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Journal articles on the topic 'Foreign power'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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1

OJWANG, J. B., and LUIS G. FRANCESCHI. "CONSTITUTIONAL REGULATION OF THE FOREIGN AFFAIRS POWER IN KENYA: A COMPARATIVE ASSESSMENT." Journal of African Law 46, no. 1 (April 2002): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0221855302001785.

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This article is concerned with a specialized area of constitutional theory and practice, namely the regulation of the foreign affairs powers. Foreign affairs is a wide term which expresses more than mere relations. “Affairs” include matters and things, as well as relationships and a constitutional grant of legitimate plenary powerr. This entails that foreign affairs are matters relating to foreign countries, i.e. affairs other than domestic and, specifically, matters having to do with the interests of the home country in foreign countries. In this context, foreign affairs may be identified as a function. A function is an activity specially fitted for, appropriate to or expected of some particular type of operation because of its peculiar nature, or qualifications. The foreign affairs function, thus, as Bonfield says, may be in an activity specially fitted for, appropriate to, or expected of international relations—the interests of a state in foreign states—due to the peculiar nature or attributes of such relations. In addition, “power” may be defined as the competence to decide and act that is attached to a specific function. Hence the foreign affairs power is the competenbce to decide and act in matters having to do with the interests of the home state in foreing states. It is made up principally of the following elements: treay making, diplomatic relations, recognition of states and governments, and war and peace. Appropriate regulation of the elements of the foreign affairs power is a vital element of good governance in any particular state.

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2

Nye, Joseph S. "Power and foreign policy." Journal of Political Power 4, no. 1 (April 2011): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2158379x.2011.555960.

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3

Vorontsov, A., T. Ponka, and E. Varpahovskis. "MIDDLEPOWERMANSHIP IN KOREAN FOREIGN POLICY." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 18, no. 1 (January 26, 2021): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2020.18.1.60.5.

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As a result of the Post-Cold War development, the international relations have shifted from bipolarism to a multipolarism. Once relevant Western-born IR theories lack explanatory power. Current IR witness the growing role of the non-Western states both in regional and international domains. Consequently, there is a growing need for appropriate IR theories that could explain the changing world structure, describe the role of new powers in international politics and define future development. Thus, it is essential to study non-Western research that focuses on conceptualization of ongoing processes from its perspective.The authors analyze the IR theories developed by South Korean scholars. The purpose of this article is to analyze South Korean interpretations of the middlepowermanship that considers the Republic of Korea’s unique regional and global context. South Korean scholars agree on a particular geostrategic location of the state. The geopolitical location, absence of natural resources and limited military power hinder South Korea’s ability to use hard power in regional and international politics. However, South Korea’s economic development and creative approach in foreign policy translate into middle power diplomacy, which includes niche diplomacy, moderating role in relations between greater powers, regional cooperation promotion, and development of the international legal system.The authors conclude that South Korean version of middle power theory is continuously being (re) interpreted and adapted to the country’s foreign policy. South Korea is to be a a bridge between the great powers in the region.

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Trimble, Phillip R. "The President’s Foreign Affairs Power." American Journal of International Law 83, no. 4 (October 1989): 750–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203363.

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In the wake of Vietnam and Watergate, Congress set out to attack the imperial Presidency and to recapture its “historic constitutional role” in foreign policy. The tools of congressional activism included the National Commitments Resolution, the War Powers Resolution, the Case Act, the legislative veto over arms sales and nuclear exports, trade restrictions aimed at the Soviet Union and regulation of intelligence activities. In response, Presidents Carter and Reagan charged that Congress was invading presidential prerogatives. Joined by former executive branch officials and academic commentators, they saw an imperial Congress and believed the solution was a strengthened Presidency.

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5

Lim, Darren J., and Victor A. Ferguson. "Power in Australian foreign policy." Australian Journal of International Affairs 72, no. 4 (June 18, 2018): 306–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357718.2018.1484072.

