Dissertations / Theses: 'Foreign politic'

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Christmann, Olivia, and Laurent Warlouzet. "Scenarios of "Europe-puissance" : the French foreign policy in Europe by 2020." Universität Potsdam, 2006. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4839/.

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Benhaïm, Yohanan. "À la conquête de l'état : politique étrangère de la Turquie au Kurdistan d’Irak et transformation du champ étatique sous le gouvernement AKP." Thesis, Paris 1, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021PA01D055.

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Alam, Nabeela. "Politics, Trade and Foreign Aid." Thesis, Brandeis University, International Business School, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3721587.

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This dissertation examines the influence of donor-driven and recipient-driven interests on foreign aid allocation.

Chapter 1 examines how the donor's trade interests together with elections and the political competitiveness of electoral processes in recipient countries are associated with bilateral foreign aid flows. US gives more aid to its non-competitive larger trade partners, but cuts their aid ahead of elections. It substitutes aid with market access for non-competitive countries for which it is an important export market, but not during election years. Germany, Japan and UK give more aid to countries with competitive electoral systems, but for these countries Japan and UK substitute aid with trade. The substitution disappears for UK during election years. Japan and UK also reward countries for which they are important export markets with more aid, but only during non-election years for Japan. During election years, Germany cuts aid to non-competitive countries, but gives more aid to non-competitive countries for which it is an export destination. There is weak evidence that France substitutes aid with market access for politically competitive countries.

Chapter 2 focuses on recipient incentives. I extend the Grossman and Helpman (1996) model of elections and special interests by adding foreign aid. I show that with conditional aid when the preferred policy of the donor and that of the special interest group are not aligned, the latter has an incentive to alter election probabilities so that the opposition party wins and implements the lobby's preferred policy. Under these circumstances, the government has an incentive to substitute away from conditional foreign aid. Furthermore, if the government has a higher probability of winning under unconditional aid, the lobby succeeds in asking the government to deviate the most in its policy stance.

In Chapter 3 I examine how China's growing importance as an export destination is related to countries' UN voting alignment with the US, and whether this relationship is different if the countries export oil and mineral resources that China. I find regional differences in UN voting alignment response. Latin American countries and Sub-Saharan African countries not heavily reliant on exports of oil and minerals show decreased political alignment with increased export dependence on China. UN voting alignment for the resource exporters from Sub-Saharan Africa do not vary with export dependence on China. Instead, they have a lower level of UN alignment with the US.

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Barbullushi, Odeta. "The politics of 'Euro-Atlantic Orientation' : political identities, interests and Albanian foreign policy 1992-2007." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/770/.

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This thesis explores the shifts and continuities in the construction of security in the post-communist period. The thesis provides an insight into the reasons and the ways in which the dominant discourse of security and foreign policy of the Albanian state shifted in 1997 from a an emphasis on the ‘nation’ and ‘national sovereignty’ into a liberal discourse which emphasized the ‘economy’ and the ‘region’. The overarching question of the thesis is why did the Euro-Atlantic orientation become the hegemonic discourse of Albanian foreign and security policy in the post-1997 period? In order to find the answer for this question I will concentrate on the meanings that the Albanian political elites—and more specifically the two main governing parties, the Democratic Party and the Socialist Party— have attached to the notions of ‘national question’ and ‘Euro-Atlantic orientation’. The argument of the thesis is that the different articulations of ‘Euro-Atlantic orientation’ and of the ‘national interest’ have relied upon the elites’ different conceptions of self, that is, what constituted Albanianism. In turn, the political actors translate the basic identity narratives of the nation through their ideological/interpretative repertoires. The thesis builds on Discourse Theory and particularly the approach developed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe (1985) By incorporating notions of ‘identification strategies’, ‘interpretative repertoires’ and ‘myth’ into the framework of Lene Hansen and Ole Waever (2001), the thesis reveals the intricate interplay between the construction of state identity and of political identities in post-communist Albania.

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Mayo-Bobee, Dinah. "Foreign Policy in the Early Republic." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2017. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/736.

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Gaarder, Christopher. "California's Foreign Relations." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1147.

