Journal articles on the topic 'Foreign public opinion, european – research'
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1
Stegnii, Oleksandr. "Environmental public opinion: methodological principles of research." Sociology: Theory, Methods, Marketing, no. 2 (June 2024): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/sociology2024.02.111.
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Based on the structural analysis of the toolkit of the foreign monitoring studies, the methodological principles of measuring environmental public opinion are analyzed. Modern developments of socio-psychological models for predicting environmental concern and patterns of environmental behavior, the influence of the social context on environmental activism, the influence of methods of measuring environmental concern on conclusions regarding the relationship between material and post-material values are considered in detail. It is noted that traditional indicators of environmental concern are replaced by tools of sociological measurement of environmental awareness, primarily of anthropocentrism and its relationship with ecocentrism. The need to transition from the (post-Soviet) ecological paradigm to the modern European one, the synchronization of advancement to full membership in the EU with the transit of Ukrainian society from the patronage to the liberal model of democracy determine the features of the social context of measuring environmental public opinion in Ukraine. The specified features of the social context require a radical revision of the methodological principles of measuring environmental public opinion with relevant sociological indicators. First, we are talking about the development of indicators of environmental democracy, such as the level of access to environmental information, participation in the adoption of environmentally important decisions, and access to justice on environmental issues. It is argued that the main task of monitoring environmental public opinion is to identify the dynamics of social changes as a derivative of anthropogenic impact on the environment, to adjust environmental policy considering the existing ecological orientations of the population.
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Jagusiak, Bogusław. "EUROPEAN UNITY AND SOLIDARITY IN THE FACE OF THREATS POSED BY RUSSIA'S MILITARY POLICY." International Journal of Legal Studies ( IJOLS ) 14, no. 2 (December 31, 2023): 243–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0054.2714.
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The aim of the article is to present the opinion of Europeans in relation to open and hidden campism and to discuss sanctions against Russian clients. The research problem was formulated as a question: Is there European unity and solidarity in the face of the threats posed by Russia's military policy? The author adopted the working hypothesis to verify that only European unity and solidarity towards Russia's military policy through indirect, substitute and special actions can have an impact on maintaining strong support for Ukraine and solidarity of all countries and shaping the social threat in order to apply Europe's geopolitical position, because it is in the interest of Europeans. Theoretical and empirical methods are used in the article. Diagnosing the multifaceted Russian violence in Ukraine is an important part of everyday life for Europeans immersed in polycrisis. What is of particular concern is the issue of preserving the unity of the Euro-Atlantic world, perceived as critical to the successful conclusion of the war in Ukraine. This is confirmed by analyses prepared by the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR), referring to systematic opinion polls by The YouGov-Cambridge Centre for Public Opinion Research, Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, as well as review materials by the Geo-political Intelligence Services and publications by the Centre for Public Opinion Research (CBOS) in Poland.
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Chow, Wilfred M., Enze Han, and Xiaojun Li. "Brexit identities and British public opinion on China." International Affairs 95, no. 6 (November 1, 2019): 1369–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz191.
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Abstract Many studies have explored the importance of public opinion in British foreign policy decision-making, especially when it comes to the UK's relations with the United States and the European Union. Despite its importance, there is a dearth of research on public opinion about British foreign policy towards other major players in the international system, such as emerging powers like China. We have addressed this knowledge gap by conducting a public opinion survey in the UK after the Brexit referendum. Our research findings indicate that the British public at large finds China's rise disconcerting, but is also pragmatic in its understanding of how the ensuing bilateral relations should be managed. More importantly, our results show that views on China are clearly split between the two opposing Brexit identities. Those who subscribe strongly to the Leave identity, measured by their aversion to the EU and antipathy towards immigration, are also more likely to hold negative perceptions of Chinese global leadership and be more suspicious of China as a military threat. In contrast, those who espouse a Remain identity—that is, believe that Britain would be better served within the EU and with more immigrants—are more likely to prefer closer engagement with China and to have a more positive outlook overall on China's place within the global community.
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SUNDICH, M. "IMPACT OF PUBLIC DISCOURSE AND INFORMATION FLOWS ON THE FORMATION OF PUBLIC OPINION (on the example of the countries of the former Yugoslavia)." Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 18, no. 1 (2023): 109–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2071-2367-2023-18-1-109-124.
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The purpose of the study is to show the influence of public discourse on the formation of public opinion based on the analysis of the media content of Serbia, Croatia and Montenegro about the special military operation of Russia in Ukraine. The article examines the information policy of the state media of the countries of the former Yugoslavia and attempts to analyze the author's commentary activity of the media audience in order to identify the public position on relevant issues of the subject field of the study. The author's analysis of the relevant commentary activity of the media audience of the states - objects of research is presented. The specificity of the formation of an opinion about the Russian foreign policy in the traditional and new media of Serbia, Croatia and Montenegro is shown. The result is the methods and techniques used by the media to form public opinion, the specifics of the information policy, which is interconnected with the foreign policy of the state. The differences in the perception of events in Ukraine by Croatian and Serbian citizens, as well as the confrontation of public positions in Montenegro, are shown. Data are presented on the correlation of internal and external (geopolitical) factors in the formation of public opinion in the Montenegrin society. Particular attention is paid to the possibilities of expanding the Russian presence in the media segments of the countries of the former Yugoslavia. The materials of the article can become the basis for developing a strategy for Russia's information presence in the European segments of the media space.
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Denysenko, V. I. "EUROPEAN VECTOR IN UKRAINIAN FOREIGN POLICY (2010)." Sums'ka Starovyna (Ancient Sumy Land), no. 57 (2020): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/starovyna.2020.57.6.
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The research focuses on the relationship between Ukraine and European Union during the first year of Victor Yanukovych presidency. It highlights the attempts of the new Ukrainian government to establish the dialogue with the leaders of EU, including Josй Manuel, President of the European Commission Barroso, Herman Van Rompuy, President of the European Council, Jerzy Buzek, President of the European Parliament, and Catherine Ashton, High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, First Vice President of the European Commission. This was the motive put behind the first international visit of Victor Yanukovych to Brussels, March 1st, 2010. The author proves the idea of keen interest of Ukrainian top authorities to aspire visa-free travel regime with EU, that was supposed to later score more electoral points during the upcoming elections. Still, the terms of Ukraine-EU Association Agreement seemed for the representatives of the Party of Regions too difficult to implement, and, therefore, in their opinion, had limited perspectives. However, in public domain, both President Victor Yanukovych and his political teammates kept consistently demonstrating their commitment to European integration ideas. The Cabinet of Mykola Azarov, basing on the list of eighteen EU reforms, devised their own plan of integration into European legal, economic and information framework. According to this plan, from October 15th, 2010 the administration was to complete the provisions for signing association and the visa liberalization agreements. Ukraine was represented in EU by experienced diplomat Kostiantyn Ieliseyev. The research points out the existing controversies between Ukrainian and European parties in the question of establishing an extensive and far-reaching free trade area. It draws special attention to the progress made in the area of Ukraine-Europe cooperation in the sphere of power industry, endorsement of the law “Fundamentals for Natural Gas Market Development” and Ukraine becoming a member of Energy Community.
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Arslanov, Rafael A., and Elena V. Linkova. "“Carbonarists in the Tsar’s guard!”: Uprising of December 14, 1825 in the European Press: Documents from the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire and the State Archive of Turin." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2020): 602–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-2-602-614.
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The article studies perception of the uprising of December 14, 1825 in the Western European public opinion as reflected in the press. The source base of the study consists of archival (including previously unpublished) documents found by the authors while working in the State Archive of Turin, and also of the considerable fond 11 “Foreign newspapers,” stored in the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire. The authors investigate and summarize assessments of the Decembrists’ uprising that appeared in the European press in late 1825 – early 1826 and identify the origin of the newspaper information. Working with archival documents, the authors have used a number of methods that are typical for both historical research (retrospective, analytical, comparative methods) and source studies (heuristic, textual, and hermeneutic methods). These methods allow the authors not only to analyze the documents and determine their epistemological value, but also to comprehend their content in historical context. The article concludes that the European public opinion not just showed interest in the events in St. Petersburg, but also tried to analyze them, to identify their sources and their consequences for Russia and Europe. There were two trends in the coverage of the Decembrist uprising. Firstly, publicists repeated the information received through official channels. Secondly, journalists were inclined to believe that the revolutionary tendencies that emerged in the Russian army after the Napoleonic wars were characteristic of all European countries. The accumulated scientific material allows the authors to come to certain conclusions that are valuable for studying not just the uprising on the Senate square on December 14, 1825, but also mechanisms of formation of the image of Russia on the international arena.
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Zemskyi, Yurii S., and Valerii V. Diachok. "Narrative sources on the diplomatic game of European countries around the events of the Polish uprising of 1863." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 2, no. 1 (January 4, 2020): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26190114.
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The purpose of the article – to disclose the meaning of the difference between the official, publicly declared position and the real (national) interests of Western European countries regarding their attitude to January 1863 Polish Uprising. Research methods: are analysis and synthesis, comparative, deduction, generalization. Main results: are despite the official statements by Western European governments to support the Poles' demands during the uprising of 1863 (in satisfaction of the Russian empire of their national rights), no real efforts were made. This state of affairs is clarified, with a meticulous analysis of true intentions of foreign policy of European countries. In the context of the implementation of policy in the nineteenth century, European governments could no longer ignore public opinion. After all, in the nineteenth century there was the epoch of affirmation in Europe of the ideals of the French Revolution and the formation of the institutions of civil society (free press, trade unions, public organizations, political parties, etc.). Involving information from narrative sources on events of 1863 clearly reveals the peculiarities of foreign policy and convinces that, in making final decisions, governments of the countries were guided by their own national interests (and not by the mind of public). Therefore, the Polish uprising became an opportunity to compete for the redistribution of influences among the leading countries of Europe and the interests of the Poles turned out to be only an instrument for achieving completely different goals. Concise conclusions: are the support of Western European governments in the Polish uprising were driven by public demands, but the real goal of each of the countries involved diplomatically to address this problem was to strengthen their own political stance in international affairs on the continent. Practical significance: this article will contribute to a better understanding of complex issues when assessing the position of Western European countries in the international politics of the mid-nineteenth century. Originality: compares information from publicly-published and diplomatically-concealed sources. Scientific novelty: the knowledge about the significant difference between the diplomatic statements and the real intentions of the foreign policy efforts of the Western European countries in the international relations of the middle of the nineteenth century were supplemented. Article type: analytic.
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Malaj, Erion. "Public Perception and Geopolitical Implications of China's Engagement in Albania." Interdisciplinary Journal of Research and Development 11, no. 1 (March 23, 2024): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.56345/ijrdv11n128.