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6

Hook, Glenn D. "Power, policymaking, and foreign relations." Japan Forum 4, no. 1 (April 1992): 187–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09555809208721453.

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7

Harries, Owen. "Power, Morality, and Foreign Policy." Orbis 49, no. 4 (September 2005): 599–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.orbis.2005.07.004.

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8

KAARBO, JULIET. "Power Politics in Foreign Policy:." European Journal of International Relations 4, no. 1 (March 1998): 67–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066198004001003.

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9

Niño, Patricia Kim Jiménez. "Students’ use of power in Foreign Language classroom interaction." Cuadernos de Lingüística Hispánica, no. 24 (July 22, 2014): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.19053/0121053x.2763.

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AbstractThis paper reports the findings of a study which targeted to explore the way as undergraduate students express and use power in classrooms. It also aimed at finding out the sources of students’ power and their viewpoints about the issue. The population was two groups of prospective English teachers from the Modern Languages Program, at Universidad Pedagógica y Tecnológica de Colombia. Direct classroom observation, a teacher’s journal, and semi-structured interviews were the main sources for gathering information. The findings were grouped into four categoriesdealing with leadership, sources of students’ power, the ideal type of power in classrooms, and some wrong assumptions about power.Key words: classroom-interaction, collaborative learning, power sources, students’ power relations, and types of power. ResumenEste escrito relata los resultados de un estudio que tuvo por objeto explorar la manera como estudiantes de pregrado expresan y usan el poder en las aulas de clase. El estudio también intentó averiguar las fuentes de poder de los estudiantes y sus puntos de vista sobre el tema. Los participantes fueron dos grupos de futuros profesores de inglés del Programa de Idiomas Modernos de la Universidad Pedagógica y Tecnológica de Colombia. Las principales fuentes para recolectar información fueron observación directa de clase, un diario del profesor y entrevistas semi-estructuradas. Los hallazgos fueron agrupados en cuatro categorías relacionadas con liderazgo, fuentes de poder en los estudiantes, el tipo ideal de poder y algunas creencias erróneassobre el poder.Palabras clave: interacción de clase, aprendizaje colaborativo, fuentes de poder, relaciones de poder entre estudiantes y tipos de poder.

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10

Khalig Qafarli, Simuzar. "EUROPEAN UNION SOFT POWER LIMITATIONS." SCIENTIFIC WORK 53, no. 04 (February 28, 2020): 167–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/aem/2007-2020/53/167-170.

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11

Sciubba, Jennifer Dabbs. "Coffins versus cradles: Russian population, foreign policy, and power transition theory." International Area Studies Review 17, no. 2 (June 2014): 205–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865914528823.

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In May 2006, President Vladimir Putin said that Russia’s dire demographics were the biggest challenge facing Russia. We know little about how states conduct foreign policy under demographic decline but some expect Russia to become more pacifist or to turn attention inward as its internal situation deteriorates. Power transition theory (PTT), however, which considers population as a key component of power, anticipates riskier international behavior under demographic changes. PTT predicts aggression under two conditions: when a dominant power sees its decline while secondary powers are rising; and when an inferior state sees its power increase while the dominant power declines. This article interprets Russia’s foreign policy actions from May 2006 through 2012 in light of PTT. I find that Russia was physically aggressive in its region when its population decline peaked, as PTT expects. Power transition theory also predicts Russia’s diplomatically aggressive foreign policy at the system level as Russian leaders’ perceptions of a favorable shift in the global balance of power gave them more confidence in Russia’s capabilities to challenge the status quo. This study furthers our understanding of foreign policy-making in times of demographic decline, extends power transition theory, and serves as a model for evaluating demographic trends and foreign policy for other great powers.

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12

NYE, JOSEPH S. "Soft Power and American Foreign Policy." Political Science Quarterly 119, no. 2 (June 2004): 255–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20202345.