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Globalization has significantly increased the number of stakeholders in transnational issues in recent decades. The typical list of the new players in global affairs often includes non-state actors like non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations, and international organizations. Sub-national governments, however, have been given relatively little attention even though they, too, have a significant interest and ability to shape the increasing flow of capital, goods, services, people, and ideas that has so profoundly influenced the global political economy in recent decades. California, arguably the most significant among sub-national governments – its economy would be seventh or eighth in the world at $2.2 trillion annually, it engages in over $570 billion in merchandise trade, and has a population of nearly 40 million, out of which over 10 million are immigrants – is also one of the most active in transnational issues. The state government has opened and closed dozens trade offices abroad since the 1960s. It set up a multi-billion dollar carbon cap-and-trade system jointly with the Canadian provinces of Québec and Ontario under Assembly Bill 32, one of the most significant pieces of climate change legislation to date. California’s educational, technological, and media hubs – its public and private universities, Silicon Valley, and Hollywood – draw some of the best and brightest from around the world. California also has a long history of involvement in transnational issues. State efforts to undermine growing Chinese then Japanese “menace” immigrant populations from the mid-19th through the mid-20th centuries influenced United States foreign policy. This thesis first takes a look at the federalism and international relations issues faced by California as it plays a greater role in transnational issues. Then, it examines the main actors and institutions, and the issues at play. The states have some leeway under the Constitution and contemporary political order to use their domestic powers to influence global issues, whether through climate legislation, public pension divestment, or non-binding “Memoranda of Understanding” with foreign governments. Such behavior, while less significant than national policy, can fill gaps in national policy, promote policy change, and deepen global ties, promoting a more complex interdependence among nations. California can also exert a moral, soft power influence in leading by example. The structures promoting California’s growing role in transnational issues are poorly organized. If the Golden State is to better leverage its political, economic, and moral authority internationally, it would do well to more explicitly develop a unified vision for its role in the world.

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Lösche, Max. "How has neoliberalism influenced US foreign politics?" Thesis, Gotland University, Department of Human Geography and Ethnology, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-380.

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This essay discusses the impact of neoliberalism on the US American foreign politics. It addresses the possible strategy of America on a global scale, always focusing on neoliberal forces in America that are behind the official political decisions that are made in Washington. The essay also discusses the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Here, there is more than what the eye can see, or rather what the public is meant to see. Strong economic powers influence the war in the Middle East and try to bring a new world order upon the region, by implanting democracy, neoliberalism and absolute market openness. This discussion is done through a comparison of various sources, including books and scientific articles, dealing with geography, economy and politics. The outcome of this essay includes worrying facts about the future of globalism, neoliberalism and democracy, as power more and more shifts towards private corporations and banks, away from democratic state apparatus.

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Eberly, Kurt Jeffrey. "Pennsylvanians, Foreign Relations, and Politics, 1775-1790." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1297560596.

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Chitsamba, Lemson Samson. "Malawi and the politics of foreign aid." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1991. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1118/.

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Malawi's behaviour in international relations has been interpreted largely in terms of the country's economic needs. The conventional argument has been that the country's foreign and domestic policies were adopted for reasons of making the country attractive to donor countries and organizations. This argument is so prevalent that it is even reflected in the titles of some books and articles on Malawi's post-independence political and economic history. For example, a pamphlet kept by the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) Library is titled: "Malawi: Foreign Policy and Development". This thesis proceeds on the premise that foreign aid has not been the main objective of Malawi foreign and domestic policies. Accordingly, it looks critically at the alleged link between foreign aid and the country's foreign and domestic policies. It finds that the conventional argument is supported with evidence which is erroneous in many cases or at least partial and tries to show that the effects which the politics of foreign aid have exerted on Malawi are quite different from those which are assumed by the conventional argument. By contrast, the argument of the thesis is that Malawi's foreign and domestic policies are not the result of the politics of foreign aid. Rather they are the product of the style and perceptions of the country's leadership.

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Yang, Xiaomeng. "Bureaucratic politics and Japan's foreign aid policy-making." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq30834.pdf.

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Laver, Patrick. "Quantitative international politics and the foreign policy maker." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/21528.

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Brochard, Patrick. "Political economy of China's foreign trade." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63312.

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Kamga, Wafo Guy Léopold. "Political risk and foreign direct investment." [S.l.] : Universität Konstanz , Fakultät für Wirtschaftswissenschaften und Statistik, 1998. http://www.bsz-bw.de/cgi-bin/xvms.cgi?SWB8500747.

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Mubaideen, Mekhled A. "The influence of foreign aid on Jordan's foreign policy 1921-1970." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294640.

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Weinerman, Michael Alexander 1983. "Misleading Modernization: A Case for the Role of Foreign Capital in Democratization." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11986.

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x, 84 p. : ill.
Modernization theory posits that economic growth and democratization are mutually constitutive processes. I extend a recent literature that finds this relationship to be spurious due to the existence of a number of international factors, specifically the role of foreign capital. Through two-stage least square (2SLS) regressions for as wide a sample as the data allow and two case studies (Indonesia and the Philippines), I find that the presence of US capital significantly influences domestic political institutions. This relationship, however, is non-linear and interrelated with exogenous shocks.
Committee in charge: Tuong Vu, Chairperson; Craig Parsons, Member; Karrie Koesel, Member; Will Terry, Member

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GoÌˆbel, Diana. "The politics of the Russian Foreign Ministry, 1906-1914." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.408175.

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Brown, David. "Palmerston and the politics of foreign policy, 1846-55 /." Manchester : Manchester University press, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38901026z.

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Brown, David Stuart. "Palmerston and the politics of foreign policy, 1846-1855." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1998. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/42314/.

