Journal articles on the topic 'Foreign public opinion, american – research'
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1
Obasogie, Henry, and Ngozi Okeibunor. "Appraisal of Public Opinion in Foreign Policy Making: Nigeria and United States of America as a Focal Point." NIU Journal of Social Sciences 10, no. 1 (March 31, 2024): 99–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.58709/niujss.v10i1.1794.
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Public opinion plays an unprecedented role in foreign policy making in Africa as well as in other advanced and sophisticated nations in the international system. However, in the United States of America and Nigeria, empirical evidence shows that public opinion has little or no significant effects on foreign policy decision-making. Several reasons abound for this, some of these reasons are the unwillingness of the political elites to embrace transparency, accountability, and inclusive governance. The study therefore examines the views of scholars on the role of public opinion in foreign policy making in the United States of America and Nigeria. The secondary source of data collection was adopted, data include archival materials, periodical publications, books, and the internet. Most of these materials were sourced through an extensive use of specialized library facilities of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA). The research is descriptive and analytical. The study recommends that the American and Nigerian governments should encourage public opinion in foreign policy making. The researcher also recommend that scholars of International Relations should focus in their research on the role of Government in allowing the input of the public in both domestic and international politics. Keywords: Public Opinion, Foreign Policy, policy, United States of America, Nigeria.
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Gaubatz, Kurt Taylor. "Intervention and Intransitivity: Public Opinion, Social Choice, and the Use of Military Force Abroad." World Politics 47, no. 4 (July 1995): 534–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100015203.
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This article argues that the problems identified in the literature on public choice should critically affect our research on public opinion and our understanding of the impact of public opinion on foreign policy. While a robust literature has emerged around social choice issues in political science, there has been remarkably little appreciation for these problems in the literature on public opinion in general and on public opinion and foreign policy in particular. The potential importance of social choice problems for understanding the nature and role of public opinion in foreign policy making is demonstrated through an examination of American public attitudes about military intervention abroad. In particular, drawing on several common descriptions of the underlying dimensionality of public attitudes on major foreign policy issues, it is shown that there may be important intransitivities in the ordering of public preferences at the aggregate level on policy choices such as those considered by American decision makers in the period leading up to the Gulf War. Without new approaches to public-opinion polling that take these problems into consideration, it will be difficult to make credible claims about the role of public opinion in theforeignpolicy process.
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Gravelle, Timothy B. "Love Thy Neighbo(u)r? Political Attitudes, Proximity and the Mutual Perceptions of the Canadian and American Publics." Canadian Journal of Political Science 47, no. 1 (March 2014): 135–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423914000171.
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AbstractThere has been renewed interest in recent years in both the foreign perceptions of the United States as well as the foreign policy attitudes of the American public. In this light, it is interesting to observe that there is a substantial body of research on Canadian public opinion toward the United States but relatively little on American public opinion toward Canada. Further, most literature neglects the effect of spatial proximity to the other country on perceptions. This article addresses both shortcomings in the literature. It investigates the mutual perceptions of the Canadian and American publics drawing on public opinion data from both Canada and the US. The explanation of attitudes toward the other country has three main foci: the roles of political party identification and political ideology; the role of spatial proximity to the Canada–US border; and the interactive relationship between political attitudes and border proximity.
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ГАРУСОВА, Лариса. "Внешняя политика США в восприятии и оценках современного американского общества." Известия Восточного института 46, no. 2 (2020): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.24866/2542-1611/2020-2/57-66.
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Анализируется взаимосвязь и корреляция современной внешнеполитической стратегии США с общественной рефлексией на неё. Информационной основой работы являются результаты социологических опросов ведущих американских исследовательских центров, статистические данные, статьи, официальные документы. Прослежена связь официальных внешнеполитических доктрин и мнения американских граждан в отношении России и Китая. Выявлена корреляция между усилением антикитайских настроений в США за последние два года и появлением новой официальной стратегии Вашингтона в отношении КНР («Стратегический подход США к КНР») от 20 мая 2020 г. внешняя политика, США, стратегия, рефлексия, общественное мнение, Россия, Китай, национальная безопасность This article analyzes the relationship and correlation of the US modern foreign policy strategy with public reflection on it. Washington's active foreign policy and US claims to the role of world leader are supported by American society in recent decades. The informational basis of this work is the analysis of the sociological surveys of leading American research centers, statistics, academic articles, as well as official documents on the studied issues. The study revealed the peculiarities of the perception of traditional and new threats to national and international security by the American elite and society. The author traces the connection between official foreign policy doctrines and the opinions of American citizens regarding Russia and China. A correlation was found between the strengthening of anti-Chinese sentiment in the US over the past two years and the appearance of a new official strategy of Washington towards the PRC (“United States Strategic Approach to The People’s Republic of China”) in May 20, 2020. foreign policy, USA, strategy, reflection, public opinion, Russia, China, national security
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PARMARA, INDERJEET. "Engineering consent: the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the mobilization of American public opinion, 1939–1945." Review of International Studies 26, no. 1 (January 2000): 35–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500000358.
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The role of private organizations and think tanks in the United States have been well documented. The Council on Foreign Relations in particular has been much discussed—less so, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. This article seeks to fill that gap by exploring its influence on American public opinion during World War II. Based upon archival research, the essay examines the background of the key members of the Endowment, their outlook and the impact their work had in shaping US attitudes. Using Gramsci's notion of an ‘historic bloc’ wedded to the insights of the ‘corporatist’ school of American foreign relations, the conclusion reached is that the organization—along with other key bodies situated at the interface between the private and public spheres—played a not inconsiderable part in educating Americans for internationalism before the end of the war and the onset of the Cold War two years later.
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Tarzi, Shah M. "The Trump Divide and Partisan Attitudes Regarding US Foreign Policy: Select Theoretical and Empirical Observations." International Studies 56, no. 1 (January 2019): 46–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881718824488.
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This article presents select data, recent trends and empirical analysis concerning American voters’ attitudes on American foreign policy in the Trump era. Accordingly, it addresses several vital questions: (a) whether and to what extent Trump Republicans hold views that are distinct from non-Trump Republicans and from average US voters?; (b) how widespread is support for President Trump’s foreign policy?; and (c) whether partisanship has intensified? Importantly, the study deduces preliminary theoretical observations and highlights select new pathways for future research. The key findings of the article are: (a) Trump supporters hold distinct views from the general public; (b) President Trump’s positions are not popular; (c) partisanship has intensified under Trump; (d) on the broad contours of American foreign policy, the American public, including the non-Trump Republicans, express noteworthy continuity, stability and support in spite of a deeply polarizing American president. The article offers select theoretical insights, including recognition of the role of core value in ordering belief systems, thereby offering a modicum of internal coherence, stability and structure to foreign policy views of American mass public, thus transcending the traditional Almond–Lippmann theoretical consensus regarding the content of American public opinion.
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Nadtochey, Yuriy. "The Impact of the Korean and Vietnam Wars on US Foreign and Domestic Politicy." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 2 (2022): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640014886-2.
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The article compares the two most significant military conflicts of the Cold War era, the Korean War and the Vietnam War, in terms of their impact on US domestic and foreign policy. To this end, they are analysed on eight key parameters (objectives of the war, changes in foreign policy concepts, economic consequences of the war, public opinion, etc.). Unlike numerous studies on the impact of the US on Asian regions and nations, the main thrust of this study is to focus on the reverse impact of the Korean and Vietnam Wars, namely on the ways these conflicts affected the domestic affairs of the US and altered its foreign policy behaviour. The empirical base for the study encompasses declassified White House and Pentagon papers, memoirs of American presidents, public opinion polls, as well as extensive research literature. The authors conclude that, although the war on the Korean Peninsula was one of the hottest points of the Cold War and had a serious impact on the social and political life of the country, it has in fact turned out to be a “forgotten” event in American history. By contrast, the Vietnam War, although it had a significant impact on the public consciousness of Americans, was on the whole largely a local conflict, failed to substantially change the international situation, and could not impede the policy of détente in international relations, which was essential for both the USA and the USSR.
