советской пенитенциарной политики относились оборонительный характер мер социальной защиты, целесообразность, индивидуализация данных мер, принцип прогрессивной системы, классовый характер мер социальной защиты. В статье эти принципы рассматриваются отдельно, кратко раскрывается их содержание. The article examines the features of the legal regulation of corrective labor (penitentiary) relations in the Soviet state in the 1920s. First of all, attention is drawn to the principles of Soviet penal law of the specified period. It is indicated that the principles of penitentiary policy in Soviet Russia and the USSR in the first decade of Soviet power (1917–1928) were based on the political ideas contained in the statutory documents of the RCP(b), including the second program of the RCP(b), adopted in 1919 d. According to these ideas, the punitive component should, in principle, be excluded from criminal punishment. In the future, the Bolshevik leaders hoped that with the withering away of exploitative relations, crime itself would disappear, as a relic of class society. Soviet legal theorists, including Lenin and Kursky, believed that the main factor in crime before the 1917 revolution was the oppressed and powerless position of the masses in the bourgeois-feudal society of Tsarist Russia. The theoretical calculations of the leftist current of the sociological school of criminal law, which became widespread in the scientific community of Russia even before the revolution (S. V. Poznyshev, M. N. Gernet and others), were in complete harmony with the Marxist ideas of Bolshevism. One of the supporters of this school was the Bolshevik and prominent administrator E. G. Shirvindt, who in 1922 took the position of head of the Main Directorate of Places of Detention of the NKVD of the RSFSR. Under the leadership of Shirvindt, who was familiar with the works of Russian and foreign theorists of criminal law, an attempt was made to rebuild the Russian penitentiary system on the basis of social experiments in the spirit of the theoretical ideas of the sociological school. The principles of such restructuring and penitentiary policy were legislatively formalized in the Fundamental Principles of Legislation of the USSR and Union Republics, adopted in criminal October 1924, as well as in the Correctional Labor Codes of the Union Republics, including the Penal Code of the RSFSR of 1924. In accordance with the provisions of Soviet criminal law In the 1920s, the very concept of punishment disappeared, replaced by the term «social protection measures». The principles of Soviet penitentiary policy included such principles as the defensive nature of social protection measures; expediency; individualization of these measures; the principle of a progressive system; the class nature of social protection measures. The article discusses these principles separately and briefly reveals their content.
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Piskova, Mariyana. "TRACING THE ARCHIVAL SOURCES OF THE FRENCH FEATURE FILM “ANDRANIK” ABOUT THE ARMENIANS IN THE FIRST WORLD WAR(1928)." History and Archives, no. 2 (2021): 128–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-6541-2021-2-126-140.
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The first and still the only film about Andranik Ozanian (1865– 1927) was shot during the summer of 1928 in Bulgaria. Who financed and created the movie, why did the director Archavir Chakhatouny (1882–1957) choose Bulgaria for the scenes in the open, why wasn’t the film shown in Soviet Armenia and how did it get to Yerevan – those are part of the questions the paper will try to answer. To that end the author searched for the archival documents in the archives and museums of Armenia and Bulgaria. The richest source is the personal fund of the Armenian emigrant in Paris Arshavir Shakhatuni (1882–1957). After his death, the documents were transferred to the Yeghishe Charents Museum of Literature and Arts in Yerevan. Among them, a special place is occupied by biographical documents, documents about theatrical roles and roles in cinema, which he performed, materials about early cinema and the history of the creation of the film “Andranik”. The National Archives of Armenia keeps the documents which detail the participation of Chakhatouny in the First World War and in the government of the First Armenian Republic (1918–1920) as the commandant and chief of police of Yerevan. The most valuable source is the film “Andranik” which was received by the State Archives of the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic (ASSR) in 1972. During the period, the name of Andranik was banned until the end of the 80s of the 20th century. There was censorship and contradicting assessments of Andranik by Armenians and Azerbaijanis (“hero” or “enemy”) were “concealed”. For this reason, the film might have got into Armenia through the Armenian Society for Friendship and Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries, founded by the resolution of the Communist Party of the ASSR. The official activity of the Society was related to the cultural events abroad but in fact it was used to gather information about the political emigrants. In the Bulgarian archives one may find the archive “traces” of Chakhatouny’s performances on the Bulgarian theatrical scenes and also his correspondence with the actor Georgi Stamatov (1893–1965), that documents contain the valuable data on the history of the film creation. Thanks to the archives, the film ‘Andranik’ can be seen and the story of its creation and distribution in the past century can be reproduced.
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Solodkovska, Iryna. "Ukrainian-Polish relations in the period of the Ukrainian national revolution of 1919-1920 in the vision of Andrii Livytskyi." Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 43 (April 12, 2024): 112–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2024-43.112-134.