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13

Pfister, Roger, Gilbert M. Khadiagala, Terrence Lyons, Kevin C. Dunn, and Timothy M. Shaw. "African Foreign Policies: Power and Process." African Studies Review 45, no. 3 (December 2002): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1515135.

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14

Prakash, Saikrishna B., and Michael D. Ramsey. "The Executive Power over Foreign Affairs." Yale Law Journal 111, no. 2 (November 2001): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/797591.

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15

Bradley, Curtis A., and Martin S. Flaherty. "Executive Power Essentialism and Foreign Affairs." Michigan Law Review 102, no. 4 (February 2004): 545. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4141924.

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16

Oğuzlu, Tarik. "Soft power in Turkish foreign policy." Australian Journal of International Affairs 61, no. 1 (March 2007): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710601142518.

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17

Jones, Erik. "Power, Leadership and US Foreign Policy." International Spectator 46, no. 3 (September 2011): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2011.609360.

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18

Keenleyside, T. A. "Review: Foreign Policies: Middle Power Internationalism." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 46, no. 2 (June 1991): 352–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209104600207.

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19

Keith, Ronald C. "Review: Foreign Policies: Power and Insecurity." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 46, no. 2 (June 1991): 361–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209104600212.

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20

Gerhart, Gail M., Gilbert M. Khadiagala, and Terrence Lyons. "African Foreign Policies: Power and Process." Foreign Affairs 80, no. 6 (2001): 194. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20050393.

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21

Stålhammar, Nils-Olov. "Domestic market power and foreign trade." International Journal of Industrial Organization 9, no. 3 (September 1991): 407–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0167-7187(91)90020-l.

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22

Corrales, Javier. "Using Social Power to Balance Soft Power: Venezuela's Foreign Policy." Washington Quarterly 32, no. 4 (October 2009): 97–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01636600903232285.

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23

Niedźwiecki, Sławomir. "Unia Europejska w świecie: soft power, hard power czy może smart power?" Przegląd Europejski, no. 3-2017 (January 28, 2018): 78–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.3.17.4.

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The main purpose of the article is to ask whether the European Union is a smart power actor. Most of the previous research has treated the EU as a soft power. This work is an analysis of the tools which the European Union uses in its foreign policy. Research has been conducted in the context of types of powers, which have been formulated by Joseph Nye: hard power, soft power and smart power. It was necessary to survey what instruments does the European Union use to have impact on other participants of international relations. Nowadays, a range of these tools is relatively developed, taking into account that the EU is an international organisation. In the conclusion, it is stated that the contemporary European Union should be treated as a soft power, but simultaneously it is an actor which attempts to become a smart power, and has relevant predispositions to it.

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24

Richardson, Elliot L. "Checks and Balances in Foreign Relations." American Journal of International Law 83, no. 4 (October 1989): 736–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203361.

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One of the most frequently overstated concepts in American constitutional theory is the “separation” of powers. The Framers of the Constitution began with the proposition that concentration of power was to be avoided. They understood, on the other hand, that if governmental powers and responsibilities were actually set apart, each branch would exercise its powers in isolation from the other coordinate branches, to the detriment of cooperation and accommodation among them. Governance would be at best inefficient and at worst impossible.

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25

Zhang, Xian, Yanan Ren, Lin Sha, Qingxin Yang, Xuejing Ni, and Fengxian Wang. "Analysis of Dynamic Characteristics of Foreign Metal Objects under Electromagnetic Force in High-Power Wireless Power Transfer." Energies 13, no. 15 (July 30, 2020): 3881. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en13153881.