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Rezanenko, Olga Olegovna. "The American press about the soviet industrialization in 1920-1930s." Samara Journal of Science 5, no. 2 (June 1, 2016): 115–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv20162210.
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Press releases nature about the soviet industrialization, business and political circles and intellectuals reaction to the changes in the USSR during the 1920-1930s and deciding factors of the five-year plans perception by the Americans are determined and analyzed in this work. American periodicals, diplomatic correspondence of the Peoples Commissariat for Foreign Affairs (NKID) as well as materials of soviet propaganda are of particular importance for this research. On the basis of these sources the following conclusions were drawn: the American public had different views on the Soviet industrialization. Positive estimations were based on the real progress (new plants construction, improvement of the quality of life). Negative - on disparities between Soviet and American standards of labor productivity and quality, management, discipline, etc. Authors personal sympathies to the Soviet regime, artificial information selection by soviet censorship, political, social and economic environment in the USA influenced on the American public opinion. Soviet propaganda methods in order to form proper views in American society in that period were not substantial.
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Erskine, Kristopher C. "“American Public Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics: The Genesis of the China Lobby in the United States, and how Missionaries Shifted American Foreign Policy between 1938 and 1941”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 25, no. 1 (March 15, 2018): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02501003.
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The China Lobby in the United States attracted much scholarly attention after 1945, yet it found its footing in the late 1930s and played a critical role in re-shaping American public opinion prior to World War ii. Historians have devoted relatively little time to investigating this earlier period. The overwhelming majority of China’s lobbyists during these early years were American missionaries who the Chinese government often funded and managed. This article examines the role of two of those missionaries—Frank and Harry Price—and their American Committee for Non-Participation in Japanese Aggression. It relies on research in Taiwan, China, and in archives across the United States. The author also has interviewed members of the Price family, as well as former associates of Frank Price in the United States, Taiwan, and China. The evidence this article presents demonstrates that while difficult to quantify, the Price brothers played a crucial role in helping to re-shape American public opinion about China between 1938 and 1941.
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Buranok, Sergey Olegovich. "«Red Threat» in the estimates of the USA press in 1939." Samara Journal of Science 8, no. 3 (August 5, 2019): 223–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201983219.
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The following paper deals with the research of the place and value of Russias foreign policy and its reflection in the USA public opinion. The study of information campaign around USSRs foreign policy has its specifics and value: first, it gives a chance to establish new, unknown facts; secondly, to determine the level of knowledge of another (in this case, American) society about the Soviet foreign policy; thirdly, to understand what place information about Soviet foreign policy took in the USA in the system of the USSR image creation, the image of the Soviet revolution. This paper uses materials of the USA press about USSRs foreign policy in 1939. Besides, the author analyzes the image of the Soviet foreign policy in the American society. The information campaign around USSRs foreign policy could report to the world about the Soviet foreign policy achievements as well as promote preparation (in the information plan) to the following large project - the image of the Soviet ally. Articles, reports, notes on USSRs foreign policy of 1939 helped to change the attitude towards Russia / the USSR in the USA and helped to correct the image of the USSR in the world.
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Pandya, Sonal S. "Labor Markets and the Demand for Foreign Direct Investment." International Organization 64, no. 3 (July 2010): 389–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818310000160.
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AbstractExisting research on foreign direct investment (FDI) focuses on how politics influences the supply of FDI inflows. In this article I shift focus to the demand for FDI inflows within recipient countries by examining individual preferences for FDI. I argue that FDI preferences are largely a function of FDI's effects on income. FDI raises wages, especially those of skilled labor because foreign firms require more highly skilled labor than their local counterparts. Accordingly, support for FDI should increase with respondents' skills. Using three years of extensive public opinion data from eighteen Latin American countries, I provide robust evidence that preferences are consistent with FDI's effects on income. There is relatively little support for alternate explanations including concerns about job security, opposition to privatization, and the socializing effects of higher education on economic policy preferences.
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Golby, James, Peter Feaver, and Kyle Dropp. "Elite Military Cues and Public Opinion About the Use of Military Force." Armed Forces & Society 44, no. 1 (February 6, 2017): 44–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x16687067.
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Do military endorsements influence Americans’ political and foreign policy views? We find that senior military officers have the ability to nudge public attitudes under certain conditions. Through a series of large, survey-based experiments, with nearly 12,000 completed interviews from national samples, we find that participants respond to survey questions in predictable ways depending on whether they have been prompted with information about the views of senior military leaders on the very same questions. When told that senior military leaders oppose particular interventions abroad, public opposition to that intervention increases; endorsements of support boost public support but by a smaller magnitude. Subsequent causal mediation analysis suggests that military opinion influences public opinion primarily through its impact on a mission’s perceived legitimacy and, to a lesser degree, it’s perceived likelihood of success.
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Jeleń, Mateusz. "The Purchase of Alaska by the United States of America in 1867 in the Light of the American Press." Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio F – Historia 78 (December 22, 2023): 79–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/f.2023.78.79-103.
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In the 19th century, Russia was one of the most territorially expansive states in the world. However, a century and a half ago there was a spectacular sale of a part of its territory to a foreign state. This large-for-the-time financial transaction did not escape the attention of the world opinion expressed in periodicals. Particularly interesting is the coverage of this event in the press published in the United States between 1867 and 1903. On the basis of the latter, public opinion on the territorial, economic and political implications of the 1867 transaction was analyzed. The research carried out also made it possible to outline the media resonance of the United States of America in the second half of the 19th century, i.e. a media reconstruction of the problems operating in the reality of the time, and in the case of this work, mainly those concerning the new territorial acquisition.
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Kislitsyn, S. "Contemporary Problems of a “Grand Strategy” in the US Foreign Policy." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 4 (2020): 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2020-4-27-39.
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The research examines the main problems of a grand strategy in the US foreign policy. Attention is paid to the conceptual understanding of this term, its historical development, and the current state. The article analyzes the positions of American foreign policy elites and the expert community regarding the problem of the US self-positioning in the outside world. The article consists of three parts. The first analyses the main conceptual provisions of the “grand strategy” as a term. It describes its development from a military term, reflecting the general tactics in interstate confrontation to its comprehensive understanding as a coordination principle of long-term and medium-term goals with short term actions. The second part of the article focuses on the American foreign policy elites, their approaches, as well as public opinion on this issue. It is noted that the ideology of global leadership has become an important component of the establishment's thinking. It largely impedes the development of new foreign policy concepts and, as a result, reformatting the grand strategy. The third part is devoted to the positions of the expert community on the issue of grand strategy. Four main versions are considered: "Offensive", "Selective engagement", "Offshore Balancing", "Zero-sum". The author comes to a conclusion that the US foreign policy mixes several types of strategies at the moment. It is noted that as China strengthens, the United States faces a new competition, which, unlike the Soviet threat, implies not military-political, but economic confrontation. The implementation of the scenario of a "new Cold War" between Washington and Beijing can define the new goals of the grand strategy. At the same time, this also creates an ideological dilemma of recognizing a new challenge, an increasing alternative for American global leadership - the idea of which is still popular among representatives of American foreign policy elites.
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Buranok, Sergey Olegovich. "War, Imperialism, and colonies: a view of the US press." Samara Journal of Science 8, no. 1 (February 28, 2019): 219–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201981216.
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Questions about the perspectives of the European empires colonial system after the Great War, forms and ways of its transition to postcolonial age, relativity of the colonial powers experience to the US foreign policy, were very popular and quite debating for the American public opinion during and after the end of the World War I. colonial system research cannot be complete without studying the press of the powers that signed the Versailles Treaty. In order to give a detailed analysis of international relationships in terms of the global transformations from the American point of view relevant newspaper articles published after the Great War should be analyzed. The results have shown changes in priority in schemes of colonial system transformation as it was viewed in American public discourse during 1919-1922. Woodrow Wilson plan for the colonial powers dismantle was gradually replaced by the less radical plans, which presupposed the use of the colonial experience in the US foreign policy. Materials of the American press for the 1919-1922 reveals that there was a search of the most effective and optimum strategy of the relations with the European empires as well as with its dependent territories. Analysis of American press reveals its steady interest in negative and positive experience of colonial empires in search of the lessons of history. In 1919-1922 most prominent journalists were focused on Europe, which was represented as the cornerstone for the US foreign policy by the White House, the US State Department and the media. And we can clearly see another factor affecting approaches to the colonial issue in American press. It was the Soviet Russia attention and support to the national liberation movements in Asia and Africa. The Red Menace had become one of the factors that forced American media to redefine the colonial issue in light of the new world order which had been created after the end of the Great War on the base of the Versailles Treaty.