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This thesis considers the career of Lord Palmerston during the important, but hitherto rather neglected, period of his political career immediately preceding his accession to the premiership in 1855, in a broader context than has previously been attempted. By combining a high political, that is governmental, approach to the question with what might be termed a low one - essentially all non-governmental factors - the reasons for Palmerston's supposed political invincibility, or at least longevity, can be more clearly understood. Such a focus simultaneously reveals a great deal about the nature and working of the Victorian constitution and the political influence of parts of the population traditionally regarded as falling beyond its pale. Through an examination of political manoeuvring in government, making extensive use of private papers, this thesis demonstrates the extent and ways in which Palmerston was able to exercise an influence over and manipulate his Cabinet colleagues, thereby securing their approbation for his foreign policy at a time when there were great pressures from the Crown and Parliament to remove him. The analysis is followed though to the history of the Aberdeen Coalition (1852-55) to explain why Palmerston came to be allied with many of his former adversaries in the first place and secondly how he managed, from his official post at the Home Office, to continue to wield great influence over the conduct of foreign policy - a question of special importance given that it was this government which was faced with the problem of managing the Crimean War. It is clear, however, that personal and party political relationships are incomplete means by which to explain Palmerston's career and elucidate the general theme of the politics of foreign policy. Palmerston's political strength rested to a large extent on the rather nebulous perception that he was 'popular', carrying with him the support of the country and embodying the mood of the nation. Public opinion, generally conceived, had a profound and complicated impact on politics during this period, particularly on Palmerston, yet this is an aspect of Palmerston's political life rarely examined by historians. It is in this thesis' attempts to underpin an account of political life at the centre with an analysis of political forces and influences beyond that a great deal of the work's originality is to be found. Examination of the role of the press, various forms of extra-parliamentary opposition (and support) across all social classes, and parliamentary opposition, including not only on what grounds were attacks made but why and with what effect, add a unique contribution to our understanding of Palmerstonianism and demonstrate the success and considerable good fortune Palmerston enjoyed in manipulating political life to his own ends.

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Park, Hyeon Seok. "Partisan politics and corporate tax competition for foreign investment." Diss., University of Iowa, 2012. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/3364.

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Al-Ghanim, Khalifa. "TheImpact of Foreign Interventions on Iraqi Politics and Nationalism:." Thesis, Boston College, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108944.

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Thesis advisor: Ali Banuazizi
This thesis takes a historical approach in examining the effects of foreign intervention and interference in the development of Iraqi nationalism. The first portion of the thesis provides a background of Iraq’s history to provide the reader with knowledge of Iraq’s political development. The thesis will demonstrate that direct occupation, transnationalism, and a weak state have prevented Iraq from developing a coherent national identity that can be adopted by all ethnosectarian groups in the state. Tracing the development of Iraq as a state, as well as an analysis of the motivations of foreign actors and transnational entities will shed light on this dynamic
Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2020
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science

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Anaxagorou, Christiana. "Public finance, foreign aid and political incentives." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2017. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/20187/.

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This thesis consists of three studies on foreign aid and its allocation by political leaders within recipient countries. It explores whether this allocation depends on personal motives and political purposes. The first study focuses on the effect of aid on government spending using country-level data, distinguishing between several types of foreign aid that are expected to impact spending in different ways. The impact of institutional quality on aid fungibility is also considered since receiving foreign aid could promote corrupt or illegal activities on behalf of the recipient government by diverting aid into private pockets. The results suggest that aid fungibility depends on institutional quality, especially for off-budget aid. The second study focuses on the effect of aid on tax revenues using country-level data, distinguishing between two types of finance to investigate whether or not aid pays for tax reductions. The results show that aggregate aid, aid in the form of grants or in the form of loans leaves tax revenues unaffected at all levels of institutional quality. These results suggest that aid is not fungible in the context of tax revenues and that aid does not finance tax reductions. The third study focuses on the sub-national allocation of foreign aid flows from China and the World Bank using district-level data. This allocation of aid across regions is up to the discretion of the political leader. This study attempts to identify the strategy leaders use to maximise their vote share, or whether or not leaders favour co-ethnic regions. The results show that in competitive electoral environments, leaders divert aid away from their core voters and towards supporters of the opposition. In contrast, in non-competitive electoral environments without strong political motivations leaders favour their co-ethnic regions.

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Li, Jie Sheng. "The political economy of foreign aid flows." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6735/.

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This thesis examines the rise in bilateral aid disbursements over multilateral aid between 2000 and 2010. It would be simply stated that such a trend would be due donor nations focusing on strategic self-interests. I argue, using a combination of principal-agent theory, foreign policy analysis and the effect of institutions, that new political actors in donor nations found a window of opportunity to alter the level foreign disbursements and in several cases, increase the overall level of foreign aid. Bilateral aid eventually rose due to both the worldviews of these new decision makers as well as how their policies were influenced and shaped by local institutions. In this thesis, I focus on the US, the UK and Japan as donor nations and the World Bank’s International Development Association. In the US case, political and cultural institutions along with the worldviews Bush Administration officials shifted US bilateral aid upwards. In the UK, local institutions along with the perspectives of New Labour officials result in higher British bilateral aid disbursements. Japan’s political actors initially focused on the country’s economy but later actors, with their worldviews and shaped by historical norms, increased Japan’s bilateral aid vis-à-vis its contributions to IOs.