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Because of the noncontact structure of wireless power transfer (WPT) systems, foreign metal objects can easily enter into the coupling region—and often move under the action of electromagnetic force (EMF), instead of staying relatively static, which brings a difficult problem for foreign object detection technology. In this paper, we investigate the motion state of foreign metal objects with different properties under the action of electromagnetic force in the coupling space of WPT system. The equivalent model of the circuit parameters with the intervention of foreign metal objects and the differential equations for the motion of foreign metal objects are derived. Combined with finite-element simulation calculations, the motion characteristic of ferromagnetic and non-ferromagnetic metals under EMF was analyzed. The results show that, due to the size and properties of the metal, non-ferromagnetic foreign metal objects have four states: vibration, suspension, static and flying out. The ferromagnetic foreign metal objects will adsorb on the coil surface and rapidly heat up. By establishing an experimental prototype, the analysis uses high-speed acquisition equipment to obtain the movement of foreign metal objects which verified the correctness of the simulation. This research is also beneficial to the operational safety and reliability of the WPT.

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26

Owen, John M. "The Foreign Imposition of Domestic Institutions." International Organization 56, no. 2 (2002): 375–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081802320005513.

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International relations research has paid little attention to why states often spend precious resources building and maintaining domestic institutions in other states. I identify 198 cases offorcibledomestic institutional promotion, the most costly form of such interventions, between 1555 and 2000. I note several patterns in the data: these interventions come in three historical clusters; they are carried out by states of several regime types; states engage in the practice repeatedly; target states tend to be undergoing internal instability; states tend to promote their own institutions; and targets tend to be of strategic importance. The most intensive periods of promotion coincide with high transnational ideological tension and high international insecurity. I argue that these two conditions interact: forcible promotion is most likely when great powers (1) need to expand their power; and (2) find that, by imposing on in smaller states those institutions most likely to keep their ideological confreres in power, they can bring those states under their influence. Although in periods of high insecurity domestic variables alone may account for institutional impositions, such impositions may nonetheless extend the promoting states' influence and thereby alter the balance of international power.

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27

Szabo, Stephen F. "Germany: From Civilian Power to a Geo-economic Shaping Power." German Politics and Society 35, no. 3 (September 1, 2017): 38–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2017.350303.

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Germany has become a geo-economic power since its unification in 1990. Its foreign policy agenda has been shaped by its economic interests and the role of its export sector. Nevertheless, Russian actions in Ukraine and elsewhere in Europe combined with the accession of the Trump Administration in the United States and the rise of China have resulted in a transition in the foreign policy paradigm toward Germany as a shaping power and more of a geopolitical actor which has to balance its economic interests with the new strategic challenges of a newly unstable Europe.

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28

Arase, David, and Robert M. Orr. "The Emergence of Japan's Foreign Aid Power." Journal of Japanese Studies 18, no. 1 (1992): 282. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/132737.

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29

Wyne, Ali. "Great-Power Competition Isn’t a Foreign Policy." Washington Quarterly 45, no. 2 (April 3, 2022): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0163660x.2022.2090763.

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30

Sornarajah, M. "Power and Justice in Foreign Investment Arbitration." Journal of International Arbitration 14, Issue 3 (September 1, 1997): 103–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/joia1997022.

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31

Satyanand, Premila Nazareth. "Foreign Direct Investment in India’s Power Sector." Journal of Infrastructure Development 3, no. 1 (June 2011): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097493061100300103.

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32

Sinitsyn, M. V. "Foreign investments in Russia’s electric power industry." Studies on Russian Economic Development 23, no. 5 (September 2012): 527–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1075700712050127.

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33

Fukui, Haruhiro, and Robert M. Orr. "The Emergence of Japan's Foreign Aid Power." Pacific Affairs 65, no. 1 (1992): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2760231.

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34

Pitsuwan, Fuadi. "Smart Power Strategy: Recalibrating Indonesian Foreign Policy." Asian Politics & Policy 6, no. 2 (April 2014): 237–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12107.

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35

Gaubatz, Kurt Taylor. "Political competition and foreign policy power sharing." International Interactions 26, no. 1 (January 2000): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050620008434959.

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36

McKeown, Timothy J. "The foreign policy of a declining power." International Organization 45, no. 2 (1991): 257–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300033087.