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Mashevskyi, Oleh, and Olga Sukhobokova. "The second scientific conference «USA: Politics, Society, Culture» at Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 15 (2023): 112–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2023.15.9.
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The strong support of the United States during the Russian war against Ukraine highlights the significant scholarly problem of the comprehensive study of American history (particularly foreign policy), culture, and US-Ukrainian relations. The mentioned directions define the activities of the educational program «American and European Studies (with the advanced program of foreign languages)» of the Department of Modern and Contemporary History of Foreign Countries at the Faculty of History of the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. In January 2023, the Department held the second All-Ukrainian scientific conference «USA: Politics, Society, Culture,» dedicated to various aspects of the social, political, and cultural development of the United States of America. The conference took place online on the «Zoom» platform. It was primarily aimed at the participation of young researchers – students and graduate students who study the history, politics, society, and culture of the United States. At the same time, more experienced Americanists also participated, presenting their latest research developments. The main keynote speech at the plenary session was delivered by Valeriy Prystaiko, The main keynote speech at the plenary session was delivered by Valeriy Prystaiko, the Chief Consultant of the Military Policy Division at the Center for Security Studies of the National Institute for Strategic Studies (NISS), Candidate of Sciences in public administration. His report was focused on specific aspects of cooperation between Ukraine and the United States in the context of the full-scale war. The main work of the conference was organized into four sections: U.S. Foreign Policy and Relations with World States in the 21st Century; U.S. Foreign Policy and Relations with World States in the 20th Century; U.S. Foreign Policy Strategy; American Society and Culture. The conference materials have been published on the website of the Department of Modern and Contemporary History of Foreign Countries of the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Video recordings of the most interesting reports are also available on the Department’s YouTube channel «American, European, and Oriental Studies». The experience gained from the conference «USA: Politics, Society, Culture» convincingly demonstrates the importance of such scientific forums for the development of Ukrainian American studies, the engagement and professional growth of young Americanist researchers, and the expert discussion and exchange of experience between younger and older generations of Ukrainian Americanists. In our opinion, scientific and cultural diplomacy plays a crucial role in deepening mutual understanding and cooperation between the Ukrainian and American peoples, particularly in countering Russian aggression in Ukraine and rebuilding our state. Therefore, we hope for the continuation of the tradition of annual conferences and other events that will contribute to the development of Ukrainian American studies.
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Flynn, Michael E., Carla Martinez Machain, and Alissandra T. Stoyan. "Building Trust: The Effect of US Troop Deployments on Public Opinion in Peru." International Studies Quarterly 63, no. 3 (June 13, 2019): 742–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqz028.
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AbstractSince the 1950s, US military personnel have taken on an increasingly diverse set of responsibilities, including less traditional roles delivering disaster aid and engaging in public diplomacy. Focusing on a particular subset of deployments, humanitarian and civic-assistance deployments to Latin America, we examine the effect that a US military presence can have on public opinion in the host country. We focus on the microfoundations of popular support and use survey data and newly collected subnational data on deployments to examine the effect of these deployments on mass attitudes toward the US military and government in Peru. We find that these deployments do improve perceptions of the US military and government, and correlate with assessments of US influence that are more positive. Our findings bolster the conclusions of previous research that shows how aid can both improve public attitudes toward the donor country and address the foreign aid attribution problem.
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Mirmohammad Sadeghi, S. M., and R. Hajimineh. "The Role of Iran’s «Soft Power» in Confronting Iranophobia." MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, no. 4 (September 9, 2019): 216–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-4-67-216-238.
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«Soft power» is a set of activities designed by a government or regional and international actors aimed to influence external public opinion, promote external image or attract support for a particular policy, which is implemented through all the available tools and new technologies. The non-governmental actors also play an effective and important role in this diplomacy. Considering the public diplomacy and soft power of the Islamic Republic of Iran as a deliberate and conscious approach can be of great importance in the country's grand strategies that will strengthen national interests in the domestic sphere and influence them at regional and global levels. The article analyzes the role of Iran’s soft power in confronting Iranophobia. The study is aimed at presenting a theoretical definition of public diplomacy and soft power in foreign policy and international system, and then examines its role in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran with an emphasis on confronting Iranophobia.The authors answer the research question: “What is the role of soft power in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in confronting Iranophobia?” The research method is descriptive-analytical based on historical evidence, documents, and analytical issues of theorists, authors, and media being expressed in the theoretical framework of soft power. The paper is based on a synthesis of Stephen Walt’s “balance of threat” theory with Alexander Wendt’s social constructivism to explain the Iranian “threat” in American foreign policy.The findings of this research show that without the use of force and disturbing the balance in the international relations, using a variety of tools and instruments the Iranian public diplomacy and soft power might be effective to reduce the global and regional atmosphere of Iranophobia and undermine anti-Iranian solidarity.
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Chaudoin, Stephen, Helen V. Milner, and Dustin H. Tingley. "The Center Still Holds: Liberal Internationalism Survives." International Security 35, no. 1 (July 2010): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00003.
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Recent research, including an article by Charles Kupchan and Peter Trubowitz in this journal, has argued that the United States' long-standing foreign policy orientation of liberal internationalism has been in serious decline because of rising domestic partisan divisions. A reanalysis of the theoretical logic driving these arguments and the empirical evidence used to support them suggests a different conclusion. Extant evidence on congressional roll call voting and public opinion surveys, which is often used to support the claim that liberal internationalism has declined, as well as new evidence about partisan divisions in Congress using policy gridlock and cosponsorship data from other studies of American politics do not demonstrate the decline in bipartisanship in foreign policy that conventional wisdom suggests. The data also do not show evidence of a Vietnam War or a post–Cold War effect on domestic partisan divisions on foreign policy. Contrary to the claims of recent literature, the data show that growing domestic political divisions over foreign policy have not made liberal internationalism impossible. It persists as a possible grand strategy for the United States in part because of globalization pressures.
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Dodeltsev, R. F., and P. A. Abramova. "Distortion of Information in Politics: Based on the Work of Paul Ekman <i>Telling Lies</i>." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 7, no. 1 (March 21, 2023): 74–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2023-1-25-74-84.
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Conceptual analysis of the mechanism of information distortion in the political domain of public life and the issue of lies in politics undertaken in this study stems from the work of the American psychologist, Professor Paul Ekman Telling lies (1985). As the research question raised concerns about the cultural determination of these phenomena in politics, the authors attempted to determine whether deception and lies in public life depend on cultural background. In his work, Ekman presents the interconnection between personal meanings, emotional perception, self-censorship, features of human memory, metaphors, and narratives with the manipulation of public opinion. The paper indicates factors that may affect the study of intentional distortion of information and increase the possibility of error. The methods proposed in Telling Lies coupled with vivid examples enable us to identify patterns of political lies and investigate the meaning of lies as a specific cultural strategy. Specifically, this essay compares Ekman’s arguments with the ideas of the cultural and historical approach of Soviet psychology, as well as with the ideas of prominent foreign authors concerning the acceptability of using lies in certain political cultures. In particular, the authors are interested in considering political metaphor and group thinking in studying reasons goals, and results of employing lies to create political clout. According to research, personal meaning is closely related to group values and meanings. Based on the example of American foreign policy in the second half of the 20th century, it is shown that across cultures there are some manipulation techniques and patterns. Accordingly, the authors conclude that intentional and unintended deception is typical of politicians despite their cultural background.
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Galibina-Lebedeva, Elena Sergeevna. "Protestant churches and sects as a political factor in Latin America." Мировая политика, no. 3 (March 2020): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2020.3.34023.