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Şirin, Başar [Verfasser]. "The Influence of News Frames on Foreign Policy: A Neoclassical Realist Analysis of German Foreign Policy Towards Turkey / Başar Şirin." Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2020. http://d-nb.info/1219508292/34.

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Bell, Mark Stephen. "Nuclear weapons and foreign policy." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/107540.

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Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2016.
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 265-291).
How do states change their foreign policies when they acquire nuclear weapons? This question is central to both academic and policy debates about the consequences of nuclear proliferation, and the lengths that the United States and other states should go to to prevent proliferation. Despite this importance to scholars and practitioners, existing literature has largely avoided answering this question. This dissertation aims to fill this gap. In answering this question, I first offer a typology of conceptually distinct and empirically distinguishable foreign policy behaviors that nuclear weapons may facilitate. Specifically, I distinguish between aggression, expansion, independence, bolstering, steadfastness, and compromise. The typology allows scholars and practitioners to move beyond catch-all terms such as "emboldenment" when thinking about how states may change their foreign policies after nuclear acquisition. Second, I offer a theory for why different states use nuclear weapons to facilitate different combinations of these behaviors. I argue that states in different geopolitical circumstances have different political priorities. Different states therefore find different combinations of foreign policy behaviors attractive, and thus use nuclear weapons to facilitate different foreign policy behaviors. The theory uses a sequence of three variables-the existence of severe territorial threats or an ongoing war, the presence of senior allies, and the state's power trajectory-to predict the combinations of foreign policy behaviors states will use nuclear weapons to facilitate. Third, I test the theory using case studies of the United Kingdom, South Africa, and the United States, each drawing on interviews and multi-archival research. In each case, I look for discontinuities in the state's foreign policy behaviors that occur at the point of nuclear acquisition and use process tracing to assess whether nuclear weapons caused the changes observed. The dissertation makes several contributions. It provides an answer to a foundational question about the nuclear revolution: how do states use nuclear weapons to facilitate their goals in international politics? It offers a new dependent variable and theory with potentially broader applicability to other questions about comparative foreign policy. Finally, it offers policy-relevant insights into how new nuclear states might behave in the future.
by Mark Stephen Bell.
Ph. D.

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Hassan, Syeda Kanwal. "An analysis of Pakistan's foreign policy towards Peoples Republic of China : a strengthening alignment (2005 onwards)." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2019. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/643.

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The problem driving this research stems from the lack of a systematic and theoretically, informed framework to identify the dynamics of Pakistan is strengthening alignment with China. Pakistan developed close defence and strategic ties with China during the Cold War period as both states balanced against a common adversary i.e. India. However, Pakistan has attempted to bolster and expand its' links with China in the aftermath of U.S. military presence in Afghanistan due to a host of regional and global developments that widened the cracks and increased the mistrust that has existed between Pakistan and U.S. This study hypothesises that Pakistan has maintained a policy of alignment with China prior to 2005 however; from 2005 onwards, Pakistan has attempted to diversify its scope of relations with China as in response to external changes and circumstances in the geopolitical and geo-economic sphere. Therefore, the objective of this research is to analyse why Pakistan has attempted to strengthen its' alignment towards China from 2005 onwards. The existing literature on the subject is outdated, rigorously descriptive and is void of conceptual connections. To address these gaps; this research adopts a theoretical framework of analysis that is informed by neoclassical realist theory of foreign policy analysis to help analyse Pakistan's China policy. This framework offers a two-level analysis of Pakistan's behaviour. The independent variable is the set of system-level drivers such as international power relations, external threat perceptions and international economic interdependencies. The intervening variable, which affects the way Pakistan's decision-makers perceive the system-level developments, is the strategic culture at the unit level. This study suggests that the principle driver of Pakistan's accelerated alignment policy towards China during this period is Pakistan's perceptions of international systemic/structure drivers, which are; the external developments that have occurred in its region. In addition, how Pakistan perceives those external developments is determined by its' strategic culture; which an intervening role. The strategic culture, the author argues, is dominated by Pakistan's distrust of India and, it narrowly confines the idea of Pakistan's national interest to military security whilst neglecting the economic aspect of it. The thesis finds that Pakistan has actively tried to cultivate a broader and robust relationship with China to limit its' dependency on U.S. for strategic, economic and diplomatic support. Pakistan has become increasingly sceptic of the U.S. for its carrots-and-stick approach towards Pakistan. Whereas China has enabled Pakistan to continue in its' revisionist agendas which to some extent are tolerable for China. It finds that growth in China's economic and military power has provided Pakistan with an alternate patron from whom it can procure weapons, conventional and non-conventional and it can seek financial support. This study also finds that although there is evidence of a deeper relationship beyond the traditional security-centric one, however; it is developing into more of a client-patron relationship, given, that Pakistan is increasingly becoming a country highly indebted to China.