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37

Carter, Perry, Anne-Marie Brady, and Evgeny Pavlov. "Russia’s “smart power” foreign policy and Antarctica." Polar Journal 6, no. 2 (July 2, 2016): 259–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2154896x.2016.1257102.

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38

Borjas, G. J., and V. A. Ramey. "Foreign Competition, Market Power, and Wage Inequality." Quarterly Journal of Economics 110, no. 4 (November 1, 1995): 1075–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2946649.

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39

Roy, Denny. "The Foreign Policy of Great-Power China." Contemporary Southeast Asia 19, no. 2 (September 1997): 121–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs19-2a.

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40

Pierce, Anne R. "Mission and Power in American Foreign Policy." Society 45, no. 5 (July 4, 2008): 444–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12115-008-9133-1.

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41

ALDosari, Noof Rashid. "Foreign Policy from Khatami to Ahmadinejad There is One Foreign Policy in Iran, which is Khamenei’s Foreign Policy." World Journal of Social Science Research 2, no. 1 (June 15, 2015): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v2n1p47.

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<p><em>This Article is part of an MA thesis: “Iran Wilayat al Faqih System of Governance and Public Policymaking”</em><em> </em><em>which tried to investigate the challenges that public policy in Iran is facing under Wilayat al Faqih system of governance. </em><em>The article here deals with foreign policy making in Iran f</em><em>rom Khatami to Ahmadinejad in regards to both Iran regional roleand Iran-U.S</em><em>.</em><em> relations. It sheds light on the challenges that are facing Iranian foreign policy making which can affect both the regime and the ideology of Wilayat al Faqih itself. It also, discusses</em><em> series of problems that are challenging the authority of the supreme leader which resulted in a power struggle between the supreme leader (representative of the Wilayat al Faqih institution) and the president (representative of the Republican institution) inside the system of governance when it comes to policymaking. The contradictory roles between both is a result of the president limited power in formulating</em><em> </em><em>foreign policies, together with his ideological preferences that is different from the supreme leader. The Article concludes by stating that such power struggle between the offices may impact Iran’s domestic policies but not Iranian foreign policies, as Iran is becoming a regional power.</em><em></em></p>

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42

Rodionov, Vladimir A. "«Мягкая сила» малых стран: опыт Монголии." Oriental studies 15, no. 2 (July 15, 2022): 228–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2021-60-2-228-243.

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Introduction. The experience of recent decades shows small countries — though characterized by relatively limited foreign policy capacity — can defend their interests through ‘soft power’. Being obviously inferior to greater powers in military, political and economic aspects, small countries seek to compensate for their vulnerability with softer methods of influence. Nowadays, Mongolia is a classic case of a small country under the influence of such great powers as Russia, China, and the United States to successfully employ soft power tools. Goals. The article aims to identify where and how Mongolia uses soft power in its foreign policy. Materials and methods. The study primarily explores Mongolia’s official documents dealing with its national security and foreign policy, international initiatives of Ulaanbaatar, statements of Mongolian executives on relations with foreign partners, media materials. The employed research methods include the comparative, narrative, and retrospective ones. Results. There are three most promising lines for soft power in contemporary Mongolia’s foreign policy. The first one is that the country presents itself as a successful young democracy in the heart of Asia capable of becoming a model for a number of other small countries in the region. The second one is the policy of de facto neutrality manifested in refusal to deploy nuclear weapons and foreign military bases in Mongolian territory, as well as the active participation in UN peacekeeping operations. Finally, the third soft power line (to be perceived as one) is Ulaanbaatar’s active promotion of its mediation role to resolve urgent problems localized in Northeast Asia. Maintaining friendly relations with virtually all Northeast Asian states, Mongolia seeks to become a platform for international negotiations similar to that of Switzerland. Conclusions. Thus, soft power for Ulaanbaatar is an important two-sided tool supposed, firstly, to accelerate international influence and, secondly, to ensure national security and sovereignty.

