Journal articles on the topic 'Foreign public opinion, japanese – research'
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KAGOTANI, KOJI. "National Security Environments, Patriotism, and Japanese Public Opinion." Japanese Journal of Political Science 16, no. 1 (February 10, 2015): 96–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109914000401.
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AbstractThis study examines Japanese reactions to neighboring countries’ behavior by addressing possible micro-motives, such as patriotism, the rational demand for national defense, and retrospective policy evaluation. This theoretical development leads to distinctive hypotheses from different motivations and directly tests them using macro-data (not survey data). This research will apply this framework to Japanese politics and will show that foreign threats stimulate patriotism in the public mind and enhance political support for national leaders. It will also demonstrate that the Japanese public has no optimistic view of the new prime minister and that the honeymoon effect in previous research may be confounded with the patriotic effect because the new leader is less experienced and is often challenged by foreign countries.
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Nikiporets-takigawa, Galina Yur'evna. "Japanese non-mainstream political discourse in the context of the latest Russia-Japan relations." Obshchestvennye nauki i sovremennost, no. 5 (December 15, 2023): 87–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869049923050076.
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The state and prospects of Russian-Japanese relations after the beginning of the Ukrainian crisis depend on both foreign and domestic political factors, including the views on geopolitical issues of Japanese political elites and also the degree of their independence relative to the US. The official Japanese political discourse is completely consolidated with the American after the beginning of the Ukrainian crisis. The opposition to mainstream discourse within Japan, its effectiveness and significance for Russian-Japanese relations is studied. Analysis of the expert opinion with help of in-depth interviewing, as well as secondary sources and public speeches are presented. The conclusion is that the support of the US and the unified Western narrative is due to the current leadership of PM F. Kishida, as well as the traditional weakness of the Japanese opposition under the dominance of the ruling LDP. The visibility of consolidation is also strengthened by specific conductors of mainstream discourse - the Japanese media. Nevertheless, for a number of representatives of the Japanese political opposition, the Ukrainian crisis has become a weighty argument in criticizing the official discourse. Non-mainstream discourse increases its influence on mainstream, as well as on Japanese public opinion. The research results are also important because in the current Russian-Japanese relations, Russia is willing to know the political actors and their activities, which can be relied on to normalize these relations and promote in Japan the Russian point of view on the Ukrainian crisis and the role of the US in it.
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Erskine, Kristopher C. "“American Public Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics: The Genesis of the China Lobby in the United States, and how Missionaries Shifted American Foreign Policy between 1938 and 1941”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 25, no. 1 (March 15, 2018): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02501003.
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The China Lobby in the United States attracted much scholarly attention after 1945, yet it found its footing in the late 1930s and played a critical role in re-shaping American public opinion prior to World War ii. Historians have devoted relatively little time to investigating this earlier period. The overwhelming majority of China’s lobbyists during these early years were American missionaries who the Chinese government often funded and managed. This article examines the role of two of those missionaries—Frank and Harry Price—and their American Committee for Non-Participation in Japanese Aggression. It relies on research in Taiwan, China, and in archives across the United States. The author also has interviewed members of the Price family, as well as former associates of Frank Price in the United States, Taiwan, and China. The evidence this article presents demonstrates that while difficult to quantify, the Price brothers played a crucial role in helping to re-shape American public opinion about China between 1938 and 1941.
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Kim, Yeon-Ok. "Japanese Media Reports and Perceptions of the Invasion of Gando: Focusing on the Yomiuri Shimbun." Korean Association For Japanese History 59 (December 31, 2022): 287–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.24939/kjh.2022.12.59.287.
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In this paper, through the Yomiuri Shimbun, the aspect of Japanese society‘s perception of Gando Invasion was reviewed during the period from departure (October 1920) to withdrawal(May 1921). What is the difference between this review and research based on reports or official records recorded by the Ministry of Army and Foreign Affairs? First, images based on reports or official documents from the Ministry of the Army describe the invasion of Gando as if the ’joint invasion‘ agreement between China and Japan went smoothly, but the actual situation revealed by the Yomiuri Shimbun met with strong ‘disapproval’ opposition from the Beijing government, making it difficult. It was a 'temporary understanding' obtained. In other words, only the pattern was a ‘joint invasion’, but in reality it was a ‘solo invasion’ of Japan.
Second, on November 2, two weeks after obtaining permission for ‘invasion’ the Japanese government had to accept the Chinese government’s request for “withdrawal.” However, the position of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which is concerned about security maintenance with the military stationed in the country, is to ‘delay withdrawal’ as much as possible or to obtain prior consent from the Chinese government for ‘re-invasion’ departure as a negotiating card. In response to this attitude of the Japanese side, the Chinese government continued to respond hard, calling it “excessive power” or “infringement of sovereignty.” It is only through the Yomiuri Shimbun that the reality of the Chinese government's strong protests and persistent negotiations against Japan's “crossing the line” was revealed.
Third, despite the protests from China, the Japanese side did not understand the promise of a speedy withdrawal and withdrawal of all members, and in the process of planning a strategy of delaying the withdrawal or dispatching replacement police officers, the ‘Invasion of Gando’ received global attention on the contrary spread public opinion. In particular, in the case of the UK, the ‘Gando issue’ was brought up as a topic of discussion in the parliament. However, the essence of the problem is not limited to the superficial wording of Mizumachi's statement or criticism of the military's extravagant diplomacy, but also avoided ascertaining the authenticity of the massacre of civilians, an inhumane act. It is dismissed as nothing more than ‘fabrication(捏造)’. This part can be said to be the limit of the perception of the Yomiuri Shimbun.
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Park, Deokyu, Anyong Lee, Sujung Kim, Youngmoon Kwon, Minyeong Song, Kyungyoung Nam, Hakbeom Kim, and Suyeon Lee. "A Study on Improvement of Public Language in the field of Sports." Korean Association For Learner-Centered Curriculum And Instruction 24, no. 7 (April 15, 2024): 627–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.22251/jlcci.2024.24.7.627.
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Objectives The purpose of this study, in terms of ‘Sports Terminology’ and ‘Terms related to Sports Human Rights’, is to allow public institutions and ordinary citizens to improve their understanding and use of difficult sports terms by selecting foreign languages, excessively abbreviated terms and new words that do not fit the grammar and refining them into easy-to-understand terms to promote and educate the general public.
Methods As for the research method, first, a terminology selection committee and terminology improvement committee were formed to select terms, and more than 400 sports-related terms were selected through the literature research method and replaced with refined words. Second, 100 refined words were selected from the selected terms through consultation with an expert committee. Third, a citizens’ review committee of 100 people was formed to analyze the acceptance survey of terms through surveys and interviews, and based on this, 50 terms were finalized by the specialized committee of public institutions, taking tin to account that they can be easily used across all sports or in various sports. Fourth, outputs with the finally confirmed terminology were produced and distributed to public institutions, related academic societies, and general citizens.
Results As a result of the study, first, the number of vocabulary words by language for collected terms subject to improvement was 323 English (78.2%), which accounted for the largest amount, 36 hybrid words (8.7%), 32 Chinese characters (7.7%), and 11 French (2.6%). In addition, incorrect Japanese and Chinese expressions and newly words were also included. Second, a total of 100 refined terms were selected, through consultation with the expert committee, by evaluating the selected terms based on the suitability of term selection and the accuracy and ease of term alternatives. Third, as a result of 50 terms selected by the citizens’ review committee based on the analysis of the acceptance survey of suitability and ease of use, sports terms adopted from difficult foreign words, abbreviates of Japanese words, or new words appeared at the top. Additionally, as a result of the interview survey, people responded that the process of refining difficult terms into easy terms was not only very good, but also refreshing and fun. Fourth, in order for the distribution and use of refined terms for people, academic societies, related institutions and businesses, the finally determined terms were actively promoted by producing three videos as well as booklets, pamphlets and posters containing terminology explanations and examples of terms, distributing them to people, and educating them.