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Clarke, Nikia R. "Of people, politics and profit : the political economy of Chinese industrial zone development in Nigeria." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:194625ba-9a35-408c-851c-9f2078547de5.

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This project approaches ongoing debates over the impact of increased Chinese engagement in African countries through the lens of production and industrialisation. Emerging market FDI into Africa is growing rapidly, and an increasing proportion of this investment is into manufacturing and productive sectors. This trend is led by the commercial expansion of private Chinese manufacturing firms across the continent. The goal of this project is to examine the differentiated impacts on African industrialisation attempts of this phenomenon. It takes as its case study industrial zone development projects in Nigeria, namely, the two official economic and trade cooperation zones being developed as large-scale FDI projects by Chinese firms, with Chinese and Nigerian government support, in Lagos and Ogun states. Analytically, four dimensions of this process are identified for study: the home country context, the host country context, the zone structures and institutions, and the firms themselves. Special attention is paid to the interface between foreign actors and the particular political economy of Nigerian manufacturing, as well as the at times substantial gaps between policy and practice in terms of industrial planning, investment and production. The thesis argues that SEZ projects in general, including the Chinese ETCZs, are industrial policy tools that operate on particular assumptions regarding the organisation of global production. As such, they incentivise the insertion of export-oriented firms into established global networks supplying international markets. However, a closer examination of industrial policy in China, the production environment in Nigeria and the behaviour of internationalising firms reveals that these assumptions are not always accurate. Thus, the SEZ institution as it is currently conceived in Nigeria is ill-suited to lend support to the trend towards Chinese relocation of producer firms, as well as to the reality of Nigerian production—both of which are predicated on domestic and regional markets as the primary driver of African industrialisation and productive sector growth.

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REIS, CRISTINA VINCIPROVA DOS. "INTERVENTIONS: THE INFLUENCE OF DOMESTIC POLITICS ON FOREIGN POLICY DECISIONS." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2009. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=15733@1.

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CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
Esta dissertação trata dos processos decisórios de política externa que levaram os EUA a intervirem na República Dominicana no ano de 1965 e a URSS a intervir na Tchecoslováquia em 1968. Procuro analisar como a política doméstica das superpotências influenciou suas políticas externas, estudando as motivações dos diversos grupos dentro destes Estados e, principalmente, a forma pela qual se produziu consenso em torno das intervenções militares. Explico que as decisões foram tomadas a partir de considerações sobre a tática mais apropriada para ampliação ou, no mínimo, manutenção do poder relativo destes Estados. Procuro demonstrar, portanto, que as divergências entre os grupos domésticos no que se refere às decisões táticas podem dificultar e até inviabilizar esforços de política externa dos Estados, mas que estes grupos têm um interesse comum, que é definido em termos de poder relativo do Estado em que se inserem. Com os resultados desta análise, podemos avaliar a vantagem, em termos de capacidade explicativa, do realismo neoclássico em relação ao paradigma liberal quando se trata de teorizar sobre política externa na área de segurança.
This dissertation concerns the decisionmaking processes of foreign policy which led to the interventions of the United States in the Dominican Republic in 1965 and the USSR in Czhecoslovakia in 1968. I analyze how the superpowers` domestic politics influenced their foreign policies, studying the motivations of numerous internal groups and, mainly, how consensus around the military interventions was produced. I explain that those decisions were a result of considerations about the most appropriate tactics for enhancing or, at least, maintaining the relative power of those States. I try to demonstrate, therefore, that divergences between domestic groups over tactic decisions may hinder a State`s efforts on foreign policy, but those domestic groups have a common interest, which is defined in terms of their State`s relative power. With the results of this analysis, we can evaluate the advantage of neoclassical realism, as opposed to the liberal paradigm, in terms of explaining power when it comes to matters of national security policies.

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Sibanda, Nkululeko. "British party politics and foreign policy : the case of Zimbabwe." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2012. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/18076/.

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The basic tenets of International Relations have become subject to uncertainty and debate. The academic consensus that dominated the field has cracked with further questions arising on the conventional assumptions’ claim to universality. Post-modernist thinkers, who have challenged its foundation on structured thinking, affirm that normalising discourses within traditional foreign policy position restricts academic advancement in the area. They challenge the notion that geopolitics and national politics are mutually exclusive. They argue for an interpretive approach of IR, which could show that some principles and understanding that shape domestic policymaking may affect foreign policy positions. Their interpretation of politics, including IR, is that, its fundamentals require an interpretive review of actions and their consequences. These reveal the socio-political and environmental influences that help shape policy, which traditional approaches to foreign relations fail to reveal. In over a century, the political situation in Rhodesia and Zimbabwe tilted towards the ideological position of the party in Britain. A debate about the nature of government, human rights, economics and Britain’s role in these, has characterised the foreign policy debate between the two states. The definition of these concepts has depended on the party running Downing Street. The emphasis on similar issues in the 1970s and 1980s differed to that of the late 1990s, indicating divergent interpretations of national interests, which most scholars regard as causal of the apolitical nature of IR. The high levels of public interest Rhodesian/Zimbabwean interests pushed foreign policy into the ideological field of domestic politics. This challenges the IR premises established by convention IR approaches. Thus, using the case study it is clear that dominated views of foreign relations are unable to verify the whole picture of what transpires in a political field.