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43

DROBOT, G. A. "THE HIERARCHICAL WORLD: A REVIEW OF FOREIGN THEORIES OF POWER TRANSIT." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 2, no. 7 (2020): 152–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.pr2020.07.02.018.

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The article is devoted to the commentary translation of the analysis of the transit of power in the international arena. The mechanisms of changing dominant powers and the main categories of power are examined. The theory of the transit of power emerged in the United States in the XNUMXs as a dominant power, therefore international scientists who are involved in the problem of a change of power are mainly Americans A. F. K. Organski, Jacek Kugler, Ronald L. Tammen and others. The leading role in the formation of the theory of transit of power was played by the American scientist Organsky. He set forth his main ideas in the book "World Politics" (XNUMX) [XNUMX]. The purpose of this article is to systematize the theory of transit of power, taking into account controversial issues. The task is to apply the theory in question to the relations of the dominant United States and rival China.

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44

Khara, Nabin Kumar. "Understanding of India’s Soft Power Dynamics." Asian Review of Social Sciences 7, no. 3 (November 5, 2018): 123–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.51983/arss-2018.7.3.1456.

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The article aims to analyse the increasing importance of soft power in the context of globalization and the growing conflicts over the use of military power for achieving foreign policy objectives. This article specifically focuses on the role of soft power in the foreign policy of India and sources of India’s soft power. It also examines the factors that affect India’s soft power adversely and how to increase its soft power. In international relations, the role of public diplomacy, among other aspects, is to brand the country and the nation through its culture and art. This article also argues that the increasing acceptability of its culture and values opens up possibilities for India to realize its foreign policy goals. In recent years, India’s leaders have increasingly focused on its diaspora, multicultural ethos and its ancient practices like yoga, through official campaigns and foreign visits. The article traces the evolution of India as a soft power since its emergence as an independent country. It explores how this soft power has shaped India’s foreign policy and behavior. India’s soft power assets are not of recent origin, but there is an increasing activism to use those assets effectively.

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45

Nazish Mahmood and Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema. "Trump and the US Foreign Policy Crisis." Strategic Studies 38, no. 4 (January 10, 2019): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.038.04.00129.

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The unconventional and non-traditional trajectory of the US foreign policy, in the regime of Donald Trump, has already undone decades of the American diplomacy, evoking an intense reaction from friends and foes alike. This downward trend is not only bewildering America’s staunch allies in Europe and Asia but also bringing new realisation to the rising and resurgent powers that the era of unprecedented US global hegemony is over. The retreat in the US global leadership has neither been because of “imperial overstretch” nor the “domestic under-reach” but through voluntary relinquishing of power and responsibility along with abdication of power, however, inadvertently. The US foreign policy, under the Trump administration is altering the US relationship with erstwhile allies and affecting its ability to obtain the desired outcomes.

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46

Lampo, Giuliana. "Italy’s Exercise of Foreign Investment Screening Power against Chinese Takeover." Italian Review of International and Comparative Law 1, no. 2 (March 15, 2022): 433–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725650-01020012.

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Abstract In March 2021, Italy vetoed the acquisition of an Italian company operating in the field of semiconductors by a Chinese group. It did so by using its so-called golden power, meaning the power to interfere with the management of companies to protect strategic economic sectors, introduced in 2012 and substantially revised in 2019 and 2020. The present comment offers an evaluation of the compatibility of Italy’s inward investment screening powers with international law norms on the promotion and protection of foreign investments by trying to outline the limits posed by the latter on domestic foreign investment screening mechanisms.

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47

Acharya, Jaya Raj. "An Intellectual in the Corridors of Power." Journal of Foreign Affairs 1, no. 1 (April 2, 2021): 207–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jofa.v1i1.36258.