Conclusions This study is valuable in that it produced and distributed outputs containing terminology commentary and examples for easy understanding and use in everyday life by selecting difficult terms related to sports and/or sports human rights. In addition, by reflecting the opinions of the expert committee and ordinary citizens, public institutions can become more familiar with such research, and through active communication with citizens, it is expected to contribute to the movement to improve the environment for using the Korean language in the future.
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Editors. "Foreword." Acta Linguistica Asiatica 11, no. 2 (July 30, 2021): 5–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ala.11.2.5-6.
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The Covid-19 pandemic imposes a new way of life on us, and in this new reality, we try in every way to find positive aspects for language studies in particular and science in general. One of such aspects is the switch to online scientific meetings and conferences, which have therefore become more accessible also to language enthusiasts from more remote locations. Besides, the already ongoing digitalization of linguistics in different respects, from teaching and learning materials, linguistic data collection, and others, only seems to accelerate in the situation. And finally, as unfortunate as it is, it nevertheless offers numerous new insights into our social lives. The summer issue of Volume 11 is dedicated though not limited to such insights. In the first article “A Comparative Corpus-Based Content Analysis of Head of Government Addresses in Response to the Covid-19 Pandemic: Japan and Western Countries” by Nagisa MORITOKI ŠKOF discussed the speakers’ perspectives and political orientation in public addresses made by heads of government in Japan, the USA, New Zealand, Germany, and Slovenia in response to the coronavirus disease. Following, SAWADA Hiroko and INOUE Rizu in their article “Network for Supporting Education of Foreign Children During Covid-19: Language Assessments as a Tool for Promoting Community Integration” introduce problems of the present Japanese education system, which does not adequately support children whose mother language is not Japanese. Their action research project in collaboration with several schools and one university proposed a support system through online media that would soften the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic. The third article in this issue was written by Oleg KALININ. “Comparative Analysis of Coronavirus Metaphoric Representation in Chinese and Russian Online Media” compared the coronavirus metaphorical image in the online media of China and Russia to find out that their basic difference is in discussing or not discussing the positive outcome of the coronavirus battle, which consequently impacts the public opinion. WANG Aiqing’s “Causation in Classical Chinese during the Warring States Period and in the Han Dynasty” explores causation in Classical Chinese and shows that the strategies to form causation structures are compatible with a prosodic theory, according to which agentive and causative constructions involving covert causative verbs are prosodic words, while those involving overt causative verbs exhibit properties of phrases. The article “’I Am Not Punjabi, My Parents Are’: Degradation of the Language of Dominant Majority” by Sham HAIDAR, Tehreem WALI, Tehreem TAHIR, and Mehwish PARVEEN discuss the present status and explore the predicament of the Punjabi language based on the findings that the Punjabi speakers themselves disown their language and the Punjabi identity due to social, economic, religious, and political reasons. Last but not least, Mária IŠTVÁNOVÁ in her article “On The Use of Corpora in Second Language Acquisition – Chinese as an Example” presents several language corpora and points out advantages of their use in the process of Chinese language acquisition together with some practical examples of the corpora's direct and indirect use for teaching and learning Chinese as a second language. Editors and Editorial board wish the regular and new readers of the ALA journal a pleasant read full of inspiration, and a rise of new research ideas inspired by these papers.
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Abenova, A. S. "PUBLIC OPINION AND EFFICIENCY OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION." BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 69, no. 1 (March 15, 2020): 80–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2020-1.1728-8940.11.
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The article discusses the concept of public opinion, its importance for the effective interaction of the state and various structures of civil society. Foreign methodologies, scientific theories and research, the development of the phenomenon of «public opinion» by foreign researchers, as well as an analysis of the effects of QMS on society. An attempt was also made to evaluate the experience of the Government of the Republic of Kazakhstan in optimizing public administration by introducing a system for assessing the effectiveness of government bodies.
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KABASHIMA, IKUO. "Opinion Polls in 2003." Japanese Journal of Political Science 4, no. 2 (November 2003): 357–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109903001191.
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On 26 April 2001, Junichiro Koizumi emerged as the new prime minister of Japan, representing the public's desire for economic recovery through fundamental structural change in Japanese politics. More than two years have passed since then, and Japan has seen neither significant economic revival nor major changes in its political and administrative structures. People's expectation and faith in this henjin (“weirdo” as labeled by Former Foreign Minister Makiko Tanaka) prime minister for rescuing Japan's economy has been greatly undermined as Japan's unemployment rate stays high and stock prices low. Japanese banks are performing poorly as usual, and bad loans seem to never go away or decrease in amount. Despite these seemingly critical shortcomings, however, Prime Minister Koizumi and his administration have maintained a high approval rate from the public.
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Lotchin, Roger W. "A Research Report." Southern California Quarterly 97, no. 4 (2015): 399–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ucpsocal.2015.97.4.399.
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Public opinion polls taken between 1939 and 1945 questioned Americans’ attitudes toward Japan and Germany and toward the people of Japan and Japanese Americans. The polls’ quantified responses provide previously overlooked data that should be taken into account by scholars of Japanese American and World War II history.
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Vezhlivtseva, N. Yu. "Public Opinion as an Instrument of Socio-Cultural Influence in the Debate on the «NATO Option» in Finland." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture, no. 1 (July 7, 2020): 164–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2020-1-13-164-171.
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The article analyzes how the attitude of the Finnish population to Finland’s policy of military non-alignment correlates with the official foreign strategy. The question of public opinion can act as a possible sociocultural tool for its change is examined. The author explains the main reasons for the formation of stable public opinion in favor of neutrality, based on national and cultural identity. The role of public opinion in the Finnish internal debate on the «NATO option» is shown. The thesis that public opinion plays only an auxiliary role in comparison with external circumstances affecting the foreign policy of Finland, which is widespread in research circles, is considered. The author argues that public opinion on Finland’s possible entry into NATO is crucial in two key ways. First, at present, it’s a factor supporting the stable foreign policy decision, which is carried out by the state government. Secondly, in the future, public opinion may become a factor capable, under certain conditions of having a significant impact on the change of the Finnish course in foreign and security policy. The second option assumes that public opinion can play its own role by changing the pre-planned foreign policy scenario.
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Kyung, Jeihee. "The Japanese Public Opinion and the Foreign and Security Policies under the Abe Administration." Korean Journal of Japanese Dtudies 19 (August 15, 2018): 372–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.29154/ilbi.2018.19.372.
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Gaubatz, Kurt Taylor. "Intervention and Intransitivity: Public Opinion, Social Choice, and the Use of Military Force Abroad." World Politics 47, no. 4 (July 1995): 534–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100015203.
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This article argues that the problems identified in the literature on public choice should critically affect our research on public opinion and our understanding of the impact of public opinion on foreign policy. While a robust literature has emerged around social choice issues in political science, there has been remarkably little appreciation for these problems in the literature on public opinion in general and on public opinion and foreign policy in particular. The potential importance of social choice problems for understanding the nature and role of public opinion in foreign policy making is demonstrated through an examination of American public attitudes about military intervention abroad. In particular, drawing on several common descriptions of the underlying dimensionality of public attitudes on major foreign policy issues, it is shown that there may be important intransitivities in the ordering of public preferences at the aggregate level on policy choices such as those considered by American decision makers in the period leading up to the Gulf War. Without new approaches to public-opinion polling that take these problems into consideration, it will be difficult to make credible claims about the role of public opinion in theforeignpolicy process.