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McNeilly, Edward Joseph. "The Conservatives and the politics of foreign policy, 1827-1846." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252254.

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Aggestam, Lisbeth. "A European foreign policy? : role conceptions and the politics of identity in Britain, France and Germany /." Stockholm : Department of Political Science, Stockholm University, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-274.

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Gallagher, Mary Elizabeth. "Contagious capitalism globalization and the politics of labor in China /." online access from ProQuest databases online access from Digital dissertation consortium, 2001. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/pqdiss.pl?9993696.

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Ashooh, Jessica P. "Beltway battles : ideology and infighting in US foreign policy toward the Middle East 2001-2006." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2d7b6074-1ac5-43ee-8095-6debb5e71896.

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The record of American foreign policy in the Middle East between 2001 and 2006 is marked mostly by failures of the Bush Administration to achieve its stated objectives, including reducing terrorism, stopping the spread of weapons of mass destruction, and spreading liberal democracy. Still, there are also notable bright spots, including the case of Libya’s diplomatic rehabilitation. What is it, then, that accounts for this success in the face of so many other failures where the policy goals were markedly similar? I argue that a partial explanation of this discrepancy can be found in the nature of infighting between ideological realists and neoconservatives within the foreign policy bureaucracy. In doing so, process tracing is used to examine policy development toward four country cases: Iraq, Iran, Lebanon, and Libya, with Libya acting as the control. The object of these case studies is to demonstrate existence of a previously undescribed model of bureaucratic infighting, based on competing ideological differences regarding the fundamental direction and conduct of US foreign policy. I call this the Ideological Infighting, or I2, Model. Whereas previous works of US foreign policy analysis have focused only on the roles of individuals’ ideology or on bureaucratic interests, this study unites both. In doing so, it describes the policy effects that result from ideological disagreements within the executive agencies, rather than viewing a presidential administration as an ideologically coherent entity. It also refines understandings of the relationship between the President and his advisors. Finally, although this work deals specifically with the Middle East, the model is generalizable to all areas of US foreign policy.

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Mitchell, David Hermann Margaret G. "Making foreign policy Presidential management, advisors and the foreign policy decision-making process /." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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34

Salmonsson, Martin. "Foreign aid : an elite survey." Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-915.

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The inability of foreign aid to generate an appropriate model for development and the complexities related to Official Development Assistance (ODA) to the “Third World” are what initiated my interest to write about foreign aid. In this study I seek to further elabo-rate on this complex issue on foreign aid; does it lead to development or dependency?

Within the debate, the controversy exists around aid dependency and economic growth and is fuelled by the fact that Sub-Saharan Africa has barely achieved any poverty reduction since the 1960´s. Mr. William Easterly an ex-World Bank employee represents the critical opinion to Foreign Aid. He argues that the international foreign aid programme is characterized by a westernized, patronizing and post-colonial approach, which yields dependency rather than development in today’s world of free-market economies. Foreign aid as we know it must therefore be abolished. Mr. Jeffrey Sachs Current World Bank employee and UN secretary advisor represents the supporters of foreign aid. He argues that foreign aid works efficiently and calls for the doubling of foreign aid and the need for donor countries to reach the one percent target of GDP.

In this case study of foreign aid, the subject under investigation (the argumentation within the public debate) is studied through a historical perspective. Secondly a comparison will be made between the public debate and the way this issue is discussed among field workers.

An interesting observation when analyzing the discussions on foreign aid efficiency in international aid programme is that the polarization witnessed in the public- or “elite” debate is not as obvious when analyzing the opinion of aid-workers. This would imply that uncertainty about aid efficiency is exaggerated in the public debate.

By resolving problems of classical development theories, rather than rethinking the purpose of aid based on its positive affects, foreign aid may be robbed of its real potential.

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Ozyurt, Gunes Muhip. "Foreign Policy Perspectives Of Political Factions In Iran." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613782/index.pdf.

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The purpose of this study is to depict and analyze the foreign policy perspectives of political factions in Iran. The focus will be on the goals of the factions while the mechanics of the factional contention will be discussed only to the extent that it is related to this issue. The argument will be that the views of the factions with regards to foreign policy of Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) are determined by the needs of the domestic agenda of each faction namely its economic and cultural policies. To develop the thesis, firstly the concept of factionalism will be reviewed within the context of Iranian politics. Secondly, the foreign policy perspectives of the factions in the first two and a half decades of the Islamic Republic will be outlined. Next, an account of the most recent factional positions regarding the foreign policy will be provided. To conclude, an analysis will be made to demonstrate the main arguments of the thesis.