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Introduction: A reviewer of my book Yadu Nath Khanal: Jivani ra Vichar (Yadu Nath Khanal: Life and Thoughts) wrote: “Prithvi Narayan Shah unified Nepal, Bhanubhakta Acharya standardised Nepali language and Yadu Nath Khanal intellectualised Nepal’s foreign policy”. Indeed Professor Yadu Nath Khanal made outstanding contributions in explaining Nepal’s foreign policy to the international community in modern terminology. His thoughts on Nepal, Nepali literature and Nepal’s foreign policy are compiled in a book Nepal’s Non-Isolationist Foreign Policy (Kathmandu: Satyal Prakashan, 2000) that has 100 articles divided into five sections. Professor Khanal was a scholar, literary critic and successful practitioner as well as a thinker of Nepal’s foreign policy. But above all, he was an intellectual par excellence. I will begin this biographical sketch of Professor Khanal with his birth and academic career and conclude it with an extract from Professor Kamal P. Malla (1936-2018), himself a great scholar, who described Professor Khanal as “an intellectual in the corridors of power”.

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48

Aistrope, Tim, and Roland Bleiker. "Conspiracy and foreign policy." Security Dialogue 49, no. 3 (January 12, 2018): 165–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010617748305.

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Conspiracies play a significant role in world politics. States often engage in covert operations. They plot in secret, with and against each other. At the same time, conspiracies are often associated with irrational thinking and delusion. We address this puzzle and highlight the need to see conspiracies as more than just empirical phenomena. We argue that claims about conspiracies should be seen as narratives that are intrinsically linked to power relations and the production of foreign policy knowledge. We illustrate the links between conspiracies, legitimacy and power by examining multiple conspiracies associated with 9/11 and the War on Terror. Two trends are visible. On the one hand, US officials identified a range of conspiracies and presented them as legitimate and rational, even though some, such as the alleged covert development of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, are now widely considered false. On the other hand, conspiracies circulating in the Arab-Muslim world were dismissed as irrational and pathological, even though some, like those concerned with the covert operation of US power in the Middle East, were based on credible concerns.

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Beriker, Nimet. "Mediation as Politics: How Nations Leverage Peace Engagements?" International Negotiation 22, no. 3 (October 5, 2017): 431–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341360.

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AbstractThis study proposes a conceptual model that depicts middle power mediation as a foreign policy strategy in the context of asymmetric alliance dynamics. It expands on Touval’s (2003) mediation-as-foreign policy perspective and argues that once mediation is conceived of as a viable political option in the conduct of foreign policy, engaging in mediation activity enables middle powers to create an extra space of political power not otherwise available. The article introduces an analytical model that explains the dynamics of mediation-as-foreign policy approach and the mechanisms that translate mediation engagement into political leverage. The analysis focuses on aspects of Turkish mediation efforts between 2002 and 2009 in the context of Turkish-us/eu relations.

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50

LAI, HONGYI. "Soft Power Determinants in the World and Implications for China." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 37, no. 1 (January 7, 2020): 8–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v37i1.5904.

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Statistical tests are here conducted on two explanations of soft power. One is Joseph Nye's argument that political values, foreign policy and cultural appeals shape soft power, and the other is the positive peace argument which suggests a significant influence of the Global Peace Index (GPI) on soft power.Two measures of soft power are employed – the favourability of major powers in global public opinion polls and the Soft Power 30 Index. The latter gauges the magnitude of soft power. When the former measure, which indicates the positiveness of soft power, is adopted the three soft power resources provide less explanatory power than per capita GDP and especially the GPI. When the Soft Power 30 Index is used, only foreign policy independent of the United States contributes positively to soft power. The GPI and non-soft power-relatedcultural exports (NSPCE) then take on a negative role because a number of nations in the index achieve very high rankings with a relatively poor GPI or small NSPCE. As far as China is concerned, its ranking in 2018 in the Soft Power 30 Index declined due to impressive improvement among other ranked nations and global public scepticism towards its foreign policy and its cultural exports.

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