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Chilton, Adam S., Helen V. Milner, and Dustin Tingley. "Reciprocity and Public Opposition to Foreign Direct Investment." British Journal of Political Science 50, no. 1 (December 22, 2017): 129–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123417000552.
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Prior international political economy public opinion research has primarily examined how economic and socio-cultural factors shape individuals’ views on the flows of goods, people and capital. This research has largely ignored whether individuals also care about rewarding or punishing foreign countries for their policies on these issues. We tested this possibility by administering a series of conjoint and traditional survey experiments in the United States and China that examined how reciprocity influences opposition to foreign acquisitions of domestic companies. We find that reciprocity is an important determinant of public opinion on the regulation of foreign investments. This suggests the need to consider the policies that other countries adopt when trying to explain public attitudes toward global economic integration.
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Obasogie, Henry, and Ngozi Okeibunor. "Appraisal of Public Opinion in Foreign Policy Making: Nigeria and United States of America as a Focal Point." NIU Journal of Social Sciences 10, no. 1 (March 31, 2024): 99–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.58709/niujss.v10i1.1794.
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Public opinion plays an unprecedented role in foreign policy making in Africa as well as in other advanced and sophisticated nations in the international system. However, in the United States of America and Nigeria, empirical evidence shows that public opinion has little or no significant effects on foreign policy decision-making. Several reasons abound for this, some of these reasons are the unwillingness of the political elites to embrace transparency, accountability, and inclusive governance. The study therefore examines the views of scholars on the role of public opinion in foreign policy making in the United States of America and Nigeria. The secondary source of data collection was adopted, data include archival materials, periodical publications, books, and the internet. Most of these materials were sourced through an extensive use of specialized library facilities of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA). The research is descriptive and analytical. The study recommends that the American and Nigerian governments should encourage public opinion in foreign policy making. The researcher also recommend that scholars of International Relations should focus in their research on the role of Government in allowing the input of the public in both domestic and international politics. Keywords: Public Opinion, Foreign Policy, policy, United States of America, Nigeria.
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Yoshimura, Harumasa. "Study of measurement errors of Cabinet Office opinion survey." Impact 2021, no. 2 (February 26, 2021): 6–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21820/23987073.2021.2.6.
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Public opinion surveys are important for gauging the feelings and behaviours of societies. However, there is the possibility of error, which means that the data collected may not accurately reflect the thoughts and opinions of society, which can have dangerous repercussions. In order to minimise such error, with a specific focus on the Japanese Government's Cabinet Office public opinion survey, Professor Harumasa Yoshimura, Nara University, Japan, is investigating measurement error and, in doing so, he hopes to more accurately reflect the true opinions of Japanese society. This research involves integrating the different factors that can affect the reliability of survey results and looking at non-sampling error, which refers to human mistakes. Yoshimura is proposing a new style of social research that integrates psychometric research with sociological community surveys and believes this is the key to enhancing the reliability of public opinion surveys. Ultimately, improving the accuracy of public opinion surveys will have far-reaching benefits that include more accurately depicting thoughts and behaviours and therefore improving awareness of Japanese society, as well as preventing the negative impacts that inaccurate opinion survey results can have, including the political utilisation of academic endeavours.
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Payne, Rodger A. "Public Opinion and Foreign Threats: Eisenhower's Response to Sputnik." Armed Forces & Society 21, no. 1 (October 1994): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x9402100106.
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Stegnii, Oleksandr. "Environmental public opinion: methodological principles of research." Sociology: Theory, Methods, Marketing, no. 2 (June 2024): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/sociology2024.02.111.
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Based on the structural analysis of the toolkit of the foreign monitoring studies, the methodological principles of measuring environmental public opinion are analyzed. Modern developments of socio-psychological models for predicting environmental concern and patterns of environmental behavior, the influence of the social context on environmental activism, the influence of methods of measuring environmental concern on conclusions regarding the relationship between material and post-material values are considered in detail. It is noted that traditional indicators of environmental concern are replaced by tools of sociological measurement of environmental awareness, primarily of anthropocentrism and its relationship with ecocentrism. The need to transition from the (post-Soviet) ecological paradigm to the modern European one, the synchronization of advancement to full membership in the EU with the transit of Ukrainian society from the patronage to the liberal model of democracy determine the features of the social context of measuring environmental public opinion in Ukraine. The specified features of the social context require a radical revision of the methodological principles of measuring environmental public opinion with relevant sociological indicators. First, we are talking about the development of indicators of environmental democracy, such as the level of access to environmental information, participation in the adoption of environmentally important decisions, and access to justice on environmental issues. It is argued that the main task of monitoring environmental public opinion is to identify the dynamics of social changes as a derivative of anthropogenic impact on the environment, to adjust environmental policy considering the existing ecological orientations of the population.
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Chunjuan, Wang, and Zhu Xiao. "RESEARCH ON THE GOVERNANCE OF GOVERNMENT NETWORK PUBLIC OPINION IN THE AGE OF BIG DATA." Journal on Innovation and Sustainability RISUS 11, no. 3 (October 19, 2020): 4–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.23925/2179-3565.2020v11i3p04-12.
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With the popularization of mobile terminals, information is becoming more and more unimpeded, along with the advent of the era of big data. It brings both opportunities and challenges to the governance of government network public opinion. Using the literature research methodology and the case analysis, combing the research results of domestic and foreign scholars, this paper analyzes the current situation of the network public opinion governance, concludes that having initially built a big data platform for network public opinion and realized the transformation from managing to governing network public opinion, the government strengthens the awareness of the rule of law of network public opinion gradually. Also, it is believed that the government has not fully grasped the opportunity brought about by the big data, with idea, technology as well as ethical dilemma remaining. Finally, from the three aspects it provides development strategies for the government to create a healthy and green network public opinion ecology.
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Clements, Ben. "Religion and Ethnic Minority Attitudes in Britain toward the War in Afghanistan." Politics and Religion 6, no. 1 (February 11, 2013): 25–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s175504831200065x.
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AbstractPublic opinion research has demonstrated that minority religious and ethnic groups hold distinctive preferences on foreign policy issues, including military interventions in the Cold War and post-Cold War eras. There has been little scholarly research in Britain into the attitudes of minority groups on foreign policy issues. This article uses a nationally-representative survey of the ethnic minority population in Britain to examine the sources of public opinion towards the war in Afghanistan. Using multivariate analysis, it finds strong effects for religious affiliation, religiosity and political alienation. There is also evidence of a “gender gap” and age-related differences. The paper contributes to the literature on the impact of religion on public opinion and foreign policy and to analysis of the political attitudes of minority groups in Britain.
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Chow, Wilfred M., Enze Han, and Xiaojun Li. "Brexit identities and British public opinion on China." International Affairs 95, no. 6 (November 1, 2019): 1369–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz191.
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Abstract Many studies have explored the importance of public opinion in British foreign policy decision-making, especially when it comes to the UK's relations with the United States and the European Union. Despite its importance, there is a dearth of research on public opinion about British foreign policy towards other major players in the international system, such as emerging powers like China. We have addressed this knowledge gap by conducting a public opinion survey in the UK after the Brexit referendum. Our research findings indicate that the British public at large finds China's rise disconcerting, but is also pragmatic in its understanding of how the ensuing bilateral relations should be managed. More importantly, our results show that views on China are clearly split between the two opposing Brexit identities. Those who subscribe strongly to the Leave identity, measured by their aversion to the EU and antipathy towards immigration, are also more likely to hold negative perceptions of Chinese global leadership and be more suspicious of China as a military threat. In contrast, those who espouse a Remain identity—that is, believe that Britain would be better served within the EU and with more immigrants—are more likely to prefer closer engagement with China and to have a more positive outlook overall on China's place within the global community.