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This study delves into the multifaceted nature of China's engagement in Albania, with a focus on understanding the nuanced public perceptions surrounding this involvement. Situated within the broader context of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), it examines the impact of China's expanding influence in the Western Balkans, particularly through the lens of Albania's strategic geopolitical positioning and rich historical context. Furthermore, by exploring the grassroots-level reception, the research aims to uncover the economic, political, and socio-cultural dimensions of China's presence in Albania and assess the broader implications of such foreign engagements in smaller, strategically located nations. Employing a mixed-methods approach, the study synthesizes findings from seven comprehensive surveys from three distinct sources: the Western Balkan Security Barometer, the China-Eastern European Countries (CEEC) group surveys, and the Balkan Barometer. This time-sequenced comparative perspective reveals a complex landscape of public opinion that is characterized by a shift from initially positive perceptions towards a more cautious and critical engagement with China's role in Albania. Overall, the study highlights a growing skepticism and a strategic recalibration of Albania's international alignments, evidenced by a nuanced preference for European Union integration over a deeper alliance with China. In conclusions, the findings suggest that while there is recognition of the economic opportunities presented by China's engagement, there is also an acute awareness of the potential pitfalls and complexities of such international partnerships. In this context, the paper argues for the importance of fostering an informed public discourse to navigate the challenges posed by global diplomacy and foreign influence. As Albania stands at a crossroads in its foreign policy, the evolving public perceptions underscore the need for a balanced approach that harmonizes established Western partnerships with emerging opportunities in the East. This study contributes to a richer understanding of Sino-Albanian relations and offers insights into the critical role of awareness and information in shaping the trajectory of international relations in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative.
Received: 27 February 2024 / Accepted: 22 March 2024 / Published: 23 March 2024
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Orekhov, Vladimir V. "Background of Russian Imagology: Tradition as an Indication of Target." Imagologiya i komparativistika, no. 14 (2020): 143–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/24099554/14/7.
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Focusing on the history of Russian imagology, the article aims at identifying the origins of the imagological interests in research and public thought in Russia in the first and second thirds of the 20th century as well as research approaches of that time that may be required by modern imagology. This analytical insight arises from the endeavor of contemporary scholars to update and develop the imagology paradigm. The Patriotic War of 1812 and the entry of Russian troops into Paris in 1814 gave a powerful impulse to the imagological interests in Russian society. These events highlighted the irrational nature of European stereotypes and provided an opportunity for the Russian intellectual elite to observe how the European image of Russia evolves depending on the historical situation, which, in its turn, induced the Russians to collect and conceptualise the information about the image of Russia in European texts of different epochs. The Rossica Department in the Imperial Public Library was opened for the scholars to do bibliographic research of foreign publications about Russia. Commenting foreign essays about Russia was an important part of Russian academic and journalistic activity. Such publications regularly appeared in Syn Otechestva, Otechestvennye zapiski, Severnyy Arkhiv, Sovremennik, Biblioteka dlya chteniya, Russkiy vestnik, and Zhurnal Ministerstva narodnogo prosveshcheniya. The first imagological research proper was V.A. Klyuchevsky’s Skazaniya inostrantsev o Moskovskom gosudarstve [Legends of Foreigners about the Moscow State, 1866]. Without a critical analysis of foreign sources, the historian uses excerpts from different foreign texts to reconstruct an integral image of the Moscow state in the European consciousness. Although the first Russian imagological researches appeared in history, they laid the basis for the development of literary criticism. The book collection “Rossica” allowed Russian and foreign scholars (M.P. Alekseev, B.L. Modzalevsky, E.V. Tarle, M. Kadot) to study the Western literary opinion about Russia. Yu.M. Lotman relied on the imagological observations made by V.A. Klyuchevsky and his followers. Methodology of Soviet imagological research in literary criticism (M.P. Alekseev, B.G. Reizov, A.K. Vinogradov) was guided by the principles of history. These facts give grounds to speak about the formation of the Russian tradition of imagological researches, which has two characteristics: 1) following the principle of historicity and 2) focus on the functioning of the image of Russia in European literature of different epochs. In this context, it seems relevant for the Russian imagological works to focus on the phenomenon of “reverse reception” in Russian literature of the 19th century, that is on the Russian writers’ endeavor to comprehend the European image of Russia (to create a “meta-image”) and to oppose this image with their own holistic idea of Russia and its national features.
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Bajnai, László, and Attila Józsa. "The Necessity of Planned Urban Development." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 15, no. 1 (November 1, 2019): 83–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/auseur-2019-0006.
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Abstract The necessity of planned urban development might seem self-evident, but in reality is far from being so – particularly in former socialist countries turned into EU Member States such as Hungary or Romania. In Hungary, for instance, prior to EU accession, there was no generally accepted public opinion supporting the necessity of a planned urban development controlled by the public sector. However, the substantial resources – that in Hungary, e.g., involve impressive amounts – placed at the disposal of urban development within the framework of European Union development policy are not sufficient by themselves to answer the question as to why planned urban development is truly necessary. Based on the most recent research results on the topic and some relevant earlier Hungarian and foreign studies lesser-known in Central Europe, the present paper seeks to answer this question. It analyses the international literature as well as certain Western European, Hungarian, and Romanian cases in order to define the general objectives of urban planning and uses them as a starting-point to demonstrate the necessity of planned urban development.
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Bregu, Meljana. "The Impact of the EU Engagement in Serbia and Albania During the First Wave of COVID-19." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 20, no. 14 (May 31, 2024): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2024.v20n14p91.
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Solidarity is a fundamental value of the European Union, alongside cooperation and competition. The COVID-19 pandemic tested the value of European solidarity; amid this unprecedented crisis, the EU initially failed to determine the most appropriate course of action. This provoked a strong reaction within the European Union and affected the EU's position in the Western Balkans as a soft power. This paper examined the consequences for Serbia and Albania of the lack of solidarity that characterized the initial surge of the pandemic and the consequences on the integration process. The two countries were selected based on their dissimilar foreign policies. The paper aimed to explain the distinct effects of Russia's and China's foreign policy during the pandemic in Albania and Serbia. The core idea of the research was to evaluate the European intervention and aid during the first phase of the pandemic and the public opinion perception of the EU's role in the two countries. The study collected the data of the Balkan Barometer surveys conducted in 2020 and 2021. Also, other data from the poll conducted by the International Republican Institute and various official statements and documents from the European Union were included in the study. As a brief conclusion, the study suggested that the EU's role in the two countries during the first phase of the COVID-19 crisis was impacted by national factors like national politics and media narratives and also by the external influence of other actors like Russia and China.
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Croci, Osvaldo, and Livianna Tossutti. "That Elusive Object of Desire: Canadian Perceptions of the European Union." European Foreign Affairs Review 12, Issue 3 (August 1, 2007): 287–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2007027.
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The paper first gives an historical review of the evolution of the relationship between Canada and the EU. It then looks at Canadian governmental perceptions of the EU through an analysis of parliamentary debates, reports of House of Commons and Senate committees, official papers released by the ministries of Foreign Affairs and International Trade and the election platforms of five federal political parties. Finally, it examines the perceptions of the non-governmental sector, which includes an analysis of the content of three newspapers, commercial and academic public opinion polls as well as documents and press releases from Canada’s principal business and labour organizations, and the research archives of non-partisan think tanks. The picture that emerges from this review is that, in Canadian eyes, the EU is primarily an important international economic actor with large and attractive markets of which Canadian companies have yet to take full advantage. In the absence of a transatlantic free trade deal, however, it is likely that Canada, while continuing to solidify its relationship with the USA, will begin looking with more interest to Asia.
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Koptiev, O. S. "PUBLIC DIPLOMACY AS A TECHNOLOGY OF THE FOREIGN POLICY OF UKRAINE." International and Political Studies, no. 36 (October 9, 2023): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2023.36.288707.
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The article is devoted to consideration of the specifics of public diplomacy in Ukraine, including during the war. This made it possible to single out approaches and main principles that will increase the country’s security and attractiveness on the international stage. By applying a technological approach, the types of development and different approaches to the study of public diplomacy in Ukraine and the world were analyzed, the specifics of public diplomacy in modern Ukraine were characterized, and effective technologies of public diplomacy were determined in the conditions of the transition from two-vector to European integration. The scientific novelty consists in the review of public diplomacy technologies in the context of solving key challenges in international relations, in particular in the context of geopolitical changes and the full-scale invasion of the occupiers in Ukraine. The effectiveness of public diplomacy and its role in maintaining and improving attitudes towards the country, attracting international support and developing partnership relations have been studied. Thus, the study expands the understanding of public diplomacy as a tool that can be used to positively influence international politics. The main attention is paid to the study of the tools of public diplomacy, as effective mechanisms for the development of Ukraine’s foreign policy. The conducted research proves the need to strengthen the efforts of all actors of international relations, citizens, opinion leaders and representatives of organizations to improve the image of Ukraine, as well as its economic, social, political and cultural enrichment. It is proposed to create a public institution for cyber security, which will assist law enforcement officers from the Cyber Police and representatives of the Ministry of Digital Policy. Strategic areas of activity and effective use of public diplomacy in Ukraine during the great war and changes in the vector of development in international relations were formed. The fakes can be used by the authorities to improve the image of the state and its recognition in the international arena.
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Sydun, Iryna. "Peculiarities of the coverage of European issues of the end of the XIX century on the pages of the newspaper «Kievlyanin»." Dialog: media studios, no. 27 (December 30, 2021): 182–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2308-3255.2021.27.251420.
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The Kyiv press is the main source of foreign news of Ukraine in the second half of the 19th century. The article examines the materials of the Kyiv newspaper «Kievlyanin» on European problems of the late nineteenth century. News about European countries occupied a significant place in the Kyiv press. The role of the periodical press as the main channel for disseminating information and forming public opinion in the late nineteenth century was key. Research of the Ukrainian press of the XIX century has always occupied a prominent place in Ukrainian science. Today, some issues of Ukrainian history are unexplored or need to be rethought. The newspaper’s publications will help to find new information for understanding the relations between Ukraine and Europe over the centuries. The article examines the influence of the Russian Empire on these processes. «Kievlyanin» is the most widely circulated newspaper of the late nineteenth century in the region and reached a large audience. The influence of the Russian Empire on international affairs was evident in the pages ofthe newspaper. In most publications, relations between the Russian Empire and foreign countries are described as friendly. The main problems that arose in the columns of the then Kyiv publications were revealed. The frequency of coverage of international issues, forms of information presentation, sources of information, the place of such publications in the columns of the newspaper «Kievlyanin» are analyzed. Articles in the genre of notes, short news from Europe, reviews of the European press, less often analytical materials on politics, economics were most often published. It was found that current events in European countries in the late nineteenth century through the prism of the press were not the subject of scientific research of Ukrainian researchers.
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Buranok, Sergey Olegovich. "War, Imperialism, and colonies: a view of the US press." Samara Journal of Science 8, no. 1 (February 28, 2019): 219–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201981216.
