Relevant bibliographies by topics / Foreign politic

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Foreign politic'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 11 June 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Foreign politic"

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Mendible, Myra. "Scarlet-Letter Politics: The Rhetoric of Shame in the Campaign to Unseat President Barack Hussein Obama." Ethnic Studies Review 35, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2012.35.1.1.

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Inda, Jonathan Xavier. "Foreign Bodies: Migrants, Parasites, and the Pathological Body Politic." Discourse 22, no. 3 (2000): 46–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dis.2000.0006.

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SUSHANTI, SUKMA. "KONTESTASI NEGARA DI TENGAH PANDEMI COVID-19." Jurnal Ilmiah Widya Sosiopolitika 2, no. 1 (July 22, 2020): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/jiwsp.2020.v02.i01.p02.

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International disease become the transnational issue that has enriched the studies in International Relations. It refers to the recent situation of COVID-19 pandemic, which is currently become the global concern. Then, politics and health interlinked each other. The main objective of the research to describe and explain about health issue is inevitable in demonstrating state interest. Desk research based on the valid sources helped build justification that health and international politics become integral part of the relation beween the actors. The scope of state foreign policy already adopt the health issues as the one of important agenda, in which created the competition in the international field. This condition supported by the shifting of the global order in the international politic constellation as the implication of COVID-19 pandemic. Keyword: international disease, international relation, COVID-19 pandemic, health issues. Foreign policy
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Hutson, Lorna. "On the Knees of the Body Politic." Representations 152, no. 1 (2020): 25–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2020.152.2.25.

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This paper analyzes the fullest theoretical elaboration of the doctrine of the King’s Two Bodies in the Elizabethan period, Edmund Plowden’s Treatise on the Succession (1567). It argues that Plowden here deploys the King’s Two Bodies not, as has been thought, as a legal proof against the foreign birth of Mary Queen of Scots, but as a way of embodying and sacralizing the disputed historical relations of England and Scotland. Plowden’s sacralizing metaphors of embodiment transform the highly contentious English claim of Scotland’s historic vassalage into the indisputable and timeless truth of political theology.
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Widhyatmoko, Danu. "Tinjauan Desain Website Kemlu.Go.Id." Humaniora 4, no. 1 (April 30, 2013): 640. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/humaniora.v4i1.3473.

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Review of kemlu.go.id website design is a research report on Kemlu.go.id website design. Kemlu.go.id website aims to be the information gateway of Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and also as guidelines of foreign politic policies of Republic of Indonesia. The review had been accomplished by using analytical method based on the "Nine Essential Principles for Good Web Design" developed by Collis Ta'eed (2007). At the end of the article, several recommendations in developing kemlu.go.id website are presented to create better appearance.
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N. Nifanov, Aleksej, Andrey V. Sushkov, Abdurahman A. Shahbanov, Vasilij A. Zajcev, and Elnur E. Veliev. "STATE SUPPORT: CONSTITUTIONAL FIXING IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 7, no. 4 (October 3, 2019): 813–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.74106.

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Purpose: Taking into account the domestic experience, the present study was aimed at carrying out a comparative analysis of the constitutions of foreign countries in order to identify the norms related to the state support in them. Methodology: The present study was carried out based on a dialectical approach to investigate the legal phenomena and processes, using general scientific (system, logical, analysis and synthesis) and private scientific methods. Result: The findings of this study revealed the opportunity for the organization of various recipients of the declared support; and identification of alternative approaches to consolidation of the constitutional laws regarding the state support. Applications: This research can be used for universities and students in politic. Novelty/Originality: In this research, the model of constitutional fixing in foreign countries is presented in a comprehensive and complete manner.
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Aspinall, Dana E., and Jonathan Gil Harris. "Foreign Bodies and the Body Politic: Discourses of Social Pathology in Early Modern England." Sixteenth Century Journal 30, no. 2 (1999): 510. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544731.

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Traister, Barbara, and Jonathan Gil Harris. "Foreign Bodies and the Body Politic: Discourses of Social Pathology in Early Modern England." Shakespeare Quarterly 50, no. 4 (1999): 538. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2902291.

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Crane, Mary Thomas, and Jonathan Gil Harris. "Foreign Bodies and the Body Politic: Discourses of Social Pathology in Early Modern England." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 31, no. 2 (1999): 280. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052754.

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Abdullah, Anzar. "Diplomatic Relations between Indonesia-Australia