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The purpose of the research is to shed light on the Ukrainian-Polish relations during the Ukrainian National Revolution of 1919-1920 in the vision of Andrii Livytskyi. The research methodology is based on general scientific methods of analysis, synthesis, and systematicity, which, when applying a concrete-historical approach, allows to significantly deepen the knowledge about the foreign policy and diplomacy of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, in particular, regarding the regulation of relations with the restored Polish state. The scientific novelty lies in the fact that, based on the work of domestic historians, the published documents, and the involvement of new archival sources, an attempt was made to comprehensively investigate the process of implementing the state course of the Ukrainian authorities on the settlement of relations with the Second Polish Republic. Conclusions. The Ukrainian People’s Republic authorities were clearly aware of the need to establish relations with Poland, without which it would not be possible to win Ukrainian statehood. Therefore, one of the directions of the foreign policy of the power structures was the building of relations with the restored Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. At the origins of this process stood Chief Ataman S. Petliura, Deputy Chairman of the Council of People’s Ministers and head of the diplomatic mission of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in Poland A. Livytskyi, Chief Plenipotentiary of the Government of the Ukrainian People’s Republic I. Ohienko, as well as authoritative public figures and representatives of various Ukrainian political parties. Despite all the difficulties of a military, political, and socio-economic nature, the state leadership tried to comply with the established terms of the agreement to the extent of their limited capabilities. A. Livytskyi’s visions give us the opportunity to reveal the content of the negotiations with the Polish state in 1919-1920 and to trace Ukrainian-Polish relations during the period of the Ukrainian National Revolution of 1917-1921. In many of his letters, A. Livytskyi emphasized that on the political horizon of Europe, large and important events in which Ukrainians should take an active part and as a result of which major changes should take place in Ukraine. These visions of Livytskyi help us to better understand his views on Ukrainian-Polish relations and the role of Ukraine in the international arena during the revolution of 1917-1921.
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Medvedeva, Mariya K. "The Memory of the First World War and the Key Problems of the French Foreign Policy during the Inter-war Period in the Reflection of the Journal “La Revue des Vivants”." Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 20, no. 1 (2021): 36–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2021-20-1-36-45.
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The article analyses the French journal “La Revue des Vivants” (1927–1935) as a source of studying the history of the Inter-war period. This journal, created by the veterans of the First World War, who at the same time represented the French intellectual elites, presents a unique combination of their war experience and current political agenda. The author examines three main subjects that characterized the political and social orientation of this journal. Firstly, its publishers and authors were deeply influenced by the First World War and its consequences. Its experience forced them to seek a better international system, where the repeat of such conflict would be impossible. This leads to the second subject, the European integration and the frame it was supposed to set. The idea of the united Europe was connected with the third subject, the relations with Germany, which could be successful only as a part of an international organization. The analysis of all these subjects brings a contradictory conclusion: despite all progressive and forward-thinking ideas of this journal, its publishers and authors failed to understand some important tendencies of their time (for example, the nature and the origins of the national socialism). However, this conclusion only confirms the nature of the Inter-war period as a time of many different ideologies and ideas and opens new perspectives of its studying.
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Ivanenko, Valentyn, and Vladyslav Hovorukha. "American Relief Administration (ARA) in Katerinoslav Region in 1922–1923: The Problem of Relations with the Government and the Population." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 4, no. 2 (July 18, 2022): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26210420.
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The aim of the article is an analytical reconstruction of the specific and contradictory dynamics of the ARA’s relations with local authorities and the population of Yekaterinoslav during the famine of 1921–1923. Research methods: dialectical, analytical, historical-systemic, comparative. Main results. It is established that during the years of independence domestic historiography has made a real breakthrough in the study of previously taboo topics of the so-called “naked nerves” of our Soviet history, in particular, the famine of 1921–1923 in the Southern Ukraine and the unique phenomenon of international support including Yekaterinoslav. It is proved that the undisputed leader among foreign charitable missions was the American Relief Administration (ARA), which effectively realized its powerful potential to create appropriate resources (financial, logistical, personnel), organized large-scale relief actions, saved lives of millions of Ukrainians. It is shown that the process of emergence, adaptation and deployment of ARA in the Yekaterinoslav region was not cloudless, sometimes contradictory, accompanied by certain misunderstandings and problematic situations in its relations with local authorities and the population, and even blocking certain actions of Americans. This course of events was largely explained by the novelty of the format of foreign humanitarian aid to starving citizens in the mysterious Bolshevik state, the manifestations of elements of ideological and mental “dissent”, suspicion and distrust on both sides. However, in general, this did not prevent the ARA branches from ensuring their uninterrupted and dynamic functioning throughout the campaign in order to organize broad support for the starving population of the Yekaterinoslav region and the Southern Ukraine. Originality: a significant array of mostly unpublished archival sources is discovered, systematized and impartially used. Scientific novelty: almost for the first time at the regional level the character, features and problematic situations in the relations of ARA with local authorities and the population of Yekaterinoslav region in the hungry 1922–1923 are revealed. Practical significance: the materials of the article can be used for further research of foreign charity organizations in Yekaterinoslav during the famine of the early 1920s, as well as during the writing of generalizing works on the history of the Soviet famines in Ukraine, in the educational process at the historical faculties of universities. Type of article: analytical.