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Questions about the perspectives of the European empires colonial system after the Great War, forms and ways of its transition to postcolonial age, relativity of the colonial powers experience to the US foreign policy, were very popular and quite debating for the American public opinion during and after the end of the World War I. colonial system research cannot be complete without studying the press of the powers that signed the Versailles Treaty. In order to give a detailed analysis of international relationships in terms of the global transformations from the American point of view relevant newspaper articles published after the Great War should be analyzed. The results have shown changes in priority in schemes of colonial system transformation as it was viewed in American public discourse during 1919-1922. Woodrow Wilson plan for the colonial powers dismantle was gradually replaced by the less radical plans, which presupposed the use of the colonial experience in the US foreign policy. Materials of the American press for the 1919-1922 reveals that there was a search of the most effective and optimum strategy of the relations with the European empires as well as with its dependent territories. Analysis of American press reveals its steady interest in negative and positive experience of colonial empires in search of the lessons of history. In 1919-1922 most prominent journalists were focused on Europe, which was represented as the cornerstone for the US foreign policy by the White House, the US State Department and the media. And we can clearly see another factor affecting approaches to the colonial issue in American press. It was the Soviet Russia attention and support to the national liberation movements in Asia and Africa. The Red Menace had become one of the factors that forced American media to redefine the colonial issue in light of the new world order which had been created after the end of the Great War on the base of the Versailles Treaty.
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Bezrukov, Andrey V., Ilya S. Iksanov, Anastasia A. Isaeva, and Alina P. Fedorova. "Protecting migrants' right to family life in the Nordic countries." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 476 (2022): 225–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/476/25.
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In this study, the authors refer to the migration policy of the Nordic countries and the consolidation in them at the legislative level of the right of foreign citizens to protect and respect family life. The issue under consideration is extremely relevant in this period of time, since there are problems generated by the Scandinavian juvenile justice that are directly related to the systematic violation of the rights of foreign citizens. The novelty of the article lies in the fact that it analyzes judicial practice, as well as decisions of international bodies, in particular the European Court of Human Rights, that reflect the specifics of juvenile justice in the states under consideration. The aim of the study is to carry out a comparative analysis of the legislation of Northern Europe and the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights in specific cases in the field of protection of the rights of foreign citizens. The study is based on the theoretical material of the works of Russian authors (M.A. Mogunova, E.A. Orlova, N.S. Plevako, O.V. Chernysheva, et al.), the national legislation and international legal acts and decisions. The article analyzes the law enforcement practice of the European Court of Human Rights, which reflects the main principles that make up the objective opinion of this body, taking into account the main provisions of international legal documents, including the norms of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the Hague Convention Abolishing the Requirement for Legalization of Foreign Public Documents. The methodological basis of the research was the dialectical, comparative legal and formal legal methods. In particular, the use of the dialectical method contributed to the study of legislation that enshrines the rights of foreign citizens to protect and respect family life in the states of Northern Europe. The use of comparative legal and formal legal methods helped to identify trends in the development of legislation on citizenship and the legal status of foreign citizens in the states of Northern Europe. As a result, the authors note a tendency for the authorities of some Scandinavian states to revise their attitude towards children from foreign and mixed families, which is happening under, among other reasons, the “pressure” of international bodies specializing in the protection of individual rights and freedoms. Special instructions are being introduced that explain to guardianship officials the need to cooperate with the immigration authorities if the officials are considering children's documents, and the need to react to requests from foreign authorities (in particular, embassies). Employees of the Scandinavian guardianship services should facilitate the establishment of contact between the family and the embassy of the state with which they have expressed a desire to contact for one reason or another.
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Holovashchenko, Olha. "The problem of ensuring the long-term sustainability of research infrastructures in today’s conditions." Law and innovations, no. 3 (43) (September 25, 2023): 26–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.37772/2518-1718-2023-3(43)-4.
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Problem setting. The research is devoted to the analysis of the problem of ensuring the long-term sustainability of research infrastructures, taking into account the challenges and threats that exist at the current stage. analysis of resent researches and publications. Today, aspects of the development of innovation systems and research infrastructures of the European Union and Ukraine are a topic for research of many foreign and domestic researchers. At the same time, the question of ensuring the long-term sustainability of research infrastructures in modern conditions remains relevant. Purpose of the research is to analyze the problem of ensuring the long-term sustainability of research infrastructures, taking into account the challenges and threats that exist at the present stage. Аrticle’s main body. The European framework programs made a significant contribution to the development of effective, open and effective use of national research infrastructures, and developed together with the European Strategic Forum of Research Infrastructures a consistent approach to the development of national investment policies in pan-European research infrastructures, which gave rise to the development of many European research infrastructures. Emphasis is placed on the fact that in order to maintain scientific excellence and competitiveness, it is necessary to ensure constant funding of both existing and new research infrastructure. It is concluded that it is necessary to promote synergy between funding instruments for research infrastructures (both European and national), to coordinate investments in research and innovation, improve access and translate research results for the benefit of society and the economy. Sufficient funding including adequate and sustainable funding models, required across the whole RI lifecycle to address the diversity of needs and the funding gaps, is indispensable for successful RI strategy. A joint effort combining European, national or other funding sources is vital for the healthy development of the pan-European RI ecosystem. For research infrastructures to remain relevant throughout the entire RI lifecycle, scientific excellence is the necessary condition, which becomes, together with adequate human resources, crucial when it comes to long-term persistence in the operational phase. Effective governance and sustainable long-term funding (public and private) are other key elements for ensuring long-term sustainability of research infrastructures at every stage in their lifecycle. All the long-term sustainability elements form a unique set, which should be considered and implemented as a general strategic guidance, and not only for ESFRI initiated Research infrastructures. conclusions and prospects for the development. Necessary from the development of the situation, in our opinion, it was expedient to start the preparation and implementation of the investment road map for the reconstruction of the scientific infrastructure of Ukraine. After all, the level of increasing the sustainability of research infrastructure remains an urgent issue for Europe and the world as a whole, in particular in the context of exiting the crisis related to the COVID-19 pandemic, the war in Ukraine, and the economic and political situation.
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Kitsak, Taras, and Mariana Lylyk. "Institutional support of intercultural communication in Ukraine in the context of implementation of its european integration vector." Democratic governance 31, no. 1 (June 20, 2023): 52–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/dg2023.01.052.
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Formulation of the problem. Currently, Ukraine has to overcome new challenges, which it faces in the modern globalized society. The realities in which the Ukrainian state found itself force us to look for answers to many questions in almost all area of the country’s life. One of these dilemmas is the problem of preserving traditional cultural identity within in the context of intercultural communication, as interstate interactions are an indispensable condition for a country’s existence in the global cultural space. Although there are significant risks of accepting not only positive, but also negative aspects of these contacts. Thus, Ukraine is challenged to preserve its cultural identity, in particular, in the field of public administration, without falling to the sidelines of the global civilizational process. We need to clarify this question in the context of the existing contradictions of intercultural communication, considering the peculiarities of the development of Ukraine at the present stage, and in the future. Analysis of the recent research and publications. In modern realities, F. S. Batsevych, M. M. Halytska, N. V. Hrytsiak, O. V. Ihnatenko, O. P. Kuchmii, L. V. Lytvynova, S. Maltseva, V. M. Manakin, E. A. Makarenko, I. Yu. Miazova, M. M. Ryzhkov, S. G. Ter- Mynasova, O. M. Frolov and many others have touched this problem in their works. The publications raise an issue of the behavior of individuals under the influence of intercultural communication, study the peculiarities of public administration within communication processes, and analyze linguistic aspects of intercultural interactions. Determining parts of the general problem that were not resolved previously. European integration processes of the Ukrainian statehave recently intensified due to the military actions on the territory of Ukraine and the openness of the European Union to ne- gotiations. Therefore, the need for in-depth scientific research related to the imple- mentation of the European integration aspirations of the Ukrainian state and the study and justification of the role of public authorities in ensuring effective communication between the Ukrainian and European parties becomes topical. In this regard, study of the peculiarities of the institutional support of intercultural communication processes of Ukraine in the context of implementation of its European integration vector is highly relevant in modern conditions. Presentation of the main research material. Ukraine’s participation in intercultural communication is a special process that involves taking into account both positive and negative aspects present in the communication relations. Among the obvious advantages of intercultural communication are expansion of the range of possibilities of communicators due to new acquaintances, conversations, experience, opening of new opportunities and perspectives, etc. At the same time, it is necessary to remember the shortcomings of intercultural communication, which manifest themselves in the cultural bias of the parties, who are used to certain established stereotypes, norms and rules of behavior acceptable in this or that society. Intercultural communication can be a source and a tool for the rapprochement of Ukraine and the European Union, as well as a way to avoid dangerous trends, such as the isolation of the Ukrainian state from European society. Along with this, intercultural ties are a reliable tool for countering divisions that can arise in Europe itself. Cultivating the kinship of European national cultures in the direction of strengthening interactions between countries, including cultural ones, is important here. Implementation of the European integration policy of the Ukrainian state, taking into account the key principles and experience of the European cultural policy, will, in our opinion, have a positive impact on European society. Ukrainian culture as a component of European integration and humanitarian development will play an important role in the European Union, in particular, in the following directions: enrichment of European culture with Ukrainian monuments and cultural and historical heritage assets; promotion of cultural diversity in modern European society; development of creative and cultural potential of European society; expanding the access for Europeans to historical and cultural heritage in accordance with the positioning of Ukraine as a full-fledged European state. In our opinion, strategic orientations of Ukraine on the way to European integration in the context of intercultural communication should be the following: acceptance of Ukrainian culture to the European and world cultural space as a full-fledged actor, and not only as a carrier of ethnographic or post-communist exoticism or a passive consumer of other people’s ideas; development of civil society and democracy, prioritizing interests and values of individuals; focus not only on integration into pan-European economic and political structures, but also on European integration in general. Conclusions. Intercultural communication includes such components as features of thinking, attitudes, knowledge, and skills that relate both to one’s own culture and to foreign culture, and manifest themselves during interactions between representatives of different cultures. In course of intercultural communication between Ukraine and the EU, institutional support, which gained special importance after the signing of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union, plays an important role. Institutional base that is functioning now was being formed during a long period. Among the number of tasks for public authorities in the context of coordination and regulation of European integration processes, it is necessary to note their role in establishing close and effective intercultural communication between the representatives of the peoples of Europe and Ukraine, as well as representingUkrainian state in communication on the international arena.
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Mashevskyi, Oleh, and Olga Sukhobokova. "The second scientific conference «USA: Politics, Society, Culture» at Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 15 (2023): 112–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2023.15.9.