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Lučić, Novak. "PUBLIC OPINION AND EFFECTS OF DIRECT FOREIGN INVESTMENTS IN MACEDONIA." Knowledge International Journal 29, no. 1 (February 28, 2019): 27–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij2901027l.
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Foreign Direct Investments (FDI) reviewed from aspect f the country towards which they are directed, carry positive, but also potential negative effects. The research, whose results are presented in this work, includes evaluation of the attitude and of the public opinion and business establishments in the companies which are a result of the FDI, regardin the effects from the FDI and the overall significance for the economic and social development of Macedonia. The results of the research show that most of of the population is partially, as much as it is present in the media for public information, familiar with the FDI in Macedonia. Most frequent reasons for not being informed are the lack of interest, social elements, and the opinion that the information about the FDI in Macedonia is inspired politically, for promoting the government. The largest part of the population believes that the attitude towards the FDI should not be judged as positive or negative in advance, but the and that the effects from the FDI should be analyzed for each specific case. The most significant effect from the the FDI in Macedonia is the employment increase, both according to the public opinion and the business establishments of the FDI-resulted companies. Besides contributing to the employment, other most significant positive effects from the FDIs in Macedonia are: transfer of new technologies, transfer of knowledge, managerial experiences and skills of the foreign investors; positive influence of the FDI for strenghtening the competitiveness in the macedonian economy, better material position of the employees and indirectly, to a better social standard. The most significant negative effects which the FDIs could have in Macedonia are reaching profit on account of smaller salaries for the employees, avoiding tax responsibilities, arrangements with the authorities and possible influence on the political flows by the direct foreign investors in order to reach positive business environment by damaging other companies, whereas the public opinion evaluates as the biggest negative effect – reaching profit though small salaries to the employees, while the business establichment – the possible influence on the political flows in order to achieve appropriate business environment.
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GOLDSMITH, BENJAMIN E. "Regime Type, Post-Materialism, and International Public Opinion about US Foreign Policy: The Afghan and Iraqi Wars." Japanese Journal of Political Science 7, no. 1 (March 31, 2006): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109905002033.
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Previous research (e.g., Horiuchi, Goldsmith, and Inoguchi, 2005) has shown some intriguing patterns of effects of several variables on international public opinion about US foreign policy. But results for the theoretically appealing effects of regime type and post-materialist values have been weak or inconsistent. This paper takes a closer look at the relationship between these two variables and international public opinion about US foreign policy. In particular, international reaction to the wars in Afghanistan (2001) and Iraq (2003) are examined using two major multinational surveys. The conclusions of previous research are largely reinforced: neither regime type nor post-materialist values appears to robustly influence global opinion on these events. Rather, some central interests, including levels of trade with the US and NATO membership, and key socialized factors, including a Muslim population, experience with terrorism, and the exceptional experiences of two states (Israel, Albania) emerge as the most important factors in the models. There is also a consistent backlash effect of security cooperation with the US outside of NATO. A discussion of these preliminary results points to their theoretical implications and their significance for further investigation into the transnational dynamics of public opinion and foreign policy.
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Yu, Xuekun. "On the Impact of Public Opinion Monitoring on Judicial Justice." Journal of Education and Educational Research 3, no. 2 (May 31, 2023): 140–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/jeer.v3i2.9062.
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In the forty years of reform and opening up, China's economy has developed rapidly, people's living standards have been rising, and people have begun to pursue spiritual needs and pay attention to current affairs. Since China put forward the rule of law, people began to gradually pay attention to judicial activities. Judicial justice is the last line of defence to safeguard social justice. Over the years, as people's awareness of the law and the concept of the rule of law have increased, the supervision of judicial activities by public opinion has become more and more important. Public opinion supervision is a kind of legal supervision and belongs to social supervision, which plays an important role in judicial justice. However, this kind of public opinion supervision has both its positive and negative effects on judicial justice. The first chapter introduces the definition of public opinion monitoring and judicial justice, the second chapter discusses the positive and negative effects of public opinion monitoring on judicial justice, the third chapter introduces the relevant legal provisions in foreign countries, and the fourth chapter presents the author's suggestions on the negative effects of public opinion monitoring, drawing on foreign experiences. The author hopes that the research in this paper will enable public opinion monitoring in China to better promote judicial justice.
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Damayanti, Trie, Susanne Dida, Dadang Rahmat Hidayat, and Sung Kyum Cho. "Malaysian medical tourism communication in shaping Indonesian public opinion." Jurnal Kajian Komunikasi 9, no. 2 (December 29, 2021): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/jkk.v9i2.35852.
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Malaysia is developing medical tourism as a tourism industry aimed at foreign tourists. For this tourism industry, Malaysia makes Indonesia as one of the tourist targets that are expected to bring foreign exchange for the country. Data shows that Indonesians are the largest contributor of tourists visiting Malaysia for treatment. This shows the trust of Indonesian citizens in the health services of the neighboring country. The concept of tourism communication mentions that to achieve the success of medical tourism at least several things are needed that can be fulfilled, namely: competitive prices, available human resources for medical services, the existence of research and development of medical capabilities, infrastructure development, state institutions that support medical tourism, a supportive market economy, the ability to bring together present-day medical technology with traditional, and tourist attractions. Things that are built through tourism communication itself are expected to produce a public opinion about tourist destinations, where this public opinion is the first step in the formation of a country’s brand. This study uses a survey method, which involves about 96 respondents who are on the islands of Sumatra and Java. Use descriptive analysis techniques to explore results. The results obtained by not all components in tourism communication for medical tourism are seen as influencing Indonesian opinion on Malaysian medical tourism. The strangest thing that comes to the view of the Indonesian people is Malaysia’s credibility on health services, the credibility of doctors, the equipment used, the ability to convey information, adequate infrastructure, and the beauty of tourist destinations. Most opinions state that Malaysia can show as a country that successfully develops tourist confidence in the health services offered. The implication of this research is that the opinion of foreign nationals in a country greatly affects the image of that country in the international world.
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Kim, Ji Young, Wenxin Li, and Seunghee Lee. "Making Sense of Japan’s Export Restrictions against South Korea." Asian Survey 61, no. 4 (July 2021): 683–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.4.683.
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Why did Japanese Prime Minister Abe impose controversial export restrictions after rulings by the South Korean Supreme Court on wartime forced laborers? This article answers this question through the lens of domestic symbolism in economic sanctions studies. We argue that domestic political calculations led the Japanese government to adopt hawkish measures against South Korea. Abe wanted to ensure continued support from his constituents and to win the upcoming election. A series of political reforms since the early 1990s have empowered the prime minister and made LDP politicians pay more attention to public opinion than to factional topography. Strong anti-Korean sentiment among the Japanese public reduced the leadership’s concerns about the audience costs of economic countermeasures. Through an examination of the interplay among various domestic actors over the policy measure, this study provides insights on how domestic symbolism can serve as an origin of foreign policy decision-making in democracies.
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Boduszyński, Mieczysław P., Christopher K. Lamont, and Philip Streich. "The Limited Role of the Japanese Military: The 2003 Iraq War and the War on the Islamic State." International Journal of East Asian Studies 10, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/ijeas.vol10no2.1.