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Kudina, Alina. "Policy and political aspects of foreign direct investment." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.422460.

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Solti, Pedro Brandão. "Foreign support, internal political disputes and mass killings." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/16586.

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This paper studies the incentives underlying the relations between foreign countries and rival domestic groups. It models the interaction in a infinitely-repeated game between these three players. The domestic groups bargain for a split of the domestic surplus and may engage in violent dispute for power and in unilateral mass killing processes. The foreign country may choose to support one of these groups in exchange for monetary transfers. The paper characterizes the parametric set in which strategies leading to no violent disputes nor mass killings are Subgame Perfect Nash Equilibra in the presence of foreign support, but not in its absence.

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Pinto, Pablo Martín. "Domestic coalitions and the political economy of foreign direct investment /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3130413.

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Orozobekova, Almakan [Verfasser], and Tim [Akademischer Betreuer] Epkenhans. "The making of foreign fighters: the case of Kyrgyzstan." Freiburg : Universität, 2021. http://d-nb.info/1236550927/34.

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40

Salloukh, Bassel Fawzi. "Organizing politics in the Arab world : state-society relations and foreign policy choices in Jordan and Syria." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36789.

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Why do some regimes enjoy more autonomy than others when taking foreign policy and alignment choices? How does the organization of state-society relations constrain or enable a regime's freedom to take foreign policy and alignment choices? What explains the overlap between the domestic and external security spheres of some states, but not others? Finally, how do the foreign policy and alignment choices of some regimes have domestic political origins, uses, and implications?
This study explores these theoretical questions through a comparative examination of the impact of the organization of state-society relations (the independent variable) on regime autonomy in taking foreign policy and alignment choices (the dependent variable) in King Hussein's Jordan and Hafiz al-Asad's Syria. In contrast to Jordan's overlapping security terrains, and the domestic political origins, uses, and implications of many of the Hashemite regime's foreign policy and alignment choices, in Asad's Syria these choices are responses to shifts in the external geopolitical environment. This study offers an explanation of the discrepancy between the Syrian regime's ability to ignore domestic constraints on foreign policy and alignment choices, due to its preoccupation with external sources of threat, compared to its Jordanian counterpart's inability to do so and, consequently, its preoccupation on many occasions with strictly domestic sources of threat.
This study bridges comparative politics and international relations theorizing, inviting a methodological shift away from the hitherto dominant neorealist tendency in the latter field, which anchors foreign policy and alignment choices in primarily external considerations and objectives. Borrowing from the literature on corporatism, populism, and historical institutionalism, this study also supplies a more rigorous methodology for investigating the relationship between the domestic structures of nondemocratic states and their foreign policy and alignment choices. More than a revision of neorealist theorizing, and in contrast to idiosyncratic, domestic structure, or constructivist approaches to the study of state behavior, this study contends that a contextual and historical analysis of the organization of state-society relations explains why regime autonomy to take foreign policy and alignment choices may be constrained in some states but not in others. Furthermore, and against neorealism's insistence on the external origins of foreign policy and alignment choices, this study also argues that on many occasions these choices have domestic political origins, uses, and implications. The implications of these conclusions on the study of Arab politics, and on the quest for a first-cut theory of state behavior, are also assessed.

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Andreasen, Jessica. "Foreign Policy Through Aid: Has United States Assistance Achieved its Foreign Policy Objectives?" DigitalCommons@USU, 2014. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/2772.

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In looking at the history of U.S. aid, three general goals emerge: political stability, increased economic liberalization and expanding influence in the aid receiving country. While the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) has measures in place to assess the success of its aid endeavors, most U.S. aid, in the form of economic and military aid, is largely unevaluated in terms of achieving these broad foreign policy goals. The results of this study suggest that U.S. military and economic aid fail to achieve these three general foreign policy objectives in a sustainable manner. Conducting a regression analysis of U.S. aid indicates that, in the short term, economic aid does succeed in promoting increased economic liberalization, but the concurrent giving of military aid cancels the effect. In the long term, the giving of economic aid supports the stability of a state’s government, but the U.S. will want to assess what other methods might produce similar and more enduring results at less cost.

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42

Pisa, Michael A. "Explaining competitive currencies domestic politics, international trade, and exchange rate valuation /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3297900.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed June 12, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 150-160).

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43

Strathman, Brent A. "Who advises? power, politics, & persuasion in foreign policy decision making /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1135002242.

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44

Barling, Joseph Kurt. "The politics of British and French foreign aid : a comparative analysis." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.389635.

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45

Deth, Sok Udom. "Factional politics and foreign policy choices in Cambodia-Thailand diplomatic relations." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/17000.