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Vasilieva, O. Yu. "Metropolitan Sergius (Stragorodsky): Ministry and Destiny." Orthodoxia, no. 2 (May 14, 2024): 10–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.53822/2712-9276-2024-2-10-45.
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The article delves into the biography of the future Patriarch Sergius (Stragorodsky) and the circumstances of his life that shaped the personality of the primate, making him one of the most prominent church figures of the twentieth century. The article examines the principal milestones of his pastoral ministry, theological contributions, missionary efforts, and administrative endeavors undertaken for the benefit of the Church. The article also outlines the circumstances surrounding Metropolitan Sergius’ dramatic involvement in the Renovationist schism and his eventual departure from it through a public act of repentance. The focus of the article is the history of relations between the Russian Orthodox Church and the Soviet government in the 1920s and 1930s, with Metropolitan Sergius playing a pivotal role as one of the key participants. The most challenging period for the Church in the twentieth century was the span from 1925 to 1943, marked by the absence of patriarchal authority and characterized by numerous intrigues and administrative pressure from the Bolshevik government. The article argues that the policy of Metropolitan Sergius was a direct continuation of the path that Patriarch Tikhon embarked on in the last years of his tenure. The author of the article concludes that Metropolitan Sergius deliberately chose a compromise with the authorities, embracing the path of martyrdom and self-abasement for the sake of preserving the Church. In 1927, Metropolitan Sergius, along with members of the convened Provisional Patriarchal Holy Synod, signed the “Message to Pastors and Believers”, which served as a memorandum of the Church’s political loyalty to the Soviet government. The article pays significant attention to Sergius’ press conference in front of Soviet and foreign journalists, which served as a response to numerous accusations leveled against the Soviet government for its oppression of the Church. The author of the article concludes that Metropolitan Sergius’ ministry is primarily characterized by martyrdom. Consciously opting for personal dishonor to safeguard the Church stands as a genuine act of courage by Patriarch Sergius, an undeniable merit appreciated by all believers.
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A.V., Goncharenko. "THE PROBLEM OF NAVAL WEAPONS’ LIMITATION IN FOREIGN POLICY OF THE USA IN THE EARLY 20-IES OF XX CENTURY." Sums'ka Starovyna (Ancient Sumy Land), no. 54 (2019): 64–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/starovyna.2019.54.6.
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The article researches the position of the United States on the issue of naval arms restriction in the early 20-ies of the XX century. There are outlined causes, the course and the consequences of the intensification of Washington’s naval activity during the investigated period. It is explored the process of formation and implementation of the US initiatives to limit naval weapons before and during the Washington Peace Conference of 1921–1922. The role of the USA in the settlement of foreign policy contradictions between the leading countries of the world in the early 20-ies of the XX century is analyzed. In the early 20’s of the XX century there have been some changes in the international relations system and the role of the USA in it. Despite the isolation stance taken by Washington, the White House continues its policy of «open doors» and «equal opportunities», promoting the elimination of unequal agreements between foreign countries with China, and attempts to influence the position of European countries and Japan in the naval contest issues and limitation of naval weapons. Taking full advantages, which were giving the United States’ the richest country and world creditor status, the US Department of State has stepped up its US impact in the Asia-Pacific region. The new Republican administration succeeded in offsetting the failures of the Paris Decisions of 1919–1920 and began to СУМСЬКА СТАРОВИНА 2019 №LIV 75 construct a new model of international relations in which the United States would occupy a leading position. The success of US diplomacy at the Washington Peace Conference of 1921– 1922 contributed to this. However, the conflict between the former allies within the Entente was only smoothed out and not settled. The latter has led to increasing US capital expansion into Europe due to the significant economic growth in the country. Despite the fact that the Republicans’ achievements in US foreign policy on local issues have been much more specific than trying to solve the problem of a new system of international relations globally, these achievements have been rather relative. Leading countries in the world were still making concessions to the White House on separate issues, but in principle they were not ready to accept the scheme of relations offered by the States. That is why American foreign policy achievements have been impermanent. Key words: the
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Kupchyk, O. "ITALY IN THE FOREIGN TRADE OF SOVIET UKRAINE, 1921-1923." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 141 (2019): 14–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2019.141.3.