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In recent years, the role of protestant churches in the political life of Latin American countries has significantly grown. We can even talk about a specific regional phenomenon. The research object in this article is the modern political activity of Protestant churches in the region, and the research object is Latin American society. The author analyzes the participation of religious institutions in the latest electoral period of 2018 - 2019 using the example of presidential campaigns in Brazil and Mexico. Special attention is given to the fact that churches are becoming the subjects of political process influencing the reformation of public opinion and providing the secular authorities with massive support. The author concludes that during the presidential election in Brazil the largest local evangelical Universal Church of the Kingdom of God (IURD) gave significant support to the far-right candidate J. Bolsonaro, while in Mexico, the victory of the center-left politician López Obrador wouldn’t be possible without the active participation of the National Association of Evangelical Christian Churches (Confraternice). This Mexican politician has become the first democratically-elected leftist president. Of particular interest is also the analysis of internal and foreign policy of the leaders of Brazil and Mexico supported by the local evangelical communities. The topicality of the scientific problem is determined by the fact that in terms of a crisis of traditional political ideologies, economic and humanitarian crisis, as well as the COVID-19 pandemic, religion is becoming the only secure basis, and the influence of its cults on the formation of public opinion will be undoubtedly growing.
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Kryukova, Elena V., Elena A. Savchuk, and Iuliia V. Davtian. "Technopolitics in the Ibero-American Region." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 460 (2020): 112–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/460/14.
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In recent decades, the active interaction of innovative technologies and politics has given a rise to a new specific phenomenon –technopolitics. It is acquiring clearer outlines and seeks to obtain the status of a separate applied discipline. Technopolitics includes the whole range of tools used by politicians, political organizations and political strategists within the Internet space in order to collect information about the potential electorate, form a strategy and influence the mood of voters. The main elements of technopolitics are social networks, mobile applications and specialized sites. They become an ideal platform for understanding the mood in society, forming a roadmap on key issues, which allows solving both internal and foreign policy tasks. The authors of this research set the aim to analyze examples of technopolitics functioning in the countries of the Ibero-American region, which includes countries with an impressive number of Internet users and one of the highest levels of political participation. As a result of the research, the authors come to the conclusion that Spain and the countries of Latin America are actively involved in technopolitics, which is proved by the activities of local political organizations that develop their activity in the framework of Internet communications. The creation of social media accounts and own websites is aimed at an active interaction with citizens without the participation of traditional media as an intermediary. Operative response to changes in shades of public opinion allows political parties to timely change the vector of their movement. Citizens’ general engagement in technopolitics led to truly revolutionary changes in the hierarchy of the “candidatevoter”, endowing the voter with truly democratic instruments of influencing the government, and thereby increasing the percentage of political participation of citizens disenchanted with the former relations between the institution of power and the people. The Internet has allowed an ordinary person to turn into a real political actor organizing transparent discussions, easily involving a large number of people in solving political issues. People are no longer required to vote within the framework of the proposed alternative, but asked for their opinion. Much of this change is due to the creation of Twitter, a platform opened to discussion of various issues and free from censorship, very popular in the countries of the Ibero-American region.
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Werfelli, Wissal. "Trump’s Peace Plan." RUDN Journal of World History 14, no. 2 (April 29, 2022): 223–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2022-14-2-223-234.
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Since the 1960s, the US foreign policy has been characterized by relative stability in interaction with the dynamics of the Palestinian conflict. Well-established American institutions, legal, constitutional and political restrictions, and various groups of interests and pressure, especially the Jewish lobby, research centers, media, and American public opinion, which mostly support the Israeli point of view, are the important factors in developing and defining the foreign policy of the United States. One more factor relates to international and regional shifts. As the Palestinian-Israeli conflict was going on, and since the signing of the Oslo Accords in the early 1990s, the first issue among the priorities of successive US administrations in the Middle East until regional developments imposed other priorities as a result of the events of September 2001, and the subsequent occupation of Iraq in 2003. The emergence of Al Qaeda, the turmoil of the Middle East region and the disturbance of its political, social and religious structure coincided with the emergence of the so-called Arab revolutions of 2011 and extremist jihadist organizations such as the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant. Therefore, the role of Trump administration was determined by developments within the US on the one hand, and by the interaction of events in the Middle East region on the other hand.
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Shchyhelska, Halyna. "Ukrainian question in us policy in the context of commemorating the «Captive Nations Week»." Науковий вісник Чернівецького національного університету імені Юрія Федьковича. Історія 1, no. 49 (June 30, 2019): 109–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2019.49.109-115.
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One of the significant achievements of the Ukrainian ethnic lobby in the US during the Cold War was the adoption of Public Law 86-90 Captive Nations Week Resolution. Under this law, the US president was authorized to declare «Captive Nations Week» annually – until all of them become free and independent, and has invited the American people to observe the occasion with appropriate ceremonies and activities, in support of the oppressed peoples who lost their independence as the result of «direct and indirect aggression of communist Russia». It remains valid for six decades and is becoming increasingly relevant under conditions of growing Russian aggression.
The purpose of our research is to find out the importance of the «Ukrainian question» in US foreign policy in the context of the commemoration of «Captive Nations Week».
The «Ukrainian question» during the Cold War was largely considered in the overall political-ideological context of the confrontation with the USSR. Using a favorable socio-political situation, the Ukrainian Diaspora, led by the Ukrainian Congressional Committee of America (UCCA), organized large-scale information campaigns aimed at drawing the attention of the American and world community to the internal situation in the Union, as well as consideration, at least at the theoretical level, the question of the state status of Ukraine. It was during this period that the political representation of American Ukrainians, a peculiar Ukrainian ethnic lobby was formed, playing a significant role in the adoption of the Public Law 86-90 Captive Nations Week Resolution. The strategic significance of this law was to determine at the official level the status of Ukraine as a colonial dependent country. Despite independence, Ukraine, under conditions of direct aggression on the part of Russia, remains in the list of «captive nations», which the Captive Nations Committee calls for the defense of, and some Western analysts believe that this Week is a good opportunity to think and start acting.
US support in confronting Russian expansion is essential for Ukraine, but the Ukrainian government needs to make a lot of effort to maintain US commitment and deepen partnerships based on common values and interests. In our opinion, close cooperation with the Ukrainian diaspora, which already has considerable experience in lobbying Ukraine’s national interests and the ability to coordinate ethnic needs with American social values, is prominent in this direction.
Keywords: Ukrainian question, Captive Nations Week, US, foreign policy, ethnic lobby, Lev Dobriansky
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Sytnik, Anna, Natalia Tsvetkova, and Ivan Tsvetkov. "U.S. Digital Diplomacy and Big Data: Lessons from the Political Crisis in Venezuela, 2018–2019." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (April 2022): 192–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.2.16.
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Introduction. The article reveals the current U.S. digital diplomacy applying the case study referred to the political crisis in Venezuela culminated in late 2018 and early 2019, when the speaker of the National Assembly Juan Guaido declared himself the self-proclaimed acting president after the elections. Confrontation between his supporters and those of the incumbent President Nicolas Maduro reached its apogee. The aim of the research is to reveal whether the U.S. has been able to influence the development of the political situation and opinion of Venezuelan citizens through various digital diplomacy instruments and international broadcasting channels. The analytical part of the paper is divided into two sections. The first section discusses methodological issues relative to research in the field of digitalization of U.S. foreign policy and international relations in general. These methodological approaches are tested on the case study, namely the U.S. digital diplomacy in Venezuela in the second section of the paper. Methods. The methodology of the research includes the analysis of big data and social media. The primary sources are the accounts of U.S. officials, government-sponsored media, Venezuelan media, and bloggers. Twitter was surveyed to the extent that active political discussions flared up there during the crisis. At the time, Venezuela had the third highest number of Twitter users in the world. Analysis. Using the machine analytics, about 10 million tweets were retrieved, allowing us to determine the place of the U.S. governmental accounts among the influencers of public opinion in Venezuela. Results. The analysis shows that local digital media, and the activity of bloggers and politicians, including Juan Guaido and Nicolas Maduro, had more impact on the Twitter community and Venezuelans than U.S. channels of digital diplomacy or tweets of American politicians. The more active local bloggers are, the less chances were left for external players including the United States as well as Russia, China, or Europe, to change public opinions of Venezuelans. Authors’ contribution. Anna Sytnik carried out the big data analysis using Python programming language and developed the methodological foundations of the research. Natalia Tsvetkova developed the methodological foundations of the research and made the interpretations of analysis in terms of U.S. digital and data diplomacy. Ivan Tsvetkov developed the contextual frameworks of the case study.