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What determines Japan's willingness to flex its limited military muscle abroad? While analysts and scholars closely watched Japanese "militarization" under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe (2012-2020), Japan had already deployed its military overseas over a decade ago in support of U.S. operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. By contrast, in 2014, Japan was unwilling to support U.S.-led operations against the Islamic State (ISIL) in Iraq and Syria. This presents a puzzle, as the fight against ISIL offered the kind of international legitimacy that the 2003 Iraq invasion lacked, and Japan traditionally seeks. Moreover, ISIL had killed Japanese citizens. This paper explains Japan's varying policies in Iraq in 2003 and 2014, thereby shedding light on the determinants of Japanese national security policy more generally. Our argument focuses on domestic political factors (especially the pluralist foreign policymaking) and strategic thinking rooted in realism. We argue that Japanese policies are driven by domestic politics, profound suspicions about the utility of military force and fears of becoming entangled in a seemingly never-ending conflict. While Koizumi may have had more room to manoeuvre despite long-standing public opposition to overseas military deployments when he dispatched the SDF to Iraq in 2003, it is precisely such deeply-entrenched popular anathema that many blame for the Liberal Democratic Party's (LDP) historic and devastating loss in the 2009 election. Abe was unwilling to repeat such a risky venture in 2014. We also highlight the role of realist calculations on both Japanese elites and the public, who by 2014 had come to see China rather than state or non-state actors in the Middle East as a primary security threat. We thus confirm Midford's finding that "defensive realism" tends to drive Japanese foreign policy thinking. Japanese citizens are not pacifists, as conventional wisdom might hold. Instead, Japanese public opinion supports the use of minimum military force when and if Japan is attacked to defend Japan's national sovereignty and territory but is much more suspicious of such power when it comes to deployments and the pursuit of other foreign policy goals.
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Ocadiz-Amador, Veronica. "The challenge of Foreign Investment in Mexico: Between Theory and Public Opinion. An Analysis of Perception and Challenges Regarding FDI as a Source of Innovation." International Journal of Professional Business Review 9, no. 1 (January 23, 2024): e03452. http://dx.doi.org/10.26668/businessreview/2024.v9i1.3452.
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Purpose: This research explores the public opinion of online news consumers, expressed through Facebook comments, regarding Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) as a source of innovation in Mexico. The study seeks to comprehend the challenges faced by FDI in the country and their potential impact on the public perception of FDI as a driver of innovation in the Mexican economy. Theoretical Framework: This study examines previous research that explores FDI as a source of innovation in host economies, aiming to provide the context necessary for understanding how the public perceives the role of foreign resources in fostering innovation in Mexico. Design/Methodology/Approach: The methodology employed in this research was the phenomenological design of a qualitative approach to analyze interactions and comments on Facebook from users who consume online news related to FDI in Mexico. The aim was to identify patterns and trends in public opinion regarding the perception of FDI as a source of innovation. Findings: The theoretical perspective suggests that FDI can foster innovation in host countries; however, an analysis of public perception revealed challenges and controversies associated with FDI in the Mexican economy. Research, Practical & Social Implications: The comprehension of public opinion regarding FDI as a source of innovation allows the establishment of suitable strategies for the integration of Mexican companies into the international market. Originality/Value: This paper offers a perspective to understand how public opinion of FDI can influence its role as a catalyst for innovation in the Mexican economy.
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Gravelle, Timothy B. "Love Thy Neighbo(u)r? Political Attitudes, Proximity and the Mutual Perceptions of the Canadian and American Publics." Canadian Journal of Political Science 47, no. 1 (March 2014): 135–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423914000171.
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AbstractThere has been renewed interest in recent years in both the foreign perceptions of the United States as well as the foreign policy attitudes of the American public. In this light, it is interesting to observe that there is a substantial body of research on Canadian public opinion toward the United States but relatively little on American public opinion toward Canada. Further, most literature neglects the effect of spatial proximity to the other country on perceptions. This article addresses both shortcomings in the literature. It investigates the mutual perceptions of the Canadian and American publics drawing on public opinion data from both Canada and the US. The explanation of attitudes toward the other country has three main foci: the roles of political party identification and political ideology; the role of spatial proximity to the Canada–US border; and the interactive relationship between political attitudes and border proximity.
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Ocadiz-Amador, Veronica. "The Challenge of Foreign Investment in Mexico: Between Theory and Public Opinion. An Analysis of Perception and Challenges Regarding Fdi As A Source of Innovation." Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental 18, no. 5 (March 13, 2024): e05396. http://dx.doi.org/10.24857/rgsa.v18n5-003.
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Purpose: This research explores the public opinion of online news consumers, expressed through Facebook comments, regarding Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) as a source of innovation in Mexico. The study seeks to comprehend the challenges faced by FDI in the country and their potential impact on the public perception of FDI as a driver of innovation in the Mexican economy.
Theoretical Framework: This study examines previous research that explores FDI as a source of innovation in host economies, aiming to provide the context necessary for understanding how the public perceives the role of foreign resources in fostering innovation in Mexico.
Design/Methodology/Approach: The methodology employed in this research was the phenomenological design of a qualitative approach to analyze interactions and comments on Facebook from users who consume online news related to FDI in Mexico. The aim was to identify patterns and trends in public opinion regarding the perception of FDI as a source of innovation.
Findings: The theoretical perspective suggests that FDI can foster innovation in host countries; however, an analysis of public perception revealed challenges and controversies associated with FDI in the Mexican economy.
Research, Practical & Social Implications: The comprehension of public opinion regarding FDI as a source of innovation allows the establishment of suitable strategies for the integration of Mexican companies into the international market.
Originality/Value: This paper offers a perspective to understand how public opinion of FDI can influence its role as a catalyst for innovation in the Mexican economy.
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He, Bo, Xingsheng Jiang, Dali Tang, Jingxuan Zhou, and Lei Wang. "The Study of Online Public Opinion Method Based on Emotional Analysis and CNN." Journal of Computing and Electronic Information Management 11, no. 1 (July 10, 2023): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/jceim.v11i1.9475.
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The study of online public opinion has received widespread attention both domestically and internationally. By analyzing the research and development trends of emotional online public opinion, the aim is to provide research hotspots and directions for scholars in related fields, and to provide theoretical knowledge support and reference for future in-depth research and development. This article first uses statistics and CiteSpace to visually analyze the number of domestic and foreign literature publications, topic hotspots, and research keywords in this research field, and uses literature analysis to summarize and analyze research technology and methods at home and abroad. Then, by organizing relevant research literature at home and abroad, the future research and development directions in this field were summarized. Finally, from an emotional perspective, the domestic and international research on online public opinion is described, and the research points of relevant scholars are analyzed, providing reference and assistance for future researchers moving towards this field.
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Chapman, Hannah S., and Theodore P. Gerber. "Opinion-Formation and Issue-Framing Effects of Russian News in Kyrgyzstan." International Studies Quarterly 63, no. 3 (July 12, 2019): 756–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqz046.
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Abstract Powerful countries use foreign media broadcasts to enhance their soft power, yet there is scant empirical evidence as to whether such efforts actually sway public opinion abroad. Moreover, researchers have not specified conditions that may shape variations in the influence of foreign broadcasts and internet. We propose a theory that predicts, respectively, opinion-formation and issue-framing effects of foreign broadcasts as functions of the pervasiveness and familiarity of the issues they cover. We test our hypotheses by examining the potential effects of exposure to Russia-sourced broadcasts on views of Russia and other foreign policy issues in Kyrgyzstan, a most likely case of foreign media effects. Using an original, nationally representative survey conducted in Kyrgyzstan in 2015, we find that the influence of Russian media on Kyrgyzstani opinions varies according to the pervasiveness and familiarity of the issues at stake and is more limited than traditionally believed. The modest and conditional effects of foreign media in this particularly favorable environment cast doubt on the assumption that media are a soft-power tool “par excellence” and call for further research on how media can be used effectively for public diplomacy.
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Nelidov, V. V. "The “Nixon China Shock” in the Mirror of Japanese Domestic Politics." MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, no. 6 (January 1, 2020): 61–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-6-69-61-77.