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The circumstances under which the Soviet Ukraine established trade relations with the Kingdom of Italy in the early 1920s are revealed. The contractual basis, organizational forms of trade activity of Soviet Ukraine in Italy have been clarified. Persons of sales representatives were established (V. Vorovskyi, A. Feinstein). The role of the Ukrainian SSR Trade Representation in Rome in the foreign trade activities of Soviet Ukraine is revealed. The place of the Italian market in export and import operations of Soviet Ukraine has been determined. After studying national historiography, it was found that the trade relations of the Ukrainian SSR in the early 1920s with the Kingdom of Italy were not the subject of scientific study in contemporary Ukrainian historians. In turn, it was found that in trying to forge trade relations with Italy, the Ukrainian adviser noted that she sought to rebuild the international influence, lost after the First World War through Great Britain and France. It was informed that after the conclusion of the Preliminary Trade Agreement on December 26, 1921, Soviet Ukraine and Italy exchanged trade representatives. The duties of Soviet Ukraine’s sales representative in Italy were first performed by Russian Trade Representative V. Vorovskyi and then by Russian Trade Representative A. Feinstein. There were 5 people employed in the Ukrainian SSR’s sales office in Italy. They thoroughly explored the Italian markets (Genoa, Milan, Roman). The article shows the interest of Italian traders in Ukrainian timber, coal, scrap metal, linen cake. It is noted that the sales representatives of Soviet Ukraine initially studied the possibility of selling on the Italian market of guts, skin, horse hair, wool. They then explored the possibility of selling cattle, wheat, barley, corn, caustic soda and soda ash. It was noted that together with Russian and Italian traders the Russian-Italian Trading Company was created, which had the task not only for export-import of goods, but also for obtaining concessions by the Italian entrepreneurs in Ukraine. It has been reported that Italian workers sent food aid (sowing grain) to Ukraine for the money raised.
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Vourkoutiotis, Vasilis. "Foreign Contacts of the Red Navy, 1920–1923." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 19, no. 1 (April 2006): 83–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518040500544741.
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Shemetova, Tamara A. "Trade, Economic and Political Relations between Soviet Russia and the Chinese Province of Xinjiang in 1921-1922." RUDN Journal of Russian History 22, no. 1 (March 15, 2023): 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2023-22-1-85-96.
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The author analyzes the features and results of trade, economic and political relations of the Chinese province of Xinjiang with Soviet Russia and the USSR in 1921-1922. The main sources for the preparation of the article were historical and archival materials on the trade and economic relations of Xinjiang with Russia and the Soviet Union (1896-1949) in Chinese, as well as documents from a number of Moscow archives (the Russian State Archive of Economics, the Russian State Military Archive, the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation). The analysis showed that during the period under review the Soviet-Xinjiang trade, economic and political relations were rather ambiguous. This is evidenced by statistical data on the volume of trade for 1921 and 1922, which, despite the measures taken by Moscow, did not increase. In addition, it should be emphasized that the range and list of goods supplied by the parties changed significantly. The author comes to the conclusion that in 1921-1922 there did not take place the final restoration and development of all-round ties between the Soviet Union and the Chinese province of Xinjiang. It was the Soviet leadership that was the initiator of the bilateral rapprochement.
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Włodarkiewicz, Wojciech. "Stosunki wojskowe między Rzecząpospolitą Polską a Związkiem Radzieckim w latach 1921-1939." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 13, no. 2 (January 8, 2023): 189–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.8458.
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The article presents the military relations between Poland and the Soviet Union in the years 1921-1939, from the end of the war between Poland and the Bolshevik Russia until the beginning of World War II. Its content has been divided into four subchapters, in the first of which the author analyzes the state of research on the topic in question and the state of preservation of sources in Polish and foreign archives. In the following subsections, the author presents the military relations between Poland and the USSR in three periods: in the years 1921-1926, 1926-1935 and 1935-1939. The last subsection is key to the undertaken research problem. It contains findings on the changes in the mutual military relations to the disadvantage of Poland, in connection with the rapid expansion and modernization of the Red Army and the difficulties of the Polish military intelligence in their assessment and difficulties in recognizing the reconstructed cooperation between the USSR and Germany.
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Datskiv, I. "Peculiarities of Ukrainian-British Diplomatic Relations During the Ukrainian Revolution (1917-1921)." Problems of World History, no. 4 (June 8, 2017): 155–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-4-11.
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This article analyzes the foreign policy of Great Britain to Ukraine in 1917-1921 years. Features of relations between England and the Ukrainian governments during national liberation movement are shown. The impact of Great Britain on the political formation and the development of Ukrainian statehood is revealed International, political and military background of the Ukrainian-British rapprochement in revolutionary days is clarified . It is indicated that an important factor shifted foreign policy orientation towards the Entente was the participation of the Ukrainian delegation under the leadership of I. Korostovetzin in the conference of Entente states in Iasi in early November 1918. It is established that interest in Ukraine and its struggle for statehood was shown by foreign diplomats accredited to the government of UРR. Consular offices of the Entente (including Great Britain) and neutral states continued their activities in Ukraine. It is shown that Great Britain and other Entente powers ignored the legitimate right of the Ukrainian people for national independence and the unity of its lands.
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Anghel, Florin. "Wan light of Lithuania in Bucharest. The sources of a non-declared divorce (1918-1926)." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, no. 1 (November 15, 2010): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i1_2.