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The strong support of the United States during the Russian war against Ukraine highlights the significant scholarly problem of the comprehensive study of American history (particularly foreign policy), culture, and US-Ukrainian relations. The mentioned directions define the activities of the educational program «American and European Studies (with the advanced program of foreign languages)» of the Department of Modern and Contemporary History of Foreign Countries at the Faculty of History of the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. In January 2023, the Department held the second All-Ukrainian scientific conference «USA: Politics, Society, Culture,» dedicated to various aspects of the social, political, and cultural development of the United States of America. The conference took place online on the «Zoom» platform. It was primarily aimed at the participation of young researchers – students and graduate students who study the history, politics, society, and culture of the United States. At the same time, more experienced Americanists also participated, presenting their latest research developments. The main keynote speech at the plenary session was delivered by Valeriy Prystaiko, The main keynote speech at the plenary session was delivered by Valeriy Prystaiko, the Chief Consultant of the Military Policy Division at the Center for Security Studies of the National Institute for Strategic Studies (NISS), Candidate of Sciences in public administration. His report was focused on specific aspects of cooperation between Ukraine and the United States in the context of the full-scale war. The main work of the conference was organized into four sections: U.S. Foreign Policy and Relations with World States in the 21st Century; U.S. Foreign Policy and Relations with World States in the 20th Century; U.S. Foreign Policy Strategy; American Society and Culture. The conference materials have been published on the website of the Department of Modern and Contemporary History of Foreign Countries of the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Video recordings of the most interesting reports are also available on the Department’s YouTube channel «American, European, and Oriental Studies». The experience gained from the conference «USA: Politics, Society, Culture» convincingly demonstrates the importance of such scientific forums for the development of Ukrainian American studies, the engagement and professional growth of young Americanist researchers, and the expert discussion and exchange of experience between younger and older generations of Ukrainian Americanists. In our opinion, scientific and cultural diplomacy plays a crucial role in deepening mutual understanding and cooperation between the Ukrainian and American peoples, particularly in countering Russian aggression in Ukraine and rebuilding our state. Therefore, we hope for the continuation of the tradition of annual conferences and other events that will contribute to the development of Ukrainian American studies.
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Petryshyna, Maryna. "The theoretical and legal problems of the ensuring of provision of public services to the business entities by local self-government bodies." Law and innovations, no. 2 (30) (June 2, 2020): 93–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.37772/2518-1718-2020-2(30)-14.
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Problem setting. The practice of providing public services to both state and local bodies in Ukraine needs improvement. The current shortcomings of the modern public service delivery system not only cause dissatisfaction of individual citizens but also can create obstacles to economic activity. At the same time, it is the level of quality and accessibility of such services that should become the main criteria for the effectiveness of public management in general. The purpose of the research is to determine and study the main components of the problem of providing public services to business entities by local self-government bodies, from the conceptual point of view, as well as by the means of analysis of the problems of legal provision of such services, including in view of ongoing reform decentralization in Ukraine. Analysis of resent researches and publications. The issue of providing public (administrative) services is the subject of scientific research of many specialists in various fields of law. Among them are the works of such scientists as O. M. Bukhanevich, Ya. B. Mykhailyuk, O. V. Olshansky, V. V. Romanova, V. M. Soroko, V. P. Tymoschuk and others. Article`s main body. The urgency of finding ways to solve the above problems is validated by the growing scientific interest in the problems of development and reform of the public power system as well as by increasing the attention to the issue of revising and amending the current legislation aimed at creation of a transparent, efficient and effective system of state and local self-government in Ukraine. The basis for such transformations today should be the reform of decentralization of public power, which involves the redistribution of powers and functions between different branches and levels, as well as the subsystems of public power, in particular, taking into account the foreign experience of decentralized European countries. The latter shows that the implementation of the decentralization reform has the effect not only of a significant reduction of the effects of crisis phenomena, of solving a large part of socio-economic and other problems, but also of the realization of many strategic tasks of national development. Conclusions. Thus, in our opinion, the legislative implementation of the best modern European and world practices in the field of providing quality and affordable public services, as well as further coordinated actions of public and private sector towards the implementation of the local self-governance reform plan can have a positive impact on increasing economic benefits for private sector.
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Goshulyak, V. V., and G. V. Sintsov. "Freedom of Assembly in Opinions and Reports of Venice Commission and Russian Legislation." Lex Russica 75, no. 10 (October 18, 2022): 68–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2022.191.10.068-081.
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The paper is devoted to the consideration in the Russian constitutional legislation of the legal stances of the European Commission for Democracy through Law» (Venice Commission) in the field of freedom of peaceful assembly. Freedom of peaceful assembly is closely associated with political struggle, relationship between civil society and the authorities. It is fixed at the constitutional level and therefore is a sensitive topic in law enforcement practice and relevant in special scientific research, of which there are currently a small number in Russian and foreign science of constitutional law. Therefore, this article, as applied to the Russian Federation, aims to complete this gap. The implementation of the research tasks was achieved on the basis of the analysis of the Guidelines of the Venice Commission on Consolidation of Freedom of Peaceful Assembly in the legislation of European states. The author used the following research methods: comparative legal, logical, institutional, formal legal, comparative legal. The paper examines the legal principles of the Venice Commission on Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and the extent to which they are taken into account in the constitutional legislation of the Russian Federation. The conclusion is made about the narrow understanding of freedom of peaceful assembly reflected in the wording «the right to assemble peacefully without weapons». In this regard, the Federal Law on Assemblies is devoted not to freedom of peaceful assembly but to the right to assemble peacefully, which may be restricted by the State to a greater extent than freedom of peaceful assembly. This created the basis for a positivist regulation of freedom of peaceful assembly with broad powers of public authorities and the possibility of restricting the right to assemble peacefully, without weapons, while, according to the Venice Commission, the State should create adequate mechanisms and procedures to ensure that freedom of peaceful assembly is not subjected to excessive bureaucratic regulation. The Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation has largely adjusted Russian legislation on public events, bringing it closer to the legal standings developed by the Venice Commission.
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Jovanovic-Ajzenhamer, Natasa. "Islam ante portas: Application of Bauman’s theory of a foreigner to the analysis of social distance towards Muslim migrants in Serbia." Bulletin de l'Institut etnographique 68, no. 3 (2020): 749–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gei2003749j.
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Bauman?s theory of the attitude of the Western population towards migrants is based on the analysis of several aspects: ontological, ethical, economic, social, political and security. It is a complex theory which is build on his earlier research on fluid life, globalization, and the (post)modernity. In this paper, I will first present Bauman?s basic hypotheses about the attitude towards foreigners who are comming ?to our door?, and then I will apply these hypotheses to the analysis of the situation with the migrant crisis in Serbia. Although Bauman bases his theory on the experiences of Western European countries, I will try to show why his conclusions can be extended to countries on the periphery of world capitalism, such as Serbia. To test some of Bauman?s hypotheses, I will analyse public opinion polls in Serbia. Although I did not conduct the research by operationalizing Bauman?s theory and therefore I cannot speak of confirming or refuting his assumptions, the analysis of secondary empirical data will serve as our initial orientation and heuristic reconnaissance for some future research in that direction.
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Aseeva, Irina. "Systems of Socio-Humanitarian Expertise in Technoscience: Global Experience in Review." Science Governance and Scientometrics 16, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 223–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.33873/2686-6706.2021.16-2.223-241.
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Introduction. This article is dedicated to the highly relevant philosophical and methodological problem of organising effective social oversight for developing and implementation innovative technoscientific projects. The fundamental transformations that science has induced in matters of production and its associated technological/socio-administrative functions have made this topic all the more relevant, to the detriment of its humanistic component. The intensive expansion of technosciences into all spheres of human existence accentuates the risks typically associated with it. The nature of the technoscience thus requires transdisciplinary comprehension and reorientation towards traditional human values — those of truth and common good. An effective mechanism for social reflection on the achievements of technoscience falls under the purview of socio-humanitarian expertise. This expertise dictates that we must attract not only the elite scientific community but also social institutions, public organisations and broad masses of volunteers — non-professional experts who possess the ability for creative self-organisation and can provide useful insights. Methods. We have employed comparative analytical methods of real experiences to establish the relevance of the main provisions of the Russian socio-humanitarian expertise to foreign approaches and programmes, such as Responsible Research and Innovation, Social Assessment of Technology, among others, defining the ethically acceptable contours of modern technoscience. Results and Discussion. To accomplish this task, we researched American, Western European and Russian philosophers of science and technology and the empirical materials of domestic and foreign sociology of science, in which the results of public reflection on techno-scientific achievements are recorded. We also analysed opinion polls and expert interviews on the problems of socio-humanitarian expertise. Conclusion. Based on an analysis of studies devoted to the ethical aspects of modern technoscience, gaps and shortcomings of the existing methods and techniques of socio-humanitarian expertise are identified, and examples of successful communication between science and society are demonstrated in order to increase social trust in modern technoscience and reduce potential risks.
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Golub, Mykola. "Some Directions of Use of International Experience by Law Enforcement Bodies of the Mia System of Ukraine." Law and innovations, no. 4 (40) (December 19, 2022): 100–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.37772/2518-1718-2022-4(40)-14.
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Problem setting. Today, Ukraine is in a state of war. Active hostilities continue in some regions. Law enforcement agencies subordinate to the Ministry of Internal Affairs occupy one of the decisive positions in countering the aggressive manifestations of the Russian Federation. Law enforcement structures have a double burden, namely: performing tasks related to repelling an armed attack of the Russian Federation, as well as ensuring the inviolability of state borders, maintaining a proper state of public order and security, and detecting manifestations of collaborationism in controlled territories. Under the conditions of the legal regime of martial law on the territory of Ukraine, law enforcement agencies of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine effectively perform tasks in all areas of official activity. We are talking about the maximum use of all opportunities and developments, including the use of the experience of law enforcement agencies of partner countries. In view of this, there is an urgent need to implement the positive experience of the law enforcement agencies of the USA and European countries. Analysis of recent researches and publications. Questions regarding the use of the experience of the police of Europe, the United States, and Japan in the field of security and public order protection at the national, regional, and local levels were investigated by domestic and foreign scientists, namely: O.M. Bandurka, O.I. Bezpalova, O.V. Jafarova, A.M. Dovgopolov, V.O. Zarosylo, N.V. Kaminska, V.L. Kostyuk, S.P. Melnyk, O.S. Pronevich, Yu.I. Rymarenko, V.O. Sichkar, E. Thompson, V.L. Filstein, O.S. Yunin, O.N. Yarmysh In these publications of scientists, the need to take into account the experience of the law enforcement system of foreign countries when introducing new forms and methods of work of law enforcement bodies of the system of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine is substantiated. Target of the research is to investigate and analyze the actions of the National Police, as well as other law enforcement agencies of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine, which are aimed at using international experience in the process of increasing the efficiency of the work of these state institutions. Study the experience of law enforcement agencies of EU countries and other foreign countries regarding measures aimed at ensuring the proper state of public safety and public order protection. Article’s main body. The article analyzes proposals for improving the effectiveness of the National Police, as well as other law enforcement agencies of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine, using the international experience of law enforcement structures in Europe and the United States. Including the interaction of the police with local bodies of executive power, local self-government, public organizations and the population. Conclusions and prospects for the development. We can note that the effective functioning of the law enforcement system of independent Ukraine requires the leadership of the Ministry of Internal Affairs to implement the positive experience of the law enforcement agencies of the USA and European countries. as an example of such experience, in particular in the field of protection of human rights and freedoms, combating crime, protection of public order and security, in conditions of martial law, in our opinion, it is necessary, in particular, to develop proposals at the legislative level that provide for stricter responsibility of the participants and, in the first place in turn, the organizers of mass events for violating the order of their holding provided by law, including criminal liability (examples of EU countries).