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Khramchenko, Dmitry S. "The power of synergy in discourse: Exploring persuasive language in English mass media." Indonesian Journal of Applied Linguistics 13, no. 2 (September 30, 2023): 368–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/ijal.v13i2.63068.
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Contemporary English-language media discourse exerts a powerful influence over public opinion and attitudes, necessitating an exploration into the nuanced mechanisms of persuasive communication. This study examines the concept of synergistic pragmatic effects, focusing on how the combination of diverse language structures influences the efficacy of persuasive verbal interaction. Using a corpus of British and American newspaper articles and opinion essays, this research adopts a robust functional-linguistic approach. It applies both qualitative and quantitative analyses to dissect language techniques such as metaphor, irony, humor, emotionally charged lexemes, hyperbole, interdiscursive references, and rhetorical questions. The findings highlight the transformative power of expertly utilized synergies in achieving communicative goals and refining message interpretation. The interaction of varied language structures provokes particular cognitive and emotional reactions in audiences, shaping their perception of the presented information. This insight is crucial for discourse producers aiming to resonate with their target audience. Additionally, a heightened awareness of these synergies can make recipients less vulnerable to subtle speech manipulation. The practical implications of this research are most salient in the domain of teaching English as a foreign language for cross-cultural professional communication. By melding elements of functional-linguistic analysis, critical thinking, media literacy, and language proficiency, learners can better identify and counteract speech manipulation in media texts. This study augments the current literature on language's role in media communication, underscoring the need for continued research into the interplay between language, discourse, and persuasion in media.
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Nikiporets-takigawa, Galina Yur'evna. "Japanese non-mainstream political discourse in the context of the latest Russia-Japan relations." Obshchestvennye nauki i sovremennost, no. 5 (December 15, 2023): 87–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869049923050076.
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The state and prospects of Russian-Japanese relations after the beginning of the Ukrainian crisis depend on both foreign and domestic political factors, including the views on geopolitical issues of Japanese political elites and also the degree of their independence relative to the US. The official Japanese political discourse is completely consolidated with the American after the beginning of the Ukrainian crisis. The opposition to mainstream discourse within Japan, its effectiveness and significance for Russian-Japanese relations is studied. Analysis of the expert opinion with help of in-depth interviewing, as well as secondary sources and public speeches are presented. The conclusion is that the support of the US and the unified Western narrative is due to the current leadership of PM F. Kishida, as well as the traditional weakness of the Japanese opposition under the dominance of the ruling LDP. The visibility of consolidation is also strengthened by specific conductors of mainstream discourse - the Japanese media. Nevertheless, for a number of representatives of the Japanese political opposition, the Ukrainian crisis has become a weighty argument in criticizing the official discourse. Non-mainstream discourse increases its influence on mainstream, as well as on Japanese public opinion. The research results are also important because in the current Russian-Japanese relations, Russia is willing to know the political actors and their activities, which can be relied on to normalize these relations and promote in Japan the Russian point of view on the Ukrainian crisis and the role of the US in it.
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Kravets, Danylo. "Functioning of Ukrainian Bureau in Washington D. C. (March 1939 – May 1940)." Proceedings of Vasyl Stefanyk National Scientific Library of Ukraine in Lviv, no. 11(27) (2019): 142–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0315-2019-11(27)-8.
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The aim of the Ukrainian Bureau in Washington was propaganda of Ukrainian question among US government and American publicity in general. Functioning of the Bureau is not represented non in Ukrainian neither in foreign historiographies, so that’s why the main goal of presented paper is to investigate its activity. The research is based on personal papers of Ukrainian diaspora representatives (O. Granovskyi, E. Skotzko, E. Onatskyi) and articles from American and Ukrainian newspapers. The second mass immigration of Ukrainians to the US (1914‒1930s) has often been called the «military» immigration and what it lacked in numbers, it made up in quality. Most immigrants were educated, some with college degrees. The founder of the Ukrainian Bureau Eugene Skotzko was born near Western Ukrainian town of Zoloczhiv and immigrated to the United States in late 1920s after graduating from Lviv Polytechnic University. In New York he began to collaborate with OUN member O. Senyk-Hrabivskyi who gave E. Skotzko task to create informational bureau for propaganda of Ukrainian case. On March 23 1939 the Bureau was founded in Washington D. C. E. Skotzko was an editor of its Informational Bulletins. The Bureau biggest problem was lack of financial support. It was the main reason why it stopped functioning in May 1940. During 14 months of functioning Ukrainian Bureau in Washington posted dozens of informational bulletins and send it to hundreds of addressees; E. Skotzko, as a director, personally wrote to American governmental institutions and foreign diplomats informing about Ukrainian problem in Europe. Ukrainian Bureau activity is an inspiring example for those who care for informational policy of modern Ukraine.Keywords: Ukrainian small encyclopedia, Yevhen Onatsky, journalism, worldview, Ukrainian state. Keywords: Ukrainian Bureau in Washington, Eugene Skotzko, public opinion, history of journalism, diaspora.
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Yushkevych, V. V. "US participation in IGCR activity during 1943." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 21, no. 10 (November 9, 2018): 54–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/1718029.
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The article covers the resumption of the active work of the Intergovernmental Committee on Refugees through the prism of US activity within this structure. Created on the initiative of American leader F. Roosevelt in 1938 to help refugees from Austria and Germany, IGCR in reality appeared dysfunctional with the outburst of the Second World War. The article examines factors that revitalized activities of the defined structure. It was emphasized that the organization’s revival was made possible by appropriate initiatives originating from the British and American parties in early 1943. It was determined that strategic and tactical tasks were discussed and adopted on the basis of the results of an Inter-allied Bermuda Refugee Conference. Special mention was made to the work of American representatives of the American delegation headed by the Rector of Princeton University - Harold Dodds.The article reveals agenda of the resumed meetings of the Executive Committee of the Intergovernmental Committee on Refugees, analysis its results. The main range of issues that the Directorate of the IGCR had to deal with: the renewal of the membership of twenty-nine countries and the further expansion of the organization through the invitation and involvement of twenty new member states, the co-optation of new representatives of the new member states into the governing and executive body of the organization, changing approaches to funding, and introduction of the principle of “binding decisions”, preparation for the convening of a General congress.The questions, which were separately considered at the meetings of the Executive Committee - expansion of the territorial mandate of the IGCR, Soviet-Polish contradictions, the definition of the representative of the French delegation in connection with the struggle for leadership in the resistance of Russia, the creation of refugee camps in North Africa. It has been evaluated the influence on decision-making process of American representatives in the Executive Committee of the IGCR - Patrick Malin and John Winant.During the preparation of the article a potential source as the diplomatic correspondence of documents of the American foreign policy department are researched. Attention is drawn to the analysis of this matter in the investigations and research work of foreign historians. The article clarifies that the formation of a new system of international protection of refugees proclaimed F. Roosevelt in 1938 took place in complicated foreign policy circumstances. The change of the situation on the fronts, the emergence of public opinion and the new approaches of the British government allowed in the first half of 1943 to return to the development of instruments and mechanisms to conduct relief work and assistance to war refugees through the implementation of IGCR’s projects.
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Paramonova, Daria V. "Analytical and News Articles: American, British and Spanish Representation of the Image of the State in Comparison." Current Issues in Philology and Pedagogical Linguistics, no. 3 (September 25, 2022): 142–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/2079-6021-2022-3-142-153.