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Ziel der Dissertation ist es, eine umfassende Analyse der kambodschanisch-thailändischen diplomatischen Beziehungen von 1950 bis 2014 zu liefern. Die Arbeit geht über einen rein historischen Bericht hinaus, da sie darauf abzielt, die Wechselhaftigkeit der kambodschanisch-thailändischen Beziehungen zu erklären. Als Grundlage dient hierzu ein Ansatz sozialen Konflikts, der Staaten nicht als homogene Akteure ansieht, sondern vielmehr als eine Konfiguration konfligierender Kräfte, die ihre außenpolitischen Ziele im Einklang mit ihrer eigenen Ideologie, ihren Interessen und ihren Strategien verfolgen. Daher postuliert die Arbeit, dass die kambodschanisch-thailändischen Beziehungen nicht als Produkt einheitlicher Staaten angesehen werden sollten, die entweder miteinander kooperieren oder sich voneinander abschotten, sondern als Matrix sich überlappender Beziehungen zwischen gesellschaftlichen und politischen Gruppen beider Staaten, die konkurrierende Ideologien und/oder Interessen zur Förderung ihrer innenpolitischen Machtposition beherbergen. Das Projekt bringt zwei mit einer verknüpfte Argumente hervor. Erstens, kambodschanisch-thailändische Beziehungen sind wahrscheinlich dann kooperativ angelegt, wenn es sich bei beiden Machthabern um zivil-demokratisch gewählte Regierungen mit ähnlichen Ideologien, ökonomischen Interessen und Sicherheitsbedenken handelt. Umgekehrt verschlechtern sich die Beziehungen, wenn diese Faktoren nicht reziprok sind. Dies ist besonders dann der Fall, wenn eine der beiden Regierungen mehr mit der Opposition der anderen gemein hat. Zweitens, auch wenn antagonistische Nationalismen auf beiden Seiten bestehen, handelt es sich keinesfalls um eine Determinante, die die Außenpolitik beider Seiten festlegt. Die Arbeit argumentiert, dass Nationalismen nur dann aufgerufen werden, wenn zumindest eine der beiden Regierungen ihre Legitimität in der Heimat stärken muss und die andere Regierung nicht dieselbe Ideologie und strategischen Interessen teilt.
This dissertation aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of Cambodia-Thailand diplomatic relations over the past six decades, specifically from 1950 to 2014. In addition to empirical discussion, it seeks to explain why Cambodian-Thai relationships have fluctuated and what primary factors caused the shifts during the period discussed. In doing so, it employs the “social conflict” analysis, which views states not as unitary actors, but within which is comprised of different societal forces competing with one another and pursues foreign policies in accordance with their own ideology, interest, and strategy. As such, it is postulated that Cambodia-Thailand diplomatic relations should not be seen simply as relations between two unitary states cooperating with or securitizing against one another, but rather as a matrix of intertwining relationships between various social and political groups in both states harboring competing ideologies and/or interests to advance their power positions at home. Two inter-related arguments are therefore put forward in this research. Firstly, Cambodian-Thai relations are likely to be cooperative when both governments in power are civilian-democratically elected regimes and share similar ideologies, mutual economic interests, as well as security outlooks. Conversely, relations between them tend to deteriorate when these factors are not reciprocal. This is particularly true when one government has more in common with the dissidents of the government of the other side. Secondly, though antagonistic nationalism does exist between Cambodia and Thailand, it is not a determinant of the two nations’ foreign relations. This research argues that nationalism and historical animosity are invoked only if at least the government on one side needs to bolster its own legitimacy at home, and the government on the other side does not share a similar ideology or strategic interests with its own – the second aspect being the more important factor here.

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46

Strathman, Brent A. "Who advises? Power, politics, & persuasion in foreign policy decision making." The Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1135002242.

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Mounts, Lauren. "To Intervene or Not to Intervene: An Analysis of American Foreign Policy in Modern Humanitarian Crises." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1913.

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This thesis seeks to identify the factors necessary to drive the United States to intervene in a humanitarian crisis. While some scholars have argued that humanitarianism in and of itself is a sufficient reason for an armed military intervention – I challenge this assumption and argue that while the United States can exhibit humanitarian impulses at times, that there are very observable limitations to these impulses. I argue that while humanitarianism can be a factor in the decision to intervene, that ultimately either national interest or another domestic political channel must also fervently push for intervention in order for action to occur. In testing my hypothesis, I examine American foreign policy in four modern humanitarian crises – Somalia, Rwanda, Bosnia, and Syria.

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Rapp, Christian [Verfasser]. "European foreign policy - A new framework for analysis / Christian Rapp." Wuppertal : Universitätsbibliothek Wuppertal, 2017. http://d-nb.info/112884205X/34.

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Zheng, Yu. "Credibility and flexibility political institutions and foreign direct investment /." Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2007. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3268348.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2007.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed August 7, 2007). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 203-220).

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Knight, Sarah Cleeland. "Divested interests globalization and the new politics of exchange rates /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (ProQuest), 2008. http://0-gateway.proquest.com.library.lausys.georgetown.edu/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3320702.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Foreign politic'

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