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Gramatskiy, Ernest. "Recodification of civil legislation of Ukraine and private international law: to the issue of the prospects." Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, no. 1 (May 5, 2021): 177–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.1.2021.33.
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Nowadays the processes of democratization, liberalization, integration of Ukraine into European and world space take place. Theundisputed significance for these processes is the signing of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union.Thus, the rapprochement of Ukraine with the European community, which has taken place in recent years, affects the sphere of privatelaw relations, which are complicated by a foreign element - the legal relations that make up the subject matter of international privatelaw.Having analyzed current doctrine of international private law, the author can conclude that nowadays researchers are paying moreattention to a deep understanding and study of the general provisions of this branch of law rather than to analysis of individual sub-sectorsand institutes of private international law.Nowadays recodification of civil legislation is taking place in Ukraine.The main reason for the recodification of civil legislation is to increase legal certainty as a component of the rule of law. Legalcertainty demonstrates an ability of legislation to satisfy the needs of the subjects of law in the respective benefits.At the same time some specific issues related to the recodification of civil legislation and its link with private international lawhave not been the subject to scientific research. In our opinion, these issues deserve special attention, as they make it possible to analyzenot only the current state of private international relations, but also to forecast the prospects and changes in the field of private international law. The aspects to be discussed are the consolidation of the private international law system of principles, revision of the impera -tive norms institute and public order clause.The analysis of scientific points of private international law doctrine representatives gives grounds to conclude that there is currentlyno universal approach to understanding the system of principles of private international law, the imperative norms and publicorder institute. Neither private international law legislation, nor scientific approaches give clear vision of these issues.It is crucial to stress that recodification of civil legislation in Ukraine has its direct impact on private international law systemand its mechanism of legal regulations.
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Liubchych, Anna. "Research infrastructure as a tool for scientific integration: some aspects of the EU experience for Ukraine." Law and innovations, no. 4 (44) (December 17, 2023): 7–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.37772/2518-1718-2023-4(44)-1.
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Problem setting. For several decades after its creation, the European Union focused on economic, political and industrial integration. The logical next step was the development of scientific integration and coordination of research at the supranational level (for example, in the format of the EU Framework Programs for Research and Innovation) to prevent duplication of funding in individual countries, effectively unite research groups with complementary tasks, and develop effective strategies for scientific development. Gradually, a common scientific and technological space began to emerge, which was designed to form a unified scientific potential, scientific goals and objectives and link them to the EU’s development goals. For this purpose, it was proposed to create the European Research Area (ERA), which would contribute to the development of common European research priorities, as science would be able to provide breakthroughs of global significance. With the emergence of the ENP, it became apparent that achieving its goals is impossible without the availability of common world-class research infrastructures. Analysis of recent researches and publications. Domestic scholars who have studied this issue include: S.V. Ivanov, V.P. Antoniuk, V.P. Kokhan, O.V. Rozgon, O.S. Holovashchenko, and others. Foreign researchers are: Prange-Gstöhl H., Jaeger C., Tabara J.D., Jaeger J., Keynan, A. Kautonen M., Pugh R., Raunio M. and others. Purpose of research is to analyze the EU experience in developing research infrastructures, which forms the basis for the prospects for improvement at the legislative level in Ukraine. Article’s main body. The European vector of cooperation continues to be crucial in achieving Ukraine’s ambitious goal of becoming one of the world’s leading countries conducting research and development in the areas determined by the priorities of scientific and technological development. In 2022, the Vice Prime Minister for Digitalization of the Czech Republic, Ivan Bartos, noted that after the global pandemic and the beginning of Russia’s full-scale war against Ukraine, the field of science and innovation, in particular research infrastructure, at the regional, national and European levels cannot be formed only through public policy, but should also be implemented by EU structural funds. Sectoral policies need to be coordinated, as well as cooperation with business. The new concept of research infrastructure development will be based on an integrated approach between educational, research, and innovation projects, which will allow the science sector to achieve more systematic and visible results. The creation of large research infrastructures in Ukraine will not only help ensure Ukraine’s leading position in the global research space, but will also undoubtedly contribute to the innovative development of the Ukrainian economy. In connection with these goals, the EU experience can be used both to create and develop a network of research infrastructures within the country and as a factor that facilitates Ukraine’s integration into the European Research Area. In this regard, taking into account and adapting the European experience of developing scientific infrastructures and interaction of scientific teams to create unique Ukrainian scientific institutions is an urgent management task. However, the process of forming a scientific infrastructure in Ukraine that is adequate to the tasks of sustainable development, taking into account the international division of labor, requires the state to pay increased attention to the requirements it must meet. Ukrainian unique research facilities are part of the global research ecosystem, and their functioning is impossible without proper international scientific cooperation. To develop appropriate management decisions, it is necessary to clearly define both the most promising research areas and the optimal formats for Ukraine’s participation in international research projects, taking into account existing experience and based on the tasks of developing Ukraine’s scientific and technical sphere. Conclusions and prospects for the development. In our opinion, it is advisable to take the following practical steps to develop scientific institutions and research infrastructures. First, Ukraine needs to actively participate in joint projects with the EU scientific community. The experience of Ukrainian research teams in EU Framework Programs will be in demand in this area. Second, launching integration projects and using mechanisms similar to those in Europe. Thirdly, it is necessary to support existing mechanisms of scientific cooperation, in which, following the EU model, integration goals are as important as scientific ones. Fourth, it is necessary to develop Ukraine’s digital infrastructure and its interconnection with scientific research. The first important steps have already been taken in this direction, but it is necessary to create and support at the institutional level a scientific digital infrastructure similar to e-Infrastructure in the EU (with an umbrella program similar to ESFRI). The current task of the Ukrainian expert community should be to study the European experience and formulate proposals for the development of the national scientific infrastructure on its basis. Of course, the transfer of the best European practices should take into account the national interests of Ukraine, the specifics of domestic regulatory legislation, and the goals and objectives of foreign policy, and the planned results should serve as a tool for solving the socio-economic problems of the country’s development.
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Okhotsky, E. V. "Post-Soviet Ukraine: the Ruling Regime in the Political Space of Ukraine, European Choice and Russophobia (Political and Legal Analysis)." Russian Journal of Legal Studies 5, no. 1 (March 15, 2018): 20–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/rjls18345.
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This article is an attempt to understand what is happening in the system of power and public administration of modern Ukraine from the standpoint of scientific realism and socio - political objectivity. The author touches upon the problems of realization by the Ukrainian state of the interests of its people and values of the European choice, proves, in fact, the criminal essence of implementation in practice of the principles of ukrainism, nationalism and Russophobia, explores the «art» of anti-crisis management of the Maidan government and its effectiveness. The author also presents his vision of the historical lessons of the Ukrainian experience, the reasons for the impasse of many decisions of the current rigidly Pro-Western-oriented Ukrainian regime. The methodological basis of the research was made up of classical methods of scientific and legal research of relations, phenomena and processes in the sphere of modern Ukraine’s politics, public administration and its legal support. This analysis (including system-structural) and synthesis, abduction (hypotheses), induction ( from particular to General) and deduction ( from General to specif ic), history and comparativelaw, opinion polls and content analysis of documents, formal-logical method. The analysis is based on the relevant legal acts, sociological statistics, publications of government officials, scientists and publicists. The analysis shows that the conclusions and official statements of the current Ukrainian leadership in the vast majority of cases do not correspond to reality, that their strategic plans are wrong, contradictory and practically hopeless. At the same time, the Ukrainian experience teaches that even a wrong, not particularly effective and even destructive political course should remain in the field of close attention of the scientific community. The actual practice of political records should examine, assess and consider, trying to understand the essence of problems, investigate the causes of failures and deadlocks, and to draw the appropriate lessons. Objectivity of analysis, impartiality of assessments, sobriety of perception of alternative proposals are necessary in the process of state- building and the inevitable crisis stages with their numerous uncertainties, risks and legal conf licts. We need the ability to predict what difficulties and problems the country may face even in a highly developed economy and a fairly stable political and legal system. The easiest way to look for the reasons for failures on the side, shift the blame to predecessors or bad allies, blame foreign enemies or intractable opposition. It’s far harder to take responsibility, to admit to the lack of visioning and adaptability to constructive action.
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Motruk, Svitlana. "EURO-ATLANTIC INTEGRATION OF THE CZECH REPUBLIC AS A FACTOR OF MODERNIZATION AND NATIONAL SECURITY." European Historical Studies, no. 19 (2021): 33–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.19.3.
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On the basis of a wide range of documents the article analyzes main stages and factors of the Czech Republic integration with the North Atlantic Treaty Organizations. The author emphasizes that transition into a full NATO member in March 1999 was the result of a long, complicated and controversial process of «European Come Back», which started in the beginning of 1990’s and allowed the state’s government to solve a number of problems in the military-political and military-technical spheres. The article draws special attention to the results and consequences of the Czechia NATO membership, its participation in the structures and activities of the Alliance. Numerous facts provided in the paper allow to evaluate the state’s gains from the integration processes and to emphasize key tendencies, main challenges and new opportunities for the country. The study proves that Euro-Atlantic integration has contributed to the institutional and legal reconstruction of the entire system of foreign relations of the Czech Republic, has become an important stimulus to the transition to a democratic model of political system, stability and national security. The article examines the defense strategy of the Czech Republic, reveals its goals and objectives in the field of European security and defense at the present stage. It is noted that NATO Allies supported the proposal to update the 2010 Strategic Concept. Since its adoption the Alliance has faced a new security environment and Russia has turned from a potential strategic partner into an aggressor state. The Czech experience has revealed the advantages and vulnerabilities of the Euro-Atlantic vector. Last but not lease the article studies the causes of polyvariety of the Euro-Atlantic realities and prospects for Alliance enlargement. Based on the results of public opinion polls conducted by the Czech research organizations, the article examines the attitude of Czech political parties and citizens towards their country’s membership in NATO, the role of the North Atlantic Alliance in ensuring the security of the Czech Republic and international relations in general.
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Chojnicka, Joanna. "Anti-EU and Anti-LGBT Attitudes in Poland: Considering Quantitative and Qualitative Evidence." Baltic Journal of European Studies 5, no. 2 (October 1, 2015): 30–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2015-0012.
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AbstractThe purpose of this study is to investigate anti-EU and anti- LGBT attitudes in Poland on the basis of quantitative evidence (statistical data) and qualitative evidence (discourse analysis of statements expressed on the Internet). As Euroscepticism seems to frequently appear in conjunction with prejudice against LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transsexual or transgender) persons, the task of this article is to find out whether they may have a common foundation and what it may be.A possible answer, as the article argues, is that both attitudes could be considered symptoms of a deeper, more wide-ranging and fundamental problem-a fear, tension, or anxiety caused by social change, especially the fragmentation of dominant collective (national) identity. The case for such an interpretation of the situation is first made on the basis of existing academic literature and statistical data provided by Eurobarometer and the Polish Public Opinion Research Centre (Centrum Badania Opinii Społecznej, CBOS). However, as the text further argues, such quantitative methods have their limitations and should be supported and illustrated with qualitative studies. The article thus proposes an alternative discourse-oriented approach, namely critical discourse analysis (CDA). This approach is used to conduct an introductory, presentational analysis of some examples of anti-EU and anti-LGBT discourse found on the Internet.This analysis shows that sexual minorities represent values so strange and foreign to Polish conservatives that they can only be conceptualized as something imposed by the power which is both new and distant-by Brussels. And the other way round, the European Union’s liberalism and espousal of human rights, including women’s and LGBT rights, makes it impossible for the conservative parts of the Polish society to accept a “European identity”. This means that Euroscepticism and LGBT prejudice are not just occasionally, coincidentally connected expressions of an underlying resistance to change, but that a closer relationship exists between them. Namely, the conservative reluctance or hostility towards both the EU and LGBT is caused by their incompatibility with the patriotic and religious national identity construction.