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Between the Acts of Union and, respectively, of Independence of 1918 and 1926 Romania and Lithuania shared no strategic interests or common regional politics. Although the Bucharest diplomacy insistently asked Warsaw to debate over its Baltic policy, at the end the Romanian-Polish anti-Soviet alliance became one of the most important pieces of so-called “cordon sanitaire” geopolitics, which included Baltic and Black Seas regions countries, but no Lithuania. Both states became locked in cold relations with no contacts and no recognition (until August 1924), which was due to regional politics, but contrary to common interests. The diplomatic relations, officially opened in August 1924, lacked any practical political consequences. The Kaunas coup d’état of December 1926 had little political and media impacts in Bucharest and, in the rarely definitions of Antanas Smetona new nationalist regime, most of Romanians condemned it (contrary with their attitude towards the coup d’état of Warsaw in May 1926). It was only in the last half of the ‘30s that between Bucharest and Kaunas new avenues in bilateral relations had opened, the impact of the fortunate decision of foreign minister Nicolae Titulescu in 1934 to create a Romanian Legation to cover Lithuania.
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Papian, Ara. "The Arbitral Award on Turkish-Armenian Boundary by Woodrow Wilson (Historical Background, Legal Aspects, and International Dimensions)." Iran and the Caucasus 11, no. 2 (2007): 255–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338407x265487.
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AbstractThe paper is a complex study of the history of the involvement of Woodrow Wilson (the 28th President of the USA, 1913-1921), in the fate of Armenian people after WWI and the Republic Armenia (1918-1920), especially in determining the boundary between Armenia and Turkey. It presents an analysis of Wilson's Arbitral Award according to the international law and the United Nation's official methodology. The article focuses on the historical background, legal aspects and political implications of Wilson's Arbitral Award (November 22, 1920), officially titled: Decision of the President of the United States of America respecting the Frontier between Turkey and Armenia, Access for Armenia to the Sea, and the Demilitarization of Turkish Territory adjacent to the Armenian Frontier. The Arbitration's significance goes beyond Armenian-Turkish and Armenian-US relations. Border conflicts are still relevant issues on the regional and international agenda. American involvement in the Middle East is one of the key components of the United States' present foreign policy. An accurate and a broad understanding of the nuances of the extremely complex legal situation in the region and the bases for the behaviour of the players can be vital for the security, political and economic interests of the region. Moreover, due to the active participation of the United States in the Armenian-Turkish relations through Wilson's Arbitration, the Arbitral Award becomes a logical starting point for a stronger historical, political, and legal understanding of the conflict-prone region. The article also contributes to the better understanding of President Wilson's policy towards the Middle East during the dramatic period of 1917-1921 and its possible consequences for critical relationships in the region today.
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Buranok, S. O. "The Monroe Doctrine: Republicans’ Perspective in the Formation Years of the Versailles-Washington System." Lomonosov World Politics Journal 15, no. 3 (December 3, 2023): 56–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2023-15-3-56-86.
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The Monroe Doctrine occupies a unique place in the US history. It became one of the key foreign policy documents of its time and provided the basis for a wide variety of interpretations of the United States’ role and goals in the international arena at turning points of world history. One of these moments was the turn of the 1910s−1920s, when a new Versailles-Washington order of international relations was emerging. In the US public discourse, this period was marked by intense debates between supporters of the Democratic President V. Wilson and his isolationist opponents. Both Republicans and Democrats constantly referred to the Monroe Doctrine, on the one hand, to justify their own views on US foreign policy in the new conditions, and, on the other hand, to refute the arguments of their political opponents. The controversy surrounding the Monroe Doctrine has been reflected in publications in periodicals and analytical journals, as well as in cartoons. Studying these materials, it is possible to trace the evolution of the approaches of American politicians, experts, editors, and journalists to the Monroe Doctrine. The arguments of the Republicans against the ‘internationalist’ interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine that emerged in the face of the changing global context after the First World War are of particular interest. The study shows that at the initial stage of discussions (1920), the Monroe Doctrine was used by the Republicans primarily to criticize W. Wilson’s concept of international relations in general and his position on the League of Nations in particular. At the next stage (1921−1923), the debate focused around the need to revise the Monroe Doctrine itself, that aroused due to new trends in the development of international relations in the Far East and, in particular, because of the increasing competition between the United States and Japan. The author identifies several main approaches to the interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine formulated during the public debate in 1921−1923. It is shown that, despite significant divergences of view, both isolationists and internationalists eventually came to broader interpretations of the Monroe Doctrine, recognizing the need to extend its principles to the entire Asia-Pacific region.
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Kupchyk, O. "CZECHOSLOVAK REPUBLIC IN THE FOREIGN TRADE OF SOVIET UKRAINE IN 1920-1922." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 143 (2019): 21–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2019.143.5.