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The “Nixon China Shock” (the July 15, 1971 statement by the U.S. President R. Nixon about the recent trip of his National Security Advisor H. Kissinger to the PRC and about the President’s upcoming visit there) became one of the pivotal points in the history of Japanese foreign policy and contributed to Tokyo becoming more independent from Washington in its diplomatic course. Using the case of Japan’s reaction to this event, the article explores the characteristic features of the foreign policy making process in post-war Japan and demonstrates the considerable influence of these features on the character of Japanese foreign policy of the so-called “1955 System” period (the prolonged and continuous dominance of the conservative Liberal Democratic Party in 1955-93). The paper shows the decentralization of the foreign policy making process, expressed in the limited ability of the Prime Minister to determine foreign policy, the presence of considerable internal contradictions in the MoFA of Japan, the factionalism of the ruling party, and the high degree of dependency of the government’s policy course on the public opinion. It proves that these factors were one of the reasons for Japan’s political leadership avoiding decisive actions to normalize relations with the PRC before the “Nixon shock”, cautious that it might damage its relations with the U.S. and unable to discern the signs of upcoming U.S.-Chinese détente, and after this event, vice versa, making every effort to normalize its relations with Beijing as soon as possible, reaching this goal even before their American partners did. Given the historical importance of the “1955 System” for contemporary Japanese politics, the article’s conclusions are significant for the understanding of the logic of Japan’s domestic politics and foreign policy of the entire post-war period.Author declares the absence of conflict of interests.
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Zaręba, Agnieszka. "Misje stabilizacyjne w badaniach opinii publicznej w Europie Środkowej na przykładzie społeczeństwa polskiego po 1989 roku." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 2 (December 2021): 349–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.2.17.
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The purpose of this article is to analyse changes in public opinion polls about the participation of the Polish Army in stabilization missions after 1989. The research material consists of two parts. The first includes CBOS surveys from 1994 to 2016 and the second part includes a research project entitled “Political preferences. Attitudes – identifications – behaviour” carried out in 2018. After municipal elections in 2018, respondents answered questions prepared as part of a questionnaire based on a five-point Likert scale. The respondents answered the question: In your opinion, does Poland’s engagement in foreign stabilization missions ensure Poland’s security? and evaluated the statement: I support Polish involvement in foreign stabilization missions. The overview of CBOS surveys and questions within the project shows the analysis of the fluctuation of views on the participation of the Polish Army in the activities abroad. As a result of the research, it can be pointed out that the Polish public opinion undergoes numerous changes under the influence of the dynamics of the international situation, the feeling of threat and destabilization, as well as historical conditions.
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Merkulova, Tamara, and Maryna Martynenko. "SOCIOECONOMIC POLICY EVALUATION: PARTISANSHIP AND PARTISAN BIAS EFFECT." 65, no. 65 (July 11, 2023): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2524-2547-2023-65-01.
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Public support of socioeconomic reforms is one of the most important factors for their successful implementation, and conversely, lack of public approval doesn’t allow achieving the expected effect and may result in negative externalities. In this regard, it is relevant to study the origins of people’s opinions and factors affecting their evaluation of social and economic policies. This paper is devoted to the following aspects of this multidimensional problem as partisanship and partisan bias. Their research has been actively promoted by foreign scientists, but so far presented extremely limited in Ukrainian literature. In this paper the critical review of foreign scientific papers devoted to this topic is presented; the main hypotheses about the influence of party identification on public opinion and the effect of partisan bias are highlighted; features of the methodology are noted and research results are summarized. The methodology used by foreign specialists for research of this problem is based on experimental methods, among them the main place belongs to laboratory experiments. A laboratory experiment means observing people’s behavior (participants’ behavior) under strictly controlled conditions when the influence of uncontrolled factors is limited to a minimum. In foreign studies of partisan bias and its influence on citizens' evaluation of socioeconomic policies, laboratory experiments serve as the main tool for testing hypotheses. The results of the research give evidence, on the one hand, that the partisan bias mechanism provides wide possibilities to manipulate the people’s opinion and public opinion in general, on the other hand, that correct objective information about the policy content and goals can significantly weaken the partisan bias effect. Foreign studies prove that party signal influence depends on the people’s properties, policy content, political systems, and party characteristics. In Ukraine, there is a lack its own research in this field, however, as democratic institutions, civil society, and people’s political consciousness and activity develop, these studies become more relevant to the political and economic life in Ukrainian society.
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Streltsov, D. V. "Russian-Japanese Relations: Long-Term Development Factors." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 3 (July 8, 2020): 68–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-3-72-68-85.
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The article analyzes long-term external and internal factors determining the course of development of Russian-Japanese relations in 2019-2020. On the one hand, the anti-Russian component in Tokyo's foreign policy is shaped by its membership in the Security Treaty with the United States and its solidarity with the sanctions policy of the Group of Seven towards Russia. On the other hand, Japan and Russia are both interested interest in political cooperation in creating multilateral dialog mechanisms of international security in East Asia, resolving the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula, and easing tensions around territorial disputes in the East China and South China seas. Among the economic factors, the author focuses on the significant place of Russia in the context of Japan's task of diversifying sources of external energy supplies, as well as on Russia's desire to avoid unilateral dependence on the Chinese market while reorienting the system of foreign economic relations from the West to the East. Personal diplomacy of political leaders plays a significant role in relations between Russia and Japan, and, above all, close personal relationships and frequent meetings between Prime Minister Abe and President Putin, which make it possible to partially compensate the unfavorable image of the partner country in the public opinion of both Russia and Japan. Against the background of a deadlock in the Peace Treaty talks which emerged in 2019, the search for a way out of the diplomatic impasse is on the agenda. In the author's opinion, it would be appropriate at the first stage to proceed to the conclusion of a basic agreement on the basis bilateral relations, which would be "untied" from the Peace Treaty. In addition, Russia could stop criticizing Japan for its security policy and show greater understanding of the Japanese initiative in the field of quality infrastructure. In turn, Japan could take a number of strategic decisions on cooperation with Russia and announce them in the Prime Minister's keynote speech. In addition, Tokyo could stop positioning the issue of the peace Treaty as the main issue in relations with Russia, which would allow our countries to "untie" bilateral relations from the problem of border demarcation and focus on their positive agenda.
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Skokov, R. Yu. "Behavioral design practical application: product policy, public opinion." IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 1069, no. 1 (August 1, 2022): 012044. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/1069/1/012044.
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Abstract Behavioral product design is critical to integrated product policy and opens up new opportunities for manufacturers, consumers and society in whole. Behavioral design theory since the 90s of the XIX century evolved as a synthesis of physiological theory of reflexes and reinforcement, psychoanalytic theory of the crowd and operational conditioning, theories of public opinion management and organizational change, institutional concepts of consumer behavior, computerization and the development of data networks. In foreign practice, behavioral design is used in building human interaction with digital devices, architecture, reducing the crime rate, protecting against errors in organizing processes in healthcare, creating energy-saving and resource-saving products, creating eco-friendly products, increasing the safety of using products, solving problems associated with coronavirus, reduction of screen time, impact on public opinion, creation of virtual products for healthcare, education, welfare. In Russian practice, the potential of behavioral design is not realized. The research methodology is based on the combination of classical and multidisciplinary scientific approaches, including methods of behavioral economics, institutionalism and consumer marketing.
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Xu, Yiqing, and Jiannan Zhao. "The power of history: How a victimization narrative shapes national identity and public opinion in China." Research & Politics 10, no. 2 (April 2023): 205316802311548. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680231154837.
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We study the effect of a victimization narrative on national identity and public opinion in China experimentally. Previous research has suggested that governments can shape public opinion by guiding citizens’ collective memories of historical events, but few studies have established a clear causal link. By conducting an online survey experiment among 1890 urban Chinese citizens, we examine the causal impact of historical narratives on political attitudes. We find that, compared to control conditions, a narrative focusing on China’s humiliating past in the late Qing significantly reinforces respondents’ attachment to the victim side of the Chinese national identity, raises suspicion of the intention of foreign governments in international disputes, stimulates preference for more hawkish foreign policies, and strengthens support for China’s current political system. These effects are particularly strong among respondents without a college degree.