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Rabinovych, Petro, and Anna Nakonechna. "NEED-RESEARCHING APPROACH: DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN EXPERIENCE (COMPARATIVE LEGAL ASPECT)." Visnyk of the Lviv University. Series Law 74, no. 74 (June 30, 2022): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vla.2022.74.023.
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The article is devoted to the comparative legal analysis of domestic and foreign experience of the needs approach. It is established that Professor P. Rabinovych made a significant contribution to the development of the issue on the importance of legal regulation to meet the needs of the domestic general theory of law. He was the first to introduce into scientific circulation the term «needs approach» as the idea that the essence of social phenomena are those useful characteristics that can be used by man and society to meet their needs and interests. Associate professors V. Bigun, R. Gavrilyuk, D. Hudyma, Y. Loboda, O. Pankevych, A. Rabinovych, as well as Professor S. Rabinovych and others developed his ideas on the application of the needs approach in their scientific works. Consequently, R. Gavrilyuk defined that law is a way of normative existence of an individual in the society based on the freedom of expression to satisfy his/her personal (private) and general (public) needs on the basis of freedom, equality and justice. O. Pankevych applied the needs approach to establish the essence of the social state, as well as to define the concept of social law, its subject, method and status in the system of positive law. D. Hudyma used the term «need» to reveal the meaning of «the essence of law», to define the need-researching approach as a kind of anthropological approach and argues that «law is objectively designed to help meet human needs.» A. Rabinovych noted that at least two preconditions must be provided for the use of the needs approach: 1) it is necessary to comprehend the general understanding of the needs of subjects, as well as to identify the main types of these needs through their classification; 2) it is necessary to acquire a meaningful knowledge of general social, group and individual needs in the society in which the studied phenomenon was formed and exists. It is found that in the modern European and Australian scientific literature, the theory of the needs approach as a justification of human rights has become somewhat widespread. Fundamental representatives of these theories are Czech jurist Martin Gapla, British political scholar David Miller, professor at the Royal College of Great Britain Massimo Renzo, professor of medical ethics at the University of London Len Doyal, professor at the British Research Center for Social Exclusion Ian Gaff, as well as the Australian scholar James Griffin. The essence of the above approach, in their opinion, is the following: – human needs, namely universal, are the basis for human rights. Such human rights are considered «real» and are able to create and ensure a dignified human life; – people with full capacity are «regulatory agents», that is their needs, the number of which grows over time and are constantly improving, serve as a basis for the creation of regulations, making them, thus, both a guarantor and a tool to meet them; – the effective functioning of legislation depends on the successful functioning of means and mechanisms to meet human needs, which legitimize certain rules of law.
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Batanova, Natalia M. "DECENTRALIZATION OF POWER IN THE ASPECT OF REALIZATION OF LEGAL RESPONSIBILITY IN LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT IN UKRAINE." Bulletin of Alfred Nobel University Series "Law" 2, no. 3 (December 2021): 47–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.32342/2709-6408-2021-2-3-4.
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The article is devoted to the study of local self-government as an important means of realizing the rights of territorial communities and their members. The author of the article argues that the territorial community is a necessary democratic counterweight to the central government and helps to limit the manifestations of arbitrariness on the part of the state. The urgency of the issue of decentralization of public power and the development of local self-government is beyond doubt. The author draws attention to the experience of European countries. This experience proves the need for systemic reforms in the field of decentralization of power in order to increase the role of local self-government in overcoming economic, socio-cultural and, in some cases, political and legal problems of society. It is determined that according to modern economic and political research; decentralization of power can have both positive and negative impact on economic indicators of the country’s development and the well-being of citizens. It has been explored that decentralization can also mobilize underutilized resources, creating competition among subnational governments and delivering better policy outcomes. The author’s opinion is substantiated that decentralization can bring the government closer to the people, thus promoting greater transparency and accountability. The author’s position is given that in poor regions with underdeveloped economies, decentralization may not lead to better coordination of public goods and services with the needs of the population. The article pays special attention to the problems of implementation of the concept of “responsible city” in the life of communities and the implementation of social responsibility and transparency of municipalities. It is stated that in many cities around the world, municipalities are increasingly taking into account the environmental and social aspects of community development. Foreign experience has been revealed, which shows that without the formation of a holistic mechanism (social, political, legal) responsibility in local self-government as a separate territorial community can not be formed as a primary subject of local self-government, and the people as a whole can not become a real sovereign state. The author proves the relevance of the topic of constitutional and legal responsibility in local self-government. It is concluded that the world practice of real decentralized public power shows the need to form not only independent and self-sufficient territorial communities, but also responsible local self-government.
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Yaremchuk, Roman Ye, and Maryana A. Bas-Yurchyshyn. "Priorities for the development of logistics infrastructure in the context of realizing the export potential of Ukrainian regions." Socio-Economic Problems of the Modern Period of Ukraine, no. 5(163) (2023): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.36818/2071-4653-2023-5-2.
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The important role of the transport and logistics system and its infrastructure in realizing the export potential of Ukraine’s regions in the context of a protracted war and post-war recovery requires well-considered public policy measures to support them and further develop them. The measures should aim to increase the regions’ resilience to the challenges of war and lay the foundations for long-term growth. Increasing the sustainability of transport and logistics infrastructure is possible by combining mechanisms in government policy to create favorable conditions for the restoration of each of its structural elements with tools to stimulate their development in accordance with the priority areas of realizing the export potential of Ukraine’s regions. Based on the results of a comprehensive analysis of the transport and logistics infrastructure efficiency, the article offers a set of the state policy measures of its support and development in the regional socio-economic systems of Ukraine. The main directions of such a policy, in our opinion, should include the expansion of opportunities for realizing the export potential of Ukraine’s regions; diversification of transport and logistics infrastructure development in several complementary priority areas as an element of state economic security; integration of Ukraine’s transport and logistics infrastructure into the world transport system and intensification of Ukraine’s cooperation with international financial organizations to attract international financial assistance for modernization. Ukraine’s active European integration is an important factor in shaping the basis for a qualitative transformation and modernization of the transport and logistics infrastructure, which will open wider access to the EU market and facilitate the use of its opportunities to increase and more effectively realize the export potential of Ukraine’s regions, develop their transport and logistics infrastructure in accordance with EU norms and standards, and expand mutually beneficial partnerships with EU countries in the field of transport and logistics based on national interests. The fullest possible use of the transport and logistics infrastructure in the process of realizing the export potential of Ukraine’s regions will contribute to the rapid recovery and stable development of Ukraine’s economy and increase its competitiveness both in the domestic and foreign markets.
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Кошиков, Д. О. "International Experience in Assessing Economic Security: Basic Approaches and Opportunities for Ukraine." Law and Safety 77, no. 2 (June 24, 2020): 118–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.32631/pb.2020.2.16.
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It has been stated that the implementation of state policy in the field of economic security of the country requires systematic monitoring and adjustment, taking into account the rapid changes in the global world and economic space. This monitoring of the state of economic security of the country should be carried out by obtaining and studying certain factual data that allows to make a conclusion about the effectiveness of joint efforts of the authorized state agencies in the direction of national economic security.
The necessity of further study of the effectiveness of the activities of state agencies of foreign countries in the implementation of economic security policy, which would strongly influence the development of the national system for assessing such effectiveness.
The author has considered scientific approaches to the definition of the term “economic security” in foreign scientific sources depending on the object of study (country, region, person), as well as indicators of its evaluation.
International experience of assessing the economic condition and economic security of foreign countries has been analyzed, which is used both at the level of government and for compiling international ratings of the World Bank and the Bank for Reconstruction and Development. The World Bank and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development carry out several comprehensive studies of the economic development of the world countries, covering both the assessment of the current state of its main industries and possible security threats arising from the current global tendencies in public life. It is interesting fact in the researched methods that along to purely economic data, experts study related areas, in particular the level of corruption, crime, efficiency of government agencies, the quality of the regulatory base and the level of state intervention in economic processes and business structures. It is also important in these studies that qualitative indicators are used along with quantitative ones, which consist of studying the opinions of the business environment, entrepreneurs and other business entities.
The main directions of the implementation of positive international experience in assessing the level of economic security to national practice have been suggested. It has been concluded that the national method of calculating the level of economic security of Ukraine needs to be improved by introducing into its system the indicators of state agencies’ work in the relevant area, defining criteria and indicators for combating economic crime and corruption, improving the mechanism of collecting primary data by adding sociological research, expert assessments and research of foreign financial institutions.
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Višňovský, Radovan. "Visegrad Group and Relations with Russia." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 347–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-2-347-355.
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This article refers to the Central European countries by meaning the Visegrad Group countries (V4) - Hungary, Czech Republic, Poland, and Slovakia. The development of the Visegrad Group aimed on integration to the Euro-Atlantic structures fulfilled its promise, nevertheless, the membership in Western structures does not necessarily mean the loss of Russian influence in the region of Central Europe. On the contrary, the region’s connection to Russia developed in the past remained to some extent even after the process of political transition in particular countries. Such connections are responsible for foreign policy discourse with a plethora of questions and misunderstandings on issues related to the political attitudes of Visegrad members towards Russia and some contradictory stances of the V4 countries among themselves as well with respect to Brussels. The EU’s politics of sanctions towards Russia is having a direct, counterproductive effect in Visegrad, what is resulting in undermined relations and weakened coherence inside the EU with the emergence of anti-Western and pro-Russian political parties that creates the space for Russian foreign policy to achieve more influence in the region. This article is analyzing the background of such discourse and some of the reasons behind the pro-Russian sentiment or discrepancies and non-coherence of the EU members’ opinions on Russia. At the same time, the awareness of the outcomes of this article can be relevant in analyzing the possibilities to avoid the deepening of the conflictual foreign policy between the EU and Russia, or the Visegrad and Russia, respectively. The research is built on both, primary and secondary sources, related mainly to the evolution of relations in specific areas between both sides. The mentioned historical perspective creates the basis of the analysis and is further put into contemporary discourse to find the answers on the question: what are the reasons for non-coherence of the EU and Visegrad towards the policy against Russia? To achieve the above-mentioned results, the analysis is provided in chronological perspective using the mixed methods by exploring the official documents, scholarly articles published on the topic, and public polls as well.