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The article describes the circumstances under which the Soviet Ukraine established trade relations with Czechoslovakian Republic in the early 1920’s. The analysis of historiography of this scientific problem recovered the absence of the researches in modern Ukrainian historical science on the relations between Czechoslovakia and Soviet Ukraine in the early 1920’s. It’s established that the source database, including archival documents, allows a comprehensive answer to the task in the study. The contractual legal framework, organizational forms of trade activities of the Soviet Ukraine in Czechoslovakia have been clarified. It is stated that the inability to compete with the Germans in the Russian market caused the Czechoslovakians’ great interest in the Ukrainian market. There was a positive experience of Czechoslovakian-Ukrainian economic relations even before the First World War, which was to guarantee the resumption of trade relations between the countries in the early 1920s. This had been facilitated by shipping on the Danube to the Black Sea. 'Trade Representative Office' considered the logistics of trade (demanded goods, ways of delivery, placement of warehouses, sanitary and technical control). Persons of sales representatives were established (Y. Novakovsky, M. Lomovsky, I. Girsa, V. Benesh). The role of the Soviet Ukraine 'Trade Representative Office' in Prague in the foreign trade activities of the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic is revealed. The place of the Czechoslovakian market in the export and import operations of Soviet Ukraine has been determined. The interest of Czechoslovakian traders in Ukrainian raw materials, namely flax, hemp, wool and leather was noted. It is stated that the trade representatives of the Soviet Ukraine were exploring the possibility of selling other raw materials on the Czechoslovakian market, namely iron ore, coal, etc. It is found that the trading company has purchased in large quantities flour (wheat, rye), sugar (refinement, sand) and cereals (wheat, barley, rye, peas, oats). The Czechoslovakian traders and entrepreneurs were particularly interested in forming «mixed partnerships» with the Ukrainians (supplying railway equipment, making file sheets, production of medicines, glass and porcelain). Czechoslovakians also sought to obtain a concession for tractor cultivation of lands in Ukraine. At the same time, participation in the Ukrainian-Czechoslovakian trade «Vokoopspilka» was revealed. The participation of the Soviet Ukraine at the Prague International Exhibition in 1922 was covered, which became its first participation in international exhibitions.
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Tlustý, Tomáš. "Orel – the Catholic physical education association : foreign relations up to 1929." Sport i Turystyka. Środkowoeuropejskie Czasopismo Naukowe 4, no. 1 (2021): 11–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/sit.2021.04.01.
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This paper looks at the history of Orel, the Catholic physical education association, and its foreign relations up to 1929. The origins of the Orel movement in the Czech region of Austria-Hungary go back to the turn of the 20th century when the first local Orel associations were established. These associations were strongly connected with Czech political Catholicism. Shortly after being formed, their functionaries began to establish their first contacts with existing foreign organizations. Most of these organizations were from the area of contemporary Slovenia. Their number rose significantly after the First World War when the newly independent Czechoslovakian Orel became a member of the Catholic physical education union – UIOCEP. The members of this organization were all around the world. The number of foreign contacts it had established was also on the increase. The first international physical educational festival, which helped Czechoslovak Orel with its development, was organized in Brno in 1922. But the Czechoslovakian Orel had planned a second big festival of physical education for 1929, hoping to further extend its number of foreign friends. The second physical educational festival was also successful. It helped Czechoslovak Orel to increase its influence in UIOCEP where it became the second-largest organization.
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Rupasov, Aleksandr I. "Augustinas Voldemaras and Soviet-Lithuanian Relations in 1926-1929." RUDN Journal of Russian History 21, no. 2 (June 2, 2022): 177–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2022-21-2-177-189.
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The article analyzes the nuances of the changes in Soviet-Lithuanian relations after the coup d'etat staged in December 1926. The coming to power of the leaders of the Lithuanian Nationalist and Republican Union A. Smetona and A. Voldemaras initially contributed to the situation of uncertainty in bilateral relations. Moscow was extremely concerned about Voldemaras' desire to exacerbate the Polish-Soviet contradictions in order to solve the Vilnius problem in Polish-Lithuanian relations. The Soviet diplomats feared that Voldemaras could provoke an armed conflict with Poland and that the Soviet Union would inevitably be involved in the conflict. On the other hand, Soviet diplomacy was interested in maintaining both the independence of Lithuania and the maintenance of some tension between Poland and Lithuania, as this situation created obstacles to Poland’s spread of influence throughout the Baltic East. By the late 1920s, it became apparent to Moscow that dissatisfaction with Voldemaras’ policy in Lithuania had reached its climax and that Voldemaras was to be forced out of Lithuanian political life in the near future. As a result, a few months before Voldemaras’ resignation, the political leadership of the USSR categorically opposed contacts with him by the leadership of the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs.
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Batunaev, Eduard V. "The «Mongolian Question» in Soviet-Chinese Relations (1921-1925)." Vestnik of Kostroma State University 29, no. 1 (June 14, 2023): 57–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2023-29-1-57-61.
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The article deals with the problematic and key issues of Soviet-Chinese relations related to the formalization of the legal status of Mongolia, which was called the “Mongolian questionˮ. The “Mongolian questionˮ was a stumbling block in Soviet-Chinese relations, since de jure Mongolia was part of the Republic of China, and de facto it had all the features of an independent state. The solution of the “Mongolian questionˮ lay in the plane of a revolutionary ideological and diplomatic nature, where Mongolia was given an important place as a transit corridor in promoting the ideas of the world revolution to the East, providing military assistance to the people's revolutionary forces of both China and Mongolia. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the evolution of Soviet-Chinese relations, accompanied by complex diplomatic negotiations between China and Soviet Russia, the struggle between the Comintern and foreign policy structures. Analysis of scientific literature and sources showed that in transnational history the “Mongolian questionˮ was a complex and multifactorial phenomenon, which included a complex of both internal and external factors, including the relationship between Soviet Russia and China. at the revolutionary class and diplomatic levels, as well as Mongolia's own ideas in the struggle for state independence.