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This article is devoted to the study of the representation of the image of the state (Russia and the United States) in the American, British and Spanish analytical and news articles in comparative aspect. The study is conducted on the material of electronic versions of articles taken from modern American (“The New York Times”, “The Wall Street Journal”, “The Washington Post”), British (“The Guardian”, “The Independent”, “The Times”, “Financial Times”) and Spanish media (“El País”, “La Vanguardia”, “El Mundo”) in 2022. The purpose of the work is achieved by applying the complex method of lexico-semantic and stylistic analysis, interpretive analysis, the comparative method. It is established that each state strives to strengthen its positive image in the media space. Often this happens due to the purposeful belittling and deterioration of the image of those states that are considered competitors, ideological opponents, or enemies in the eyes of the readership. We will consider in the article how the media influence the image of the country and how the media image of the state is formed. We have selected analytical and news articles which create the images of two influential states Russia and the USA in comparison in different linguocultures. We examined the image of Russia and the United States based on the classification of V. Slavina and A. Oleinikov. As a result of the study, it was found out that in 2022 the opinion of the American, British and Spanish media about Russia and the United States is formed on the basis of already existing negative or positive attitudes and depends on the events taking place in the world. Public opinion, the moods of the ruling elites, the economic and foreign policy situation are changing, therefore the nature of the coverage of information in analytical and news media articles is also changing. The image of Russia in both analytical and news articles seems to us negative. The image of the United States, created by the American, British and Spanish media in news articles is neutral, there is no assessment of American government and what is happening on the territory of the U.S. In analytical articles, the image of the United States is criticized. An analysis of the factual material showed that the smallest number of articles is devoted to the image of the territory and the image of the people. The images of political leaders - V. Putin and D. Biden - are the main dominants in the formation of the image of the country in news and analytical articles. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the study of the representation of the images of Russia and the United States in American, British and Spanish news and analytical articles in a comparative aspect. The prospect of the research is further consideration of the image of Great Britain and Russia in interviews in comparative aspect.
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Vlad, Laurențiu. "CÂTEVA DATE CU PRIVIRE LA CONSTRUCȚIA, AMENAJAREA ȘI ORGANIZAREA ACTIVITĂȚII CASEI ROMÂNEȘTI LA NEW YORK WORLD’S FAIR (1939–1940). RESTITUIRI DOCUMENTARE DIN ARHIVELE NAȚIONALE ȘI ALE MAE: 1938–1939." ANUARUL INSTITUTULUI DE CERCETĂRI SOCIO-UMANE „GHEORGHE ŞINCAI” 25 (April 1, 2022): 236–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.59277/icsugh.sincai.25.17.
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The present text is part of a more complex research on Romania’s participation in the New York World’s Fair (1939–1940). The main objective of this research is to reconstruct the representation of Romania’s national identity at a certain point in time (1939), classifying it as one element in a series of this kind. We will also concentrate on how this representation was perceived by the public opinion of the 1930s. As such, it is not only research on cultural history and public diplomacy (external propaganda, as it was called at the time), but also on bilateral Romanian-American relations (economy, politics etc.). Last but not least, it also represents a study in imagology. This paper, the first of a series, aimed at reconstructing some of the events related to the preparations led by the officials in Bucharest charged with the country’s participation in the New York World’s Fair, for the construction of the pavilion known as the Romanian House, designed by the architect Octav Doicescu and erected for this occasion. I have brought forth information referring to the evolution of the works done at this pavilion and the difficulties encountered throughout the process, such as: changes made to the architectural design, the relation between the entrepreneurs and workers, the transportation of construction materials from overseas, the exhibitions, the negotiations for appointment of the restaurant’s manager etc. All this took place between May 1938 and April 1939. Our sources are to be found at the National Historical Archives (Saint-George’s fund and Ministry for Commerce and Industry fund) and at the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Washington fund). To those sources we have added published documents from different public libraries and on-line archives (http://www.cooperativag.ro/, http://octavdoicescu.blogspot.com/ etc.) and details brought forth by specialised literature from 1997–2018 (articles /studies on the subject by Daniel Bogdea, Nicolae Dascălu (Nicolae Ureche), Narcisa Mitu, Raluca Preotu, Zoltan Rostas, Ileana Stanca-Desa, Claudiu-Alexandru Vitanos, Laurențiu Vlad etc.).
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Aseeva, Irina. "Systems of Socio-Humanitarian Expertise in Technoscience: Global Experience in Review." Science Governance and Scientometrics 16, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 223–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.33873/2686-6706.2021.16-2.223-241.
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Introduction. This article is dedicated to the highly relevant philosophical and methodological problem of organising effective social oversight for developing and implementation innovative technoscientific projects. The fundamental transformations that science has induced in matters of production and its associated technological/socio-administrative functions have made this topic all the more relevant, to the detriment of its humanistic component. The intensive expansion of technosciences into all spheres of human existence accentuates the risks typically associated with it. The nature of the technoscience thus requires transdisciplinary comprehension and reorientation towards traditional human values — those of truth and common good. An effective mechanism for social reflection on the achievements of technoscience falls under the purview of socio-humanitarian expertise. This expertise dictates that we must attract not only the elite scientific community but also social institutions, public organisations and broad masses of volunteers — non-professional experts who possess the ability for creative self-organisation and can provide useful insights. Methods. We have employed comparative analytical methods of real experiences to establish the relevance of the main provisions of the Russian socio-humanitarian expertise to foreign approaches and programmes, such as Responsible Research and Innovation, Social Assessment of Technology, among others, defining the ethically acceptable contours of modern technoscience. Results and Discussion. To accomplish this task, we researched American, Western European and Russian philosophers of science and technology and the empirical materials of domestic and foreign sociology of science, in which the results of public reflection on techno-scientific achievements are recorded. We also analysed opinion polls and expert interviews on the problems of socio-humanitarian expertise. Conclusion. Based on an analysis of studies devoted to the ethical aspects of modern technoscience, gaps and shortcomings of the existing methods and techniques of socio-humanitarian expertise are identified, and examples of successful communication between science and society are demonstrated in order to increase social trust in modern technoscience and reduce potential risks.
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Feinstein, Yuval. "Rallying around the President: When and Why Do Americans Close Ranks behind Their Presidents during International Crisis and War?" Social Science History 40, no. 2 (2016): 305–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2016.5.
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Many studies have reported that US presidents often become more popular at the onset of wars and other security crises. Research on this “rally-round-the-flag” phenomenon has focused on either rational calculation of success, chances of military actions, popular perceptions of security threats, or the role of opinion leaders. This paper proposes a new approach: I argue that challenges to the symbolic status of the nation vis-à-vis other nations drive rally periods. This study examines the rally-round-the-flag phenomenon from a comparative historical perspective, using a new database of war events and security crises from 1950–2006. The analysis reveals that two types of status challenges result in nationalist rally reactions: first, the public has rallied behind presidents when wars and security crises were viewed as an opportunity for the United States to reclaim its previously damaged national honor; and second, rallies have emerged when the president claimed the mantle of “leader of the free world” in an internationally authorized coalition attack on a foreign country.
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Белевцева, С. Н. "The strategy of "spreading democracy" in the US foreign policy of the second half of the twentieth century: scientific approaches, trends, assessments." Вестник гуманитарного образования, no. 2(22) (August 9, 2021): 80–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.25730/vsu.2070.21.021.