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Horáková, Nicole. "Neo-nationalism in the Czech Republic and Its Self-presentation on Social Networks Using the Example of Facebook." Politeja 16, no. 4(61) (December 31, 2019): 111–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.61.07.
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Neo-nationalistic movements, extreme right-wing organisations, and right‑wing parties are booming not only in Europe; they can be found in nearly all western societies, and, in some countries, they form an inherent part of the political system and participate in government, playing an active role in civil society, organising demonstrations and festivals and publicly providing information about their ideas. In doing so they are gaining influence not only on the political scene, but their topics also affect the opinions and debates of the general public. Neo-nationalistic right-wing movements are common in, for example, Germany and France, and especially in the Central European countries of Poland, Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic. They consider themselves to be ‘patriots’, whose aim is to ‘protect’ their own national culture and nation as such from foreign life forms and religions. This kind of ‘protection’ refers mainly to cultural, ethnic and religious issues. In my contribution, I deal with two neo-nationalistic movements in the Czech Republic and analyse how they present themselves on social media (Facebook). The main focus of my research are Internet memes, through which I want to show how the organisations fight against multiculturalism and open society. The present contribution is divided into three parts: first I provide a brief historical overview of the development of right-wing extremism in the Czech lands, the second part deals with the current situation regarding neo-nationalistic movements in the Czech Republic, and the last presents my research on Internet memes and attempts at categorising them, aiming not only to show the different types of memes but also to discover the strategies, argumentation and ideas of neonationalistic movements.
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Slobodchikoff, Michael O. "Constraining Elites: The Impact of Treaty Networks on Foreign Policy." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 42, no. 3 (October 19, 2015): 298–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-04203004.
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In democracies, elites should be responsive to public opinion. This is especially true in Eastern Europe, where politicians fear electoral sanctions in the process of reform (Roberts and Kim 2011). Public opinion in general in Eastern Europe has been overwhelmingly in favor of European integration (Caplanova et al. 2004). In Ukraine, public opinion was in favor of increased cooperation with the eu, while in Moldova, public opinion was in favor of increased cooperation with the Russian led Customs Union. Ukraine refused to sign an association agreement with the eu, while Moldova enthusiastically signed the same association agreement. Why should both Ukrainian and Moldovan political elites have chosen not to be responsive to public opinion in such an important decision? Using network analysis of bilateral treaties between Russia and Moldova and Russia and Ukraine, I predict the responsiveness of political elites to public opinion toward European integration. I argue that the denser a treaty network between a weaker state and the regional hegemon, the less likely political elites will be to cooperate and move toward European integration. Conversely, less dense treaty networks allow politicians more flexibility in following their own preferences. Further, I offer a prediction for other states in the fsu to seek further cooperation with the eu.
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BORTNIKOV, Gennadiy, Oleksandr LYUBICH, and Dmytro KHOKHYCH. "Monetary policy committees in the conditions of the coronavirus pandemic outbreak." Fìnansi Ukraïni 2023, no. 7 (August 31, 2023): 54–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.33763/finukr2023.07.054.
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Introduction. In conditions of systemic shocks, such as the coronavirus pandemic, monetary policy decision-making requires collegiality. Monetary policy committees (MPCs) are a successful institutional solution in the conditions of information asymmetry and available alternatives for responding with monetary measures to dynamic changes in the economy and shocks. Problem Statement. In Ukraine, at the level of the central bank and in the scientific opinion, the role and status of the MPCs in ensuring financial stability is underestimated, which is perceived more as a working body of the Board of the National Bank of Ukraine (NBU). The formation of its composition which includes only top managers of the NBU does not guarantee against the adoption of biased or short-sighted decisions, which can lead to negative consequences for economic growth. There is a need to bring the principles of this collegial body into line with the best practices of central banks. Purpose.To generalize international experience in the institutional development of national central banks in the direction of the corporate structure of the monetary policy committee to ensure greater efficiency of its work and the application of best practices in Ukraine. Methods. Content analysis, methods of scientific abstraction, comparative analysis of statistical information published by central banks of countries that are not part of the European Central Bank system were used. Results. The coronavirus pandemic did not cause significant changes in the organization of committee activities, but it increased the importance of involving external experts to assess and forecast the situation. The analysis of the biographical data of such persons showed that they are highly qualified specialists, recognized in the country and by the international community. In the decisions of individual political bodies the reference to the expectations of the market participants (for example, the prediction of the decision related to maintainance , increase or decrease of the discount rate) deserves special attention as well as the requirement for the members of the body to observe a period of “silence” for at least one week, which means refraining from comments on the statement of position before the meeting. Of course, the practice of involvement the representatives of the Ministry of Finance in meetings of the committee without voting rights is of interest. Conclusions. Monetary policy committees work primarily to ensure price stability, but with a perspective for economic development. The main functions of MPCs in most European countries are not limited to setting the discount rate, but cover reserve requirements, approval of liquidity support programs and refinancing of banks, operations of the central bank in the foreign exchange market and with securities. For Ukraine, it is considered optimal to form MPCs not under the Board, but under the National Bank itself in order to raise its status to the level of a decision-making body. For this amendments should be made to the Law “On the National Bank of Ukraine” and regulations or provisions on the MPCs should be developed. The participation of external experts in the committee is necessary for making informed decisions. Their level of qualification should be confirmed by a doctorate in economics or finance and the status of professor, a solid list of scientific publications and experience of participation in international research. Management experience in public financial corporations, central banks and departments or large financial institutions is desirable. In our opinion, the participation of politicians in the committee is inappropriate, because in the current conditions it will only undermine the independence of the central bank.
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Oppermann, Kai, and Alexander Höse. "Public Opinion and the Development of the European Security and Defence Policy." European Foreign Affairs Review 12, Issue 2 (June 1, 2007): 149–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2007015.
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This article argues that public opinion will become an increasingly significant constraint on European-level decision-making with regard to implementing and further developing the ESDP. The thesis is based on a theoretical concept that identifies two necessary preconditions for public opinion to impact upon governmental foreign policies, namely the public salience of foreign policy issues and the public’s opportunity structures to influence foreign policy decision-making. Any initiative to put into practice or extend the ESDP will have to be pursued in a political environment in which both preconditions will generally be met. First, the ESDP’s actions and aspirations touch upon issues that are of great salience to European publics. Second, European publics are provided with ample channels of influence to constrain European integration in this field via their respective national governments. Thus, the prospects of further developing the ESDP will depend increasingly on supportive public opinions in EU Member States.
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Bodenstein, Thilo, and Jörg Faust. "Who Cares? European Public Opinion on Foreign Aid and Political Conditionality." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 55, no. 5 (April 26, 2017): 955–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12556.
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Abenova, A. S. "PUBLIC OPINION AND EFFICIENCY OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION." BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 69, no. 1 (March 15, 2020): 80–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2020-1.1728-8940.11.
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The article discusses the concept of public opinion, its importance for the effective interaction of the state and various structures of civil society. Foreign methodologies, scientific theories and research, the development of the phenomenon of «public opinion» by foreign researchers, as well as an analysis of the effects of QMS on society. An attempt was also made to evaluate the experience of the Government of the Republic of Kazakhstan in optimizing public administration by introducing a system for assessing the effectiveness of government bodies.
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Dragomir, Elena. "Lithuanian public opinion and the EU membership." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, no. 2 (December 15, 2010): 295–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i2_9.
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During the early 1990s, following the restoration of independence, Lithuania reoriented in terms of foreign policy towards West. One of the state’s main foreign policy goals became the accession to the EU and NATO. Acknowledging that the ‘opinion of the people’ is a crucial factor in today’s democracy as it is important and necessary for politicians to know and take into consideration the ‘public opinion’, that is the opinion of the people they represent, this paper brings into attention the public support for the political pro-West project. The paper is structured in two main parts. The first one presents in short the politicians’ discourse regarding Lithuania’s accession to the EU and its general ‘returning to Europe’, in the general context of the state’s new foreign policy, while the second part presents the results of different public opinion surveys regarding the same issue. Comparing these two sides, in the end, the paper provides the answer that the Lithuanian people backed the political elites in their European projects. Although, the paper does not represent a breakthrough for the scientific community, its findings could be of interest for those less familiarized with the Lithuanian post-Cold War history, and especially for the Romanian public to whom this journal mainly addresses.
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BAKER, ANDY. "Race, Paternalism, and Foreign Aid: Evidence from U.S. Public Opinion." American Political Science Review 109, no. 1 (January 13, 2015): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055414000549.
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Virtually all previous studies of domestic economic redistribution find white Americans to be less enthusiastic about welfare for black recipients than for white recipients. When it comes to foreign aid and international redistribution across racial lines, I argue that prejudice manifests not in an uncharitable, resentful way but in a paternalistic way because intergroup contact is minimal and because of how the media portray black foreigners. Using two survey experiments, I show that white Americans are more favorable toward aid when cued to think of foreign poor of African descent than when cued to think of those of East European descent. This relationship is due not to the greater perceived need of black foreigners but to an underlying racial paternalism that sees them as lacking in human agency. The findings confirm accusations of aid skeptics and hold implications for understanding the roots of paternalistic practices in the foreign aid regime.
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Diven, Polly J., and John Constantelos. "Explaining generosity: a comparison of US and European public opinion on foreign aid." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 7, no. 2 (June 2009): 118–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14794010902868280.
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Vezhlivtseva, N. Yu. "Public Opinion as an Instrument of Socio-Cultural Influence in the Debate on the «NATO Option» in Finland." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture, no. 1 (July 7, 2020): 164–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2020-1-13-164-171.
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The article analyzes how the attitude of the Finnish population to Finland’s policy of military non-alignment correlates with the official foreign strategy. The question of public opinion can act as a possible sociocultural tool for its change is examined. The author explains the main reasons for the formation of stable public opinion in favor of neutrality, based on national and cultural identity. The role of public opinion in the Finnish internal debate on the «NATO option» is shown. The thesis that public opinion plays only an auxiliary role in comparison with external circumstances affecting the foreign policy of Finland, which is widespread in research circles, is considered. The author argues that public opinion on Finland’s possible entry into NATO is crucial in two key ways. First, at present, it’s a factor supporting the stable foreign policy decision, which is carried out by the state government. Secondly, in the future, public opinion may become a factor capable, under certain conditions of having a significant impact on the change of the Finnish course in foreign and security policy. The second option assumes that public opinion can play its own role by changing the pre-planned foreign policy scenario.
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Gaubatz, Kurt Taylor. "Intervention and Intransitivity: Public Opinion, Social Choice, and the Use of Military Force Abroad." World Politics 47, no. 4 (July 1995): 534–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100015203.
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This article argues that the problems identified in the literature on public choice should critically affect our research on public opinion and our understanding of the impact of public opinion on foreign policy. While a robust literature has emerged around social choice issues in political science, there has been remarkably little appreciation for these problems in the literature on public opinion in general and on public opinion and foreign policy in particular. The potential importance of social choice problems for understanding the nature and role of public opinion in foreign policy making is demonstrated through an examination of American public attitudes about military intervention abroad. In particular, drawing on several common descriptions of the underlying dimensionality of public attitudes on major foreign policy issues, it is shown that there may be important intransitivities in the ordering of public preferences at the aggregate level on policy choices such as those considered by American decision makers in the period leading up to the Gulf War. Without new approaches to public-opinion polling that take these problems into consideration, it will be difficult to make credible claims about the role of public opinion in theforeignpolicy process.