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Johnson, Gaynor. "‘Das Kind’ Revisited: Lord D'Abernon and German Security Policy 1922–1925." Contemporary European History 9, no. 2 (July 2000): 209–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300002022.
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This article is a reassessment of F. G. Stambrook's well-known claim that Lord D'Abernon was the architect of German Locarno diplomacy. It suggests that Stambrook did not fully understand D'Abernon's relationship with the Luther–Stresemann government, and in particular it seeks to place German Locarno diplomacy within the wider context of German foreign policy in the period. It throws new light not only on the D'Abernon–von Schubert relationship but on the dynamic forces at work within the German Foreign Ministry. The article also contains a brief assessment of German relations with the United States.
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Stankov, Nikolaj N. "The First Book about the Czechoslovak Republic in the USSR: “The Modern Czecho-Slovakia” by Pavel N. Mostovenko." Slavic Almanac, no. 1-2 (2021): 78–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2021.1-2.1.05.
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The article dwells upon the book “The Modern Czecho-Slovakia” by Pavel N. Mostovenko — the Soviet representative in Prague from June, 1921 till February, 1923. The author of the article supposes that Mostovenko began to work on this book immediately after his return from Czechoslovakia in the spring of 1923 following his fresh impressions and having all the necessary materials. All the chapters of this book embraced a wide range of problems: a brief history of Czechia, the foundation of the Czechoslovak Republic, its social and economic development, the financial system, the constitution of 1920 and the functioning of the state machinery, the leading political parties, the relations among different ethnic groups, home and foreign policy. In the USSR Mostovenko’s book was the first attempt at interpreting the history of the Czechoslovak Republic from the point of view of the communist ideology. At the same time, the author of the article states that in Mostovenko’s book quite a few aspects of the development of Czechoslovakia at the beginning of 1920s are interpreted in a way different from the documents of Comintern and the Soviet press of that period. The author of the article proves that Mostovenko on the basis of the analysis of the international relations in Central Europe after World War I predicted that in case of an essential breach of the balances of powers in the Versailles system of international relations, Czechoslovakia would became its first victim and neither France nor the allies in the Little Entente would help it. Exactly this happened in 1938.
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Borovskaya, Olga. "Foreign trade relations of the BSSR the Republic of Polish in 1921–1924." Metamorphoses of history, no. 27 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/s230861810024318-9.
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According to the Riga Peace Treaty of March 18, 1921, both parties were obliged, no later than six months from the date of ratification of the agreement to begin negotiations on the conclusion of a special Trade Agreement and an agreement on compensatory barter. Desiring to improve Soviet-Polish trade relations between representatives of the Office of the Authorized People’s Commissariat for Foreign Trade of RSFSR under the Council of People’s Commissars of the BSSR and Polish business circles (joint-stock companies Dava-Britopol, Palantyn, Zapadoles, Gratenau). Their result was the conclusion of several agricultural implements, certain types of food chemical compounds. In the initial period of the formation of foreign economic relations between the BSSR and the Polish Republic, Belvneshtorg played a positive role in the formation and development of international economic and technical ties between the BSSR and Poland. Commercial transactions of the organization largely determined the import and export of Soviet Belarus, which positively influenced the formation of the industrial and economic complex of the country in the early 1920s, the development of the economy, education and science of the republic. The formation and development of export-import operations took place in a difficult situation. There were a number of factors that negatively affected the activities of the NKVT of the BSSR, lowered the efficiency of its work: the monopoly of foreign trade, strict dictatorship by the Supreme Council of National Economy and its structures in the BSSR, the lack of a well-thought-out market legislative base, coupled with bureaucratic shortcomings, unfavorable conditions in the European and world markets, ill-conceived foreign policy strategy of the state, lack of effective management.
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Рупасов, Александр Иванович. "VOLDEMARAS AND SOVIET-LITHUANIAN RELATIONS IN 1926-1929." Вестник Тверского государственного университета. Серия: История, no. 3(59) (December 23, 2021): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.26456/vthistory/2021.3.062-076.