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Настоящее исследование актуально ввиду того, что во внешней политике США до настоящего времени активно эксплуатируется стратегия «распространения демократии». Цель статьи – проследить в исторической ретроспективе второй половины XX века процессы развития научных подходов, течений, оценок американской стратегии «распространения демократии». В статье рассматриваются вопросы: развития теории демократии, обоснования необходимости ее распространения в недемократические государства и сообщества, изменения подходов к практическому применению указанной стратегии. Для раскрытия темы исследовались соответствующие научные разработки американских (Х. Арендт, Г. Моргентау, С. Хантингтон, Ф. Фукуяма, Ф. Закария, М. Хант, Б. Майров и др.) и, частично, российских (Э. Баталов, В. Согрин) ученых. Показано их влияние на истеблишмент и общественное мнение США. Особое внимание уделено: вопросам трансформации американских подходов к «распространению демократии» после Второй мировой войны; развитию теории и продвижению либеральной демократии в 1980–1990-е гг., ее трансформации из теории противостояния идеологий в проблематику столкновения цивилизаций; теории насильственного продвижения американской демократии и образа жизни в целом в другие страны и регионы мира. В качестве вывода по теме рассмотрен вопрос востребованности научных исследований и обоснований для реальной внешней политики Соединенных Штатов. Статья может представлять интерес как для ученых-американистов, так и для преподавателей, студентов и других лиц, изучающих демократические процессы. Ключевые слова: американская демократия, трансформация теории «распространения демократии», изучение демократических процессов, либеральная демократия, делиберативная демократия. This study is relevant due to the fact that the strategy of "spreading democracy" has been actively exploited in US foreign policy to date. The purpose of the article is to trace in the historical retrospect of the second half of the XX century the processes of development of scientific approaches, trends, assessments of the American strategy of "spreading democracy". The article deals with the following issues: the development of the theory of democracy, the justification of the need for its dissemination in non-democratic states and communities, changes in approaches to the practical application of this strategy. To reveal the topic, the corresponding scientific developments of the American (H. Arendt, G. Morgenthau, S. Huntington, F. Fukuyama, F. Zakaria, M. Hunt, B. Mayrov, etc.) and, in part, Russian (E. Batalov, V. Sogrin) scientists were studied. Their influence on the US establishment and public opinion is shown. Special attention is paid to: the transformation of American approaches to the "spread of democracy" after the Second World War; the development of the theory and promotion of liberal democracy in the 1980s and 1990s, its transformation from the theory of the confrontation of ideologies into the problems of the clash of civilizations; the theory of the violent promotion of American democracy and the way of life in general to other countries and regions of the world. As a conclusion on the topic, the question of the relevance of scientific research and justifications for the real foreign policy of the United States is considered. The article may be of interest both for American scientists, as well as for teachers, students and other persons studying democratic processes.
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Powlick, Philip J., and Andrew Z. Katz. "Defining the American Public Opinion/Foreign Policy Nexus." Mershon International Studies Review 42, no. 1 (May 1998): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/254443.
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Grose, Peter, and John E. Rielly. "American Public Opinion and U.S. Foreign Policy 1987." Foreign Affairs 65, no. 5 (1987): 1105. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043230.
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Cruz, Isabel Cristina Fonseca da. "A scientific evidence: the OBJN has more quantitative and qualitative links." Online Brazilian Journal of Nursing 3, no. 2 (October 20, 2004): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.17665/1676-4285.20044931.
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It is very important to a scientific journal the citation index. The ejournals are emerging and there is not a consensus protocol to evaluate them. But, the OBJN and other Brazilian ejournals were evaluated by a team research. We present and discuss here part of this report.Marcondes et al (2004) evaluated the Brazilian emerging ejournals in science and technology. they created a methodology based on analysis of links to ejournal’s site. They found these results for the ejournals in public health: AREA HEALTH SCIENCES – PUBLIC HEALTH – 3 EJOURNALSEjornalInc. SciELOtot. linkstot. repeated linkstot. Links from SciELOtot.links foreigners(X 2)tot.links authorities(X 3)tot.Simple links (X 1)GradeCadernos de Saúde Pública yes100 87102 27Revista de Saúde Publica(Public Health journal)yes100 9460 12Revista de Saúde Coletiva yes62 5730 8 Marcondes et al (2004) rated also the nursing ejournals. The table below summarizes the results: AREA: HEALTH SCIENCES – NURSING – 2 EJOURNALSEjornalInc. SciELOtot. linkstot. repeated linkstot. Links from SciELOtot.links foreigners(X 2)tot.links authorities(X 3)tot.Simple links (X 1)GradeOnline Brazilian Journal of Nursing No29 271158Revista Latino Americana de Enfermagem(LatinAmerican Journal of Nursing)Yes75 6840311 Marcondes et al (2004) considered that the area of Nursing revealed a surprising result because in spite of quality criteria to be included in SciELO gateway, Revista Latino-americana de Enfermagem(LatinAmerican Journal of Nursing) got a grade of one-fifth of the grade obtained by the recent published, pure electronic Online Brazilian Journal of Nursing. The authors point out that they did not have a feed back from an expert in nursing, so they supposed that these results may be due to the fact that the OBJN is published in English. Beside that, the OBJN has also link of site considered authority (Brazilian university library). The authors observed that in the foreign links, there are many digital reference services from libraries outsideBrazil (and they refer the OBJN). So, they consider that this may indicate the need to adjust and fine tune the methodology and to enlarge the concept of authority, encompassing the foreign digital reference services.But what are the implications of these research results to the OBJN?First of all, it is very good sensation to got a scientific evidence related to what was a common sense.The OBJN has published 07 numbers totalizing 27 original articles, 20 revision articles,07 opinion articles, 11 these abstracts, 09 editorials, 01 book review and 12 professional communications. Since article submission until its publication takes almost 3 months. The OBJN has more than 47 international peer-reviews. The OBJN is indexed or linked to Brazilian Nursing Association, CINAHL, CUIDEN, DOAJ, Free Medical Journals, Latindex, LIS-BIREME, Nurses. Info, RealNurse, and so on.The OBJN has free access and received more than 11.000 page views since its creation. The last number published in April 2004 received 2450 page views! Our visitors came from Brazil (67,2%), United States (9,3%), Portugal (1,8%), Canadá (1,8%), Korea (1,5%), Australia (1,3%), Chile (1,3%), United Kingdom (0,9%), Spain (0,8%), Mexico (0,7%), unkown (4,7%), and the rest (8,7%) (http://www.nedstatbasic.net/s?tab=1&link=1&id=2963790 Access in 08/25/04, 14:23h)Second, these results showed to us that the OBJN is an important tool to the nursing researcher reach out her/his professional reader.Third, the free access by the web and the texts in English permitted to introduce the Brazilian scientific production to the nurse community around the world.We have working hard to accomplish these goals! But we are also sure that we have to work much more to maintain our position and,of course, to expand it!
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TOMZ, MICHAEL, and JESSICA L. P. WEEKS. "Public Opinion and Foreign Electoral Intervention." American Political Science Review 114, no. 3 (April 14, 2020): 856–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055420000064.
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Foreign electoral intervention is an increasingly important tool for influencing politics in other countries, yet we know little about when citizens would tolerate or condemn foreign efforts to sway elections. In this article, we use experiments to study American public reactions to revelations of foreign electoral intervention. We find that even modest forms of intervention polarize the public along partisan lines. Americans are more likely to condemn foreign involvement, lose faith in democracy, and seek retaliation when a foreign power sides with the opposition, than when a foreign power aids their own party. At the same time, Americans reject military responses to electoral attacks on the United States, even when their own political party is targeted. Our findings suggest that electoral interference can divide and weaken an adversary without provoking the level of public demand for retaliation typically triggered by conventional military attacks.
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Lee, Hak-Seon. "Inequality and U.S. Public Opinion on Foreign Aid." World Affairs 182, no. 3 (August 8, 2019): 273–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820019862268.
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I investigate how the level of inequality affects American public opinion on foreign aid. As the level of inequality increases across the United States, the majority of the public will be more likely to demand the government implement policies that should ameliorate severe inequality in society. Assuming that government resources are limited, a greater level of inequality in American society may weaken public support for foreign aid because the public may prioritize providing social safety nets and welfare programs in domestic milieu over granting foreign aid to developing countries. In addition, as inequality widens, the public may perceive economic globalization as one of the main causes of inequality; thus, their overall support for globalization will decline. As a result, American support for global engagement will be negatively affected, and public support for foreign aid may decrease. An empirical test using public opinion data in 50 U.S. states since the 1980s confirms my theory: widening inequality both across states and within a given state does weaken public support for U.S. foreign aid.
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HU, Shaohua. "American Public Opinion and Cross-strait Relations." East Asian Policy 11, no. 04 (October 2019): 88–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000394.
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Amid the improved official relationship between Washington and Taipei, this article investigates the relationship between American public opinion and cross-strait relations. It introduces different types of surveys and polls related to the issue; examines the causes for the American public’s lack of attention to cross-strait relations; and discusses the interplay between public opinion and foreign policy, especially in the event of an armed conflict along the strait.