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Kherkhadze, Alim. "FACILITATING AND HINDERING FACTORS OF THE ACCELERATED GROWTH OF THE GEORGIAN ECONOMY AND OPINIONS OF THE SCIENTIFIC COMMUNITY (RESULTS OF A SELECTIVE STUDY)." Economic Profile 18, no. 1(25) (July 15, 2023): 103–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.52244/ep.2023.25.04.
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In order to firmly establish a place in the global economy, Georgia must ensure a high rate of economic development and turn from an import-dependent country into the most important player in the global supply chain. Our goal is to find an answer to the question that has been transformed from rhetorical to existential in the post-independence period: "Can we do anything?" Our country's roe highway runs through sustainable and dynamic development, reducing import dependence, achieving an active trade and payment balance - increasing the scale and efficiency of using local resources, attracting, training and using suitably trained personnel with entrepreneurial experience and skills. In an ever-changing global world, new opportunities suddenly appear, and we must be ready to respond faster than others to the new demands of the economy and establish a place in the global supply chain. In our opinion, in order to overcome poverty, attention should be shifted to two main factors: investing a growing part of public funds in education adapted to the requirements of the modern world, and secondly, focusing on the production of products with high added value. The more the raw material goes through the recycling cycle, the more value is added to it and the richer society becomes. Qualified, high-quality education, together with appropriate supporting programs, restores and creates new sectors of the economy, which will be a determining factor in the economic development of Georgia. In order to identify contradictions and opportunities, in the research process, we set the following tasks: • Identification and analysis of factors promoting and hindering the dynamic development of the Georgian economy; • Systematic presentation of conditions and factors ensuring rapid economic development of Georgia and development of appropriate recommendations. In order to achieve the set goal, which included identifying factors promoting and hindering the rapid economic development of Georgia and determining the corresponding effects, from January 9 to January 16, 2023, four higher educational institutions of Georgia (Kutaisi University, Akaki Tsereteli State University, Caucasus University and Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University) We conducted an online survey among academic staff of the economic profile via corporate e-mail. We believe that in the process of searching and researching the factors of the rapid development of the economy of Georgia, it is important to have the assessments, expert knowledge and opinions of those who are most aware of the situation in the country's national economy and who, through their publications and appeals, regularly provide relevant opinions and recommendations to the central or local authorities. 60 professors and teachers answered the questionnaire, where 11-11 factors promoting and hindering the accelerated growth of the Georgian economy and one question were given. When filling out the questionnaire, the respondents should mark only 3-3 factors that are most important to them, and give one answer to the question. Factors facilitating to the accelerated economic growth of Georgia: • A reform-oriented government providing sustainable and dynamic development of the economy – 41,7% • Geopolitical location of Georgia – 38,3% • The recognition of the European perspective of Georgia by the European Union and the real perspective of Georgia joining the European Union – 36,7% • Free trade agreements with the world's largest markets (EU, China, etc.) – 33,3% • Liberal market economy (low level of corruption, little bureaucracy and procedural simplicity, little tax burden) – 31,7% • Georgia's rich and diverse nature, history, culture and gastronomy – 26,7% • Skilled and relatively cheap labor force – 23,3% • State programs for the development of entrepreneurship: "Make in Georgia", GITA grants, "Introduce the future", etc. – 18,3% • Rich natural resources – 16,7% • A well-developed banking system – 11,7% • Increasing harmonization of Georgian legislation with international legislation – 8,3% Factors Hindering to the accelerated economic growth of Georgia: • Underdeveloped democracy, constant question marks to the judicial system, political instability, little experience of statehood, state institutions not free from unhealthy political influence – 55% • Regional economic inequality, disproportionate distribution of investments and public funds to Tbilisi and the rest of Georgia – 41,7% • Low level of higher and professional education, insufficient qualified workforce – 41,7% • Lack of capital needed to implement innovative entrepreneurial ideas, low level of development of the real (production) sector of the economy and high deficit in foreign trade – 41,7% • Russia's occupation of Georgian territories, the threat of potential war and the unstable South Caucasus region. – 38,3% • High level of emigration – 20% • Underdeveloped stock market and non-convertible national currency – 18,3% • Monocentric state, high dependence of territorial-administrative units on state budget transfers – 10% • Mass destruction and hyperinflation of the economic powers inherited from the Soviet Union in the first years of independence – 6,7% • Inadequately developed transport logistics infrastructure (delayed Anaklia port project, poorly developed road infrastructure, single-lane railway lines) – 6,7% • Scarcity of natural resources and high import dependence on energy resources – 5% In response to the third question, which was about the time Georgia will need to reach the average European level of economic development in 2022, taking into account the listed factors. According to the received answers, this figure was about 15 years. Among them, 25 percent of the respondents named less than 10 years, and 10 percent - more than 25 years. For the accelerated economic growth of Georgia, there are many contributing factors as well as hindering factors. Despite the fact that we cannot solve some of the factors hindering economic growth by our own efforts, on the contrary, with the effective and coordinated use of the contributing factors, it is possible to minimize the risks and the rapid economic growth of the country. For rapid economic growth, it is necessary to quickly overcome the negative factors, the solution of which is an internal national issue, and also to use all the potential and positive factors at the same time, thus promoting the development of the real economy and technological innovations.
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Chilton, Adam S., Helen V. Milner, and Dustin Tingley. "Reciprocity and Public Opposition to Foreign Direct Investment." British Journal of Political Science 50, no. 1 (December 22, 2017): 129–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123417000552.
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Prior international political economy public opinion research has primarily examined how economic and socio-cultural factors shape individuals’ views on the flows of goods, people and capital. This research has largely ignored whether individuals also care about rewarding or punishing foreign countries for their policies on these issues. We tested this possibility by administering a series of conjoint and traditional survey experiments in the United States and China that examined how reciprocity influences opposition to foreign acquisitions of domestic companies. We find that reciprocity is an important determinant of public opinion on the regulation of foreign investments. This suggests the need to consider the policies that other countries adopt when trying to explain public attitudes toward global economic integration.
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Tukhtasinova, Nigina. "SCIENTIFIC AND PRA TIFIC AND PRACTICAL IMPOR TICAL IMPORTANCE OF CREA ANCE OF CREATING A CONCISE DIC CONCISE DICTIONARY OF AGIOTERMINES." Scientific Reports of Bukhara State University 5, no. 5 (December 30, 2021): 97–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.52297/2181-1466/2021/5/5/9.
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Abstract. It is an important task for lexicographers to convey the beauty of our national culture through words to the world's book lovers, as well as to create convenience for translators. The words to be given in dictionaries should not only be translated into another language, but should be described in accordance with international lexicographic standards, the word translated into another language should not lose its ethnographic features and be understandable to foreigners. In such cases, it is useful to study the experience of European lexicographers. The translation of terms into the language of translation in the translation of agiomatics, the solution of cases of linguistic and lingvoculturological barriers arising in the process of translation is proved by means of examples taken from the works. System-semantic taxonomic methods have been developed in modern languages, taking into account the definition of agiographic lexicon in dictionaries. When analyzing the national and cultural features of agiographic terms in French and Uzbek, it was found that they are the main dominant component, ie agiographic terms, religious terms. In agiomatics agiographic terms are grouped, ie theonyms, miphonyms, chronyms, myphozonyms. It is not necessary to go the way of giving a literal translation when creating a bilingual dictionary of religious terms or agiographic terms. This is because translating terms related to a particular field into a second language requires an in-depth analysis of its origins, sources, meanings, and accompanying combinations. Dictionaries are required to be in a language that is understandable not only to experts in a particular field but also to the general public. To do this, it is necessary to interpret words that are difficult to understand, in a short and concise way. Given the complexity of the pronunciation of words in foreign languages, giving their transcriptions is also one of the most basic principles. Introduction. As a result of globalization, the emergence of hybrid cultures, the partial transformation of national traditions, the strengthening of interethnic cooperation, various terms and assimilations enter our language. This, in turn, further expands the need for translation dictionaries. In this regard, the opinion of the French lexicographer Alan Ray that modern civilization is a lexical civilization is completely justified. Research methods. Methods of comparative analysis, contextual, axiological, exegetic, artistic analysis and encyclopedic analysis were used to cover the research theme. Results and discussions. It is well known that the fact that dictionaries play an important role in a particular folk culture does not require comment. They reflect the knowledge acquired by society in a particular period. Dictionaries are of great importance in performing a specific social function, including informing the reader, the user about a particular event or situation, conveying it to representatives of other languages, helping to improve and regulate the language, its vocabulary content. Conclusion. The approaches, methods and data used are taken from scientific and artistic sources, comparative-historical, comparative-typological methods, principles of hermeneutics and methods of comparative analysis, conclusions and recommendations are put into practice, the results are confirmed by the competent authorities.
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Obasogie, Henry, and Ngozi Okeibunor. "Appraisal of Public Opinion in Foreign Policy Making: Nigeria and United States of America as a Focal Point." NIU Journal of Social Sciences 10, no. 1 (March 31, 2024): 99–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.58709/niujss.v10i1.1794.
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Public opinion plays an unprecedented role in foreign policy making in Africa as well as in other advanced and sophisticated nations in the international system. However, in the United States of America and Nigeria, empirical evidence shows that public opinion has little or no significant effects on foreign policy decision-making. Several reasons abound for this, some of these reasons are the unwillingness of the political elites to embrace transparency, accountability, and inclusive governance. The study therefore examines the views of scholars on the role of public opinion in foreign policy making in the United States of America and Nigeria. The secondary source of data collection was adopted, data include archival materials, periodical publications, books, and the internet. Most of these materials were sourced through an extensive use of specialized library facilities of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA). The research is descriptive and analytical. The study recommends that the American and Nigerian governments should encourage public opinion in foreign policy making. The researcher also recommend that scholars of International Relations should focus in their research on the role of Government in allowing the input of the public in both domestic and international politics. Keywords: Public Opinion, Foreign Policy, policy, United States of America, Nigeria.
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Fernández-Prados, Juan Sebastián, Cristina Cuenca-Piqueras, and María José González-Moreno. "International public opinion surveys and public policy in Southern European democracies." Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy 35, no. 2 (June 2019): 227–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21699763.2018.1535997.
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AbstractThis article aims to analyse the presence of and relationship between the most relevant comparative social research thorough international surveys and public policies reflected in the different official bulletins or gazettes of the countries of southern Europe, specifically Spain, Portugal and Italy. Following a consideration of the process of globalisation of research through surveys, four surveys were selected (Eurobarometer, World Values Survey, International Social Survey Programme, European Social Survey). The complex relationships between public opinion and public policy were also addressed. Finally, it is concluded that the most prominent international surveys have little or no presence in public policies in the countries analysed.