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В статье анализируются нюансы изменений в советско-литовских отношениях после государственного переворота, осуществленного в декабре 1926 г. Приход к власти лидеров Союза литовских националистов (таутининков) А. Сметоны и А. Вольдемараса изначально способствовал возникновению ситуации неопределенности в двусторонних отношениях. В Москве были крайне озабочены стремлением Вольдемараса добиться обострения польско-советских противоречий с целью выгодного для Литвы решения проблемы Вильнюса. Советская сторона испытывала опасения, что Вольдемарас способен спровоцировать вооруженный конфликт с Польшей и что в этот конфликт неизбежно окажется втянут Советский Союз. С другой стороны, советская дипломатия была заинтересована в сохранении как в сохранении независимости Литвы, так и в поддержании некоторой напряженности в отношениях Польши и Литвы, поскольку такая ситуация создавала препятствия для распространения влияния Польши на весь восток Балтики. К концу 1920-х гг. для Москвы стало очевидным, что недовольство политикой Вольдемараса в Литве достигло своего апогея и что следует ждать в ближайшем будущем вытеснение Вольдемараса из политической жизни Литвы. В результате за несколько месяцев до отставки Вольдемараса политическое руководство СССР категорически высказалось против контактов с ним руководства Народного комиссариата по иностранным делам. The article analyzes the nuances of changes in Soviet-Lithuanian relations after the coup d'etat carried out in December 1926. The coming to power of the leaders of the Union of Lithuanian Nationalists (tautininkai) A. Smetona and A. Voldemaras initially contributed to the situation of uncertainty in bilateral relations. Moscow was extremely concerned about Voldemaras' desire to exacerbate the Polish-Soviet contradictions in order to solve the Vilnius problem in Polish-Lithuanian relations. The Soviet diplomats feared that Voldemaras could provoke an armed conflict with Poland and that the Soviet Union would inevitably be involved in the conflict. On the other hand, Soviet diplomacy was interested in maintaining both the Independence of Lithuania and the maintenance of some tension between Poland and Lithuania, as this situation created obstacles to Poland's spread of influence throughout the Baltic East. By the end of the 1920s, it became apparent to Moscow that dissatisfaction with Voldemaras' policy in Lithuania had reached its climax and that Voldemaras should be forced out of Lithuanian political life in the near future. As a result, a few months before Voldemaras' resignation, the political leadership of the USSR categorically opposed contacts with him by the leadership of the People's Commissioner for Foreign Affairs.
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Utkin, I. N. "Sergius (Stragorodsky), War and Homeland: From the Holy Tsar-Martyr Nicholas II to Stalin." Orthodoxia, no. 2 (May 14, 2024): 80–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.53822/2712-9276-2024-2-80-127.
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During the First World War, Sergius (Stragorodsky) served as the Archbishop of Finland and was a member of the Holy Governing Synod. He participated in the preparation of all church acts aimed at organizing assistance to the wounded, families of soldiers called to war, and orphans. Under his leadership, the diocese conducted active social work. The prayer for victory over the enemy, approved in 1914 with the direct participation of Archbishop Sergius, was subsequently used in abbreviated form during the Great Patriotic War of 1941–1945. During the First World War, the church press actively participated in shaping the image of the enemy. The Russian Orthodox Church acted similarly during the Great Patriotic War of 1941–1945. One of the peculiarities of the church discourse during the First World War was the formation of the image of the internal enemy. By the end of 1916, the church press spoke of a universal derogation from the ideals of Holy Rus, greed, and selfishness that had engulfed all classes of the population. In his “Declaration” of 1927, Metropolitan Sergius (Stragorodsky), the Deputy Patriarchal Locum Tenens, once again addressed the military and patriotic theme.The turning point in church-state relations was the events of 1939– 1940, related to the reunification of Western Ukraine, Belarus and Baltic countries with the USSR.On June 22, 1941, Metropolitan Sergius (Stragorodsky) wrote a message to the believers, calling for support for the Soviet state’s fight against the Nazis. From the first days of the war, the Church began active patriotic work. Funds were collected for the Defense Fund and for the wounded. Unusually, funds were also collected directly for armaments — a tank column named after Dmitry Donskoy.An important stage in the church’s activities under Metropolitan Sergius was the publication of the book “The Truth about Religion in Russia”, intended for translation into foreign languages and mass distribution abroad.
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Karnups, Viesturs Pauls. "Latvian–Norwegian Economic Relations 1918–1940." Humanities and Social Sciences: Latvia 29, no. 1 (June 2021): 55–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/hssl.29.1.03.
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This article provides an overview of Latvian–Norwegian economic relations in the interwar period. In the interwar period, economic relations between Latvia and Norwegian were mainly confined to foreign trade, although there were some investments in Latvia from Norway as well. Latvia declared its independence in 1918, however normal trade with Norway did not commence until 1920 after the end of the Latvian War of Independence. It ended with the occupation of Norway in 1940. Latvia’s foreign trade in relation to Norway was regulated by the 1924 Commercial and Navigation treaty. Latvia’s main imports from Norway in the interwar period were herrings, cotton cloth, agricultural and industrial machinery, treated hides, various types of metals and metal products, animal fats and fish oils, drive-belts, stones and wire, whilst Latvia’s main exports to Norway were butter, meat, plywood, pit-props and boards, thread, linoleum, pulpwood, gypsum, paints and paint products, as well as radios. In general, trade and thus economic relations were of marginal significance to both countries in the interwar period due mainly to similarities in their economic structures and geographical distance.