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Tomz, Michael, Jessica L. P. Weeks, and Keren Yarhi-Milo. "Public Opinion and Decisions About Military Force in Democracies." International Organization 74, no. 1 (December 6, 2019): 119–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818319000341.
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AbstractMany theories of international relations assume that public opinion exerts a powerful effect on foreign policy in democracies. Previous research, based on observational data, has reached conflicting conclusions about this foundational assumption. We use experiments to examine two mechanisms—responsiveness and selection—through which opinion could shape decisions about the use of military force. We tested responsiveness by asking members of the Israeli parliament to consider a crisis in which we randomized information about public opinion. Parliamentarians were more willing to use military force when the public was in favor and believed that contravening public opinion would entail heavy political costs. We tested selection by asking citizens in Israel and the US to evaluate parties/candidates, which varied randomly on many dimensions. In both countries, security policy proved as electorally significant as economic and religious policy, and far more consequential than nonpolicy considerations such as gender, race, and experience. Overall, our experiments in two important democracies imply that citizens can affect policy by incentivizing incumbents and shaping who gets elected.
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SUNDICH, M. "IMPACT OF PUBLIC DISCOURSE AND INFORMATION FLOWS ON THE FORMATION OF PUBLIC OPINION (on the example of the countries of the former Yugoslavia)." Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 18, no. 1 (2023): 109–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2071-2367-2023-18-1-109-124.
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The purpose of the study is to show the influence of public discourse on the formation of public opinion based on the analysis of the media content of Serbia, Croatia and Montenegro about the special military operation of Russia in Ukraine. The article examines the information policy of the state media of the countries of the former Yugoslavia and attempts to analyze the author's commentary activity of the media audience in order to identify the public position on relevant issues of the subject field of the study. The author's analysis of the relevant commentary activity of the media audience of the states - objects of research is presented. The specificity of the formation of an opinion about the Russian foreign policy in the traditional and new media of Serbia, Croatia and Montenegro is shown. The result is the methods and techniques used by the media to form public opinion, the specifics of the information policy, which is interconnected with the foreign policy of the state. The differences in the perception of events in Ukraine by Croatian and Serbian citizens, as well as the confrontation of public positions in Montenegro, are shown. Data are presented on the correlation of internal and external (geopolitical) factors in the formation of public opinion in the Montenegrin society. Particular attention is paid to the possibilities of expanding the Russian presence in the media segments of the countries of the former Yugoslavia. The materials of the article can become the basis for developing a strategy for Russia's information presence in the European segments of the media space.
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JACOBS, LAWRENCE R., and BENJAMIN I. PAGE. "Who Influences U.S. Foreign Policy?" American Political Science Review 99, no. 1 (February 2005): 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305540505152x.
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Research in international relations has identified a variety of actors who appear to influence U.S. foreign policy, including experts and “epistemic communities,” organized interests (especially business and labor), and ordinary citizens or “public opinion.” This research, however, has often focused on a single factor at a time, rather than systematically testing the relative importance of alternative possible influences. Using extensive survey data gathered over three decades we conduct a comparative test, attempting to account for the expressed foreign policy preferences of policy makers by means of the preferences of the general public and those of several distinct sets of elites. The results of cross-sectional and time-lagged analyses suggest that U.S. foreign policy is most heavily and consistently influenced by internationally oriented business leaders, followed by experts (who, however, may themselves be influenced by business). Labor appears to have significant but smaller impacts. The general public seems to have considerably less effect, except under particular conditions. These results generally hold over several different analytical models (including two-observation time series) and different clusters of issues (economic, military, and diplomatic), with some variations across different institutional settings (the U.S. House, Senate, and executive branch).
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Pahlavi, Pierre. "Evaluating Public Diplomacy Programmes." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 2, no. 3 (2007): 255–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119007x240523.
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AbstractThe new operational environment generated by the mass media revolution and the advent of the global information society lays the ground for a generalized re-emergence of public diplomacy (PD). After having been dismantled during the 1990s, this branch of foreign policy is undergoing a redevelopment phase within the chancelleries of many states around the globe. The growing salience of public opinion and the exponential development of the new information and communication technologies predispose this diplomacy of persuasion to play an increasing role at the forefront of twenty-first century international relations.Inspite of the increased importance that public diplomacy is acquiring, the question of its real effectiveness nevertheless remains unanswered. For the moment, governments are still unable to determine to what extent their PD initiatives are able to influence foreign audiences or contribute to the achievement of their foreign policy goals. Without a valid evaluation tool, PD will remain condemned to play a secondary role within states' foreign policy systems. This article addresses the main aspects of this issue by analysing the many technical and methodological problems that are attached to PD evaluation, exploring research avenues that could remedy these gaps, and thus helping to resolve a problem that is still underestimated yet bound to become increasingly important in the 'hyper-media' age of international relations.
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Selart, Ene. "The perception of the Japanese in the Estonian soldiers’ letters from the Russo-Japanese war (1904-1905)." Mutual Images Journal, no. 6 (June 20, 2019): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.32926/2018.6.sel.perce.
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The Russo-Japanese war (1905-1904) had a great impact on the Estonian society as it instigated the discontent in the society that in the end lead to the turbulent events of the Russian revolution in 1905 and pursue of political independence that was achieved in 1918. It also changed the content of the Estonian printed media as these two years escalated a Japanese boom that was never seen before or after: almost in every single newspaper issue there were articles written about Japan (war news, foreign news, opinion stories, fiction, travelogues, etc). As a new genre, newspapers started to publish the letters of the soldiers who were sent to the battlefield in the Far East. On the whole about 10.000 Estonian men were mobilized that was a considerable proportion of the nation of 1 million and the Estonians back at home were eager to know every piece of information how their men are doing in the distant warfare. Consequently the war created a genre in newspapers that was providing war news without the mediation of foreign languages or journalists. In the context of the research of the Estonian printed media history, the soldiers’ letters have not been researched as a type of journalistic genre in the newspapers. The aim of the current paper is to study how did the Estonian soldiers construct in their letters the Japanese as an enemy and which topics and comparisons did they use while writing about the war. The thematic analysis was used as a research method to study the letters published in three main Estonian newspapers from spring 1904 up to spring 1905. Main topics in the letters have been divided into directly war related issues or descriptions of the surrounding environment. In both categories the positive or negative images of Japanese have been analysed.
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Yao, Yingjuan, and Yun Li. "“China’s Foreign Aid” and “China’s National Image” in the Eyes of Foreign Media: A Corpus-Based Discourse-Historical Analysis." International Journal of English Linguistics 14, no. 4 (June 26, 2024): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v14n4p59.
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China’s foreign aid implements the concept of a community with a shared future for mankind and promotes the common progress of China and developing countries. News about China’s foreign aid released by foreign media is quite significant for overseas audiences to perceive China’s image. This study adopts Ruth Wodak’s discourse-historical approach and corpus-based method to interpret foreign news reports on China’s foreign aid. The macro-level news themes, meso-level discourse strategies and national images, as well as micro-level discourse features are explained with examples. Research shows that news themes reveal the objects, fields and methods of China’s foreign aid. Foreign media widely adopt discourse strategies of nomination, predication, argumentation, perspectivation, intensification and mitigation to shape China as a friendly international donor. A few characteristics of news discourse indicate that several media misunderstand or smear China’s foreign aid, which has a negative impact on China’s international public opinion environment. Therefore, building an effective external voice platform to convey China’s international responsibilities and contributions is necessary, which helps establish a favorable international public opinion environment for China’s development and call on other countries to make efforts to reduce human poverty.