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Smith, Gaaddis, and Eugene R. Wittkopf. "Faces of Internationalism: Public Opinion and American Foreign Policy." Foreign Affairs 70, no. 3 (1991): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044851.
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Russett, Bruce, and Eugene R. Wittkopf. "Faces of Internationalism: Public Opinion and American Foreign Policy." Political Science Quarterly 106, no. 3 (1991): 511. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151745.
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Lee, Hak-Seon. "Inward Foreign Direct Investment and U.S. Public Opinion on Immigration." World Affairs 181, no. 2 (June 2018): 181–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820018791645.
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I investigate how the direct investment of foreign firms in the United States affects public opinion on immigration. On one hand, when foreign firms invest in the United States, local residents may have job opportunities and a better understanding of foreign cultures following social and work-related interactions with foreign employees at multinationals. As a result, American workers may have a positive attitude toward immigration. On the other hand, when local residents see foreign investment as a foreign acquisition of American assets, or if they experience any unpleasant interactions with foreign nationals at multinationals, foreign investment may result in a negative impact on public perception on immigration. My empirical test of inward investment’s impact on public opinion demonstrates the aforementioned contrasting impacts: While more local employees working at foreign multinationals lead to positive sentiments on immigration, the existence of more local affiliates of foreign firms has a negative impact on public opinion of immigration.
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TURES, JOHN. "The Democracy-Promotion Gap in American Public Opinion." Journal of American Studies 41, no. 3 (October 24, 2007): 557–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875807003994.
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United States foreign-policymakers have enthusiastically backed policies of promoting democracy abroad. But do the American people support these plans? Evidence from polls reveals that while people generally like the idea of exporting freedom, they do not view it as a top priority. Other concepts such as political and economic security are valued more by the American public. Backing for democracy promotion also seems to be waning in recent years. I examine these issues and offer possible reasons for this “gap” in response to democracy promotion among American people. I also explain the implications of these findings for America's foreign policy, including the types of government the US appears to support in the wake of military operations. I conclude with an examination of why the policy of democracy promotion has not been more popular with the American people, evaluating competing arguments that the policy is flawed, as opposed to simply a case of poor public relations.
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Schier, Stephen E., and Andrew Kaufman. "American Foreign Policy Opinion in 2004: Exploring Underlying Beliefs." American Review of Politics 27 (January 1, 2007): 295–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2007.27.0.295-317.
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This analysis identifies some underlying foreign policy beliefs of Americans in 2004 and explores the impact of those beliefs upon attitudes about specific foreign policies. We find, following Wittkopf (1986, 1987, 1990), that there remains a coherence to American mass foreign policy opinion. Americans can be described as clustering into four belief sets about foreign policy— accommodationists, internationalists, isolationists and hardliners. Further, these beliefs explain variation in public responses regarding specific foreign policies, such as the proper U.S. role in world affairs, the choice of multilateral or unilateral approaches, and support of increased defense spending.
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Powlick, Philip J. "The Sources of Public Opinion for American Foreign Policy Officials." International Studies Quarterly 39, no. 4 (December 1995): 427. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2600801.
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LEVERING, RALPH B. "Public Opinion, Foreign Policy, and American Politics since the 1960s." Diplomatic History 13, no. 3 (July 1989): 383–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7709.1989.tb00062.x.
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Ma, Yingyi. "Academic Elites or Economic Elites." Journal of International Students 10, no. 3 (August 15, 2020): xxiii—xxiv. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jis.v10i4.2003.
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At an academic conference, I chatted with the Dean of Admissions from a prestigious public university in the mid-West and was struck by a story he told me: A Chinese doctoral student walked into his office one day and blasted him for admitting so many undergraduates from China, saying that this devalued his own credentials, as the qualities of those Chinese undergraduates, in his opinion, were no comparison to his.
The dean narrated this story half-jokingly, apparently feeling it was funny. However, he might not fully understand the roots of this student’s complaint. In a test-oriented Chinese education system, students are ranked by test scores, and by test scores only. In this student’s eyes, he had been able to score high on the competitive Gaokao, and then was selected by an equally, if not more, competitive screening to study at this famous U.S. university (Liu 2016). In his view, he had abilities superior to those who were not able to score high on the Gaokao but, instead, paid to study at the same university he had tried so hard to get into. This student’s statements may sound crude and cruel, but they are based on the perspective from his small world.
However, the larger world is changing and getting flatter (Friedman 2005). In part, that means an increasing number of Chinese students have access to world-class universities. Despite the massive growth of higher education sector in China, only two Chinese universities are ranked among the top 100 best universities in the world, while 41 out of these top 100 are located in the United States (Times higher education 2018). With the increasing proportion of upper middle-class families in today’s China, more and more Chinese students do not have to rely on American scholarships to study at American institutions. The recent history of Chinese students’ dependency on full American scholarships to study abroad was merely a reflection of the economic deprivation and limited education opportunities of the country at that time. This gave rise to the mindset of academic elitism exhibited by this doctoral student, which sees prestigious universities as belonging to the few students who can outscore the masses. Perhaps, instead, he should feel happy for the younger generation of Chinese students who have the freedom to choose.
This change, of Chinese international students’ academic and social backgrounds and their ensuing experiences abroad, has motivated my research over the past 7 years. My book (Ma 2020) Ambitious and Anxious has shown a diverse set of Chinese students in terms of both family backgrounds and education trajectories. Their capacity to pay for the overseas education has often obscured their socioeconomic diversity, the parental sacrifices and their own academic and social challenges and struggles.
In other words, this freedom to choose and access a wider set of education options overseas is backed by economic resources that are vastly unequally distributed among Chinese students and their families. Perhaps this doctoral student is frustrated partly because American universities often admit Chinese undergraduates who have the resources to study here.
This touches upon a thorny identity issue that American universities, particularly selective ones, have to grapple with. How can they avoid being considered bastions of privilege and wealth? Over the past few decades, American universities have made efforts to recruit students from humble backgrounds. However, these efforts have been almost exclusively limited to domestic students. For many institutions, the tuition dollars of international students are a key revenue source for funding financial aid for domestic students. This logic may help balance the books, but it runs the risk of challenging institutions’ meritocratic ideals. The increasing concentration of economic elites from foreign countries may not enter into the diversity metrics of campus administrators, but surely it tacitly reinforces the culture of privilege and wealth that our universities strive to break out of.
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Abenova, A. S. "PUBLIC OPINION AND EFFICIENCY OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION." BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 69, no. 1 (March 15, 2020): 80–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2020-1.1728-8940.11.
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The article discusses the concept of public opinion, its importance for the effective interaction of the state and various structures of civil society. Foreign methodologies, scientific theories and research, the development of the phenomenon of «public opinion» by foreign researchers, as well as an analysis of the effects of QMS on society. An attempt was also made to evaluate the experience of the Government of the Republic of Kazakhstan in optimizing public administration by introducing a system for assessing the effectiveness of government bodies.
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Clinton, David. "The Distinction between Foreign Policy and Diplomacy in American International Thought and Practice." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 6, no. 3-4 (March 21, 2011): 261–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119111x583950.
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Throughout his writings, Harold Nicolson advocates a distinction between ‘policy’ (to be subject to democratic control) and ‘negotiation’ (to remain the province of professional diplomatists), preferring to separate these two quite different activities, rather than lumping them together under the general term ‘diplomacy’ (an intermingling that he found conceptually muddled and politically impossible to sustain once general public opinion becomes politically mobilized). Nicholas Murray Butler and George Kennan, who may be taken as representing idealist and realist American opinion in the twentieth century, found themselves at one in rejecting Nicolson’s distinction. Butler believed that the progressive enlightenment of public opinion, resulting in the attainment of the ‘international mind’, would improve both the formulation of policy and the conduct of negotiations; Kennan deprecated public opinion, at least in the United States, as irredeemably clumsy and ill-informed, and was convinced that this domestic political force would not be satisfied with directing policy, but would insist on interfering with negotiation as well. Across the board, American opinion seems to be hostile to Nicolson’s differentiation. This rejection of Nicolson’s view illustrates a more general influence of distinctively American thinking about international relations on American attitudes towards, and expectations of, diplomacy.