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Chugrov, Sergey V., and Liubov B. Karelova. "Japan as a “Normal Country”: Metamorphoses of Political Identity (Review and Analysis of Public Opinion Polls)." Sociological Journal 26, no. 1 (2020): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/socjour.2020.26.1.7054.
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The research was focused on the political identity dynamics of the Japanese people through their attitude towards specific political issues, concepts, and doctrines, through ideas about the role of their country in the world, their attitude to “constituent Others” and their military history, as well as the analysis of differences between identities at the macro and micro levels during the emergence of the official course towards transforming Japan into a “normal country”. The solution to this problem is relevant in regards to Russia building a constructive policy in relation to Japan. The article analyzes a series of special and longitudinal studies characterizing generational change over the past 20 years in order to determine how much Japanese political preferences have changed in reference points that reflect their political identity, and which of these points allow us to identify significant determinants. As a key determinant of these surveys, the authors selected the degree of stability of pacifist self-consciousness, while analyzing the cumulative effect of several major factors in the formation of pacifism as the core of Japanese political identity: a) the archetypal principle of harmony (wa), expressed in the tendency of the Japanese people to smoothen out potential conflicts and in the outstanding ability to adapt and to adopt, b) the long-term implications of the constructivist paradigm in political rhetoric concerning the problem of national security; c) the impact of pacifist cultural and political discourse; d) the victimization complex that has developed in the wake of the defeat; and e) the absence of a clear perception of military threat in the society. Together, they make us believe that pacifist self-identification has a large margin of stability, and speak to the bifurcation of the current political identity of the Japanese people, which is experiencing a multi-vector pressure of the ‘power’ strategy of political realism and value-oriented approaches of constructivism. The authors identify the main directions of stratification of the political identity of Japanese society, point to some emerging trends in the realm of ideas on security policy, draw conclusions about the real place and influence of reflection on the Russian-Japanese territorial issue in the structure of Japanese political identity.
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DeLuca, Lisa. "Presidential research resources: A guide to online information." College & Research Libraries News 79, no. 2 (February 1, 2018): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/crln.79.2.93.
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This article highlights the breadth of freely available digital collections of presidential documents. These repositories are excellent resources for presidential, political science, history, and foreign relations research. From the resources listed in this article, librarians can choose multiple starting points for student and faculty research inquiries for primary and secondary sources that include handwritten documents by the founding fathers, interview transcriptions, digitized documents, and photographs, to name a few. This article does not contain public opinion, election, or media content sources, which are an important component of presidential research.
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Muradova, Lala, and Ross James Gildea. "Oil wealth and US public support for war." Conflict Management and Peace Science 38, no. 1 (September 15, 2019): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894219871655.
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How does the oil wealth of a potential target state affect the likelihood of the US public favoring the use of military force? Recent studies suggest that public opinion on foreign policy is responsive to the core characteristics of target states, such as regime type and majority religion. This article advances this research agenda by examining the effects of intra-regime heterogeneity in respect of an important characteristic of target states: their oil wealth. To examine the relationship between oil wealth and US public opinion on war, we fielded a conjoint experiment with US citizens. Respondents chose between hypothetical pairs of target states that varied across seven different intra-regime characteristics. We found that that the oil wealth of a target exerts a statistically significant (albeit small) effect on public support for the use of force, independent of the effects of other regime characteristics.
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PARK, CHEOL HEE. "Who's Who and Whereabouts of Japanese Political Studies in South Korea: With a Focus on the Third Generation Japan Specialists." Japanese Journal of Political Science 11, no. 3 (October 29, 2010): 307–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109910000137.
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AbstractThis article is an attempt to identify who's who and the whereabouts of Japanese political studies in South Korea. Previous studies suggest that South Korea made a delayed start in Japanese studies because of submerged anti-Japanese feeling among the general public, and that linguistic and humanistic studies were prevalent while social scientific studies lagged behind. The second generation scholars, who actively published their academic works on Japan between the late 1970s and the early 1990s, contributed to the development of objective, social scientific understanding of Japan. Their research interests included scrutinizing modern Japan, studying Korea-Japan relations, and analyzing Japanese foreign policy. The third generation scholars, which this article focuses on, have a few common characteristics: they began Japanese studies when Japan was rising; most of them were trained in Japan or the United States; most of them are fluent in Japanese; and they are publishing actively in major academic journals. The research interests of the third generation are categorized into four: (1) widening the research horizon; (2) inheriting the tradition of the previous generation; (3) synchronizing research agendas with the foreign scholarly community; and (4) opening up a new research horizon. After making a comprehensive content analysis of the works undertaken by third generation scholars, three major challenges are suggested for the upcoming generation of Japanese studies in South Korea: (1) globalizing the scholarly works with more theoretical analysis; (2) developing a uniquely Korean perspective about Japan; and (3) undertaking a systematic collaborative study with foreign scholars.
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Golby, James, Peter Feaver, and Kyle Dropp. "Elite Military Cues and Public Opinion About the Use of Military Force." Armed Forces & Society 44, no. 1 (February 6, 2017): 44–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x16687067.
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Do military endorsements influence Americans’ political and foreign policy views? We find that senior military officers have the ability to nudge public attitudes under certain conditions. Through a series of large, survey-based experiments, with nearly 12,000 completed interviews from national samples, we find that participants respond to survey questions in predictable ways depending on whether they have been prompted with information about the views of senior military leaders on the very same questions. When told that senior military leaders oppose particular interventions abroad, public opposition to that intervention increases; endorsements of support boost public support but by a smaller magnitude. Subsequent causal mediation analysis suggests that military opinion influences public opinion primarily through its impact on a mission’s perceived legitimacy and, to a lesser degree, it’s perceived likelihood of success.
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Muir-Harmony, Teasel. "The Limits of U.S. Science Diplomacy in the Space Age." Pacific Historical Review 88, no. 4 (2019): 590–618. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2019.88.4.590.
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A moon rock, resting on a pedestal in the American Pavilion at the 1970 Osaka World Exposition, became the latest trophy for the United States in its fierce space race with the Soviet Union. The exhibit was part of a broader approach to U.S. diplomacy in this period, where science and technology, or in this case a scientific specimen, were deployed to spread Western democratic values, win over international public opinion, and counter anti-American sentiment. But the moon rock’s physical resemblance to earth rocks prompted a broader discussion among Japanese audiences at the Expo about the aims of U.S. scientific and technological progress, and the practicality and applicability of American cultural norms to Japanese visions of modernity. By considering what happens when a scientific specimen travels outside of the laboratory context, outside the world of scientists, and into the world of foreign relations, this article investigates the complicated dynamics of science, material culture, and power during this critical juncture in the United States’ engagement with Japan.
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Bebenroth, Ralf, and Fay Chen. "US-CROSS-BORDER ACQUISITIONS BY JAPANESE FIRMS LESSONS TO BE LEARNED FROM THE LATE 1980s." International Journal of Engineering Technologies and Management Research 4, no. 11 (February 6, 2020): 48–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/ijetmr.v4.i11.2017.123.
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This research analyzes two Japanese acquisition waves to the US, one from the 1980s and the other recent one, still ongoing today. Both acquisition waves are analyzed by using institutionalization theory and management fashion research to explain these trends. For the 1980s, the numbers of articles related to Japanese acquisitions were counted in two of the leading US-newspapers and parallel ties were found to the number of deals. Compared to the 1980s, the public opinion of Americans against Japanese takeovers becomes positive. While many American in the 1980s saw Japanese firms as a threat, nowadays Japanese direct investment is seen in more favorable ways. However, Japanese firms’ behavior of acquiring US targets does not seem to have changed since the late 1980s. Furthermore, lately not only the number of the deals but also the amount of payment increased (compared to the data of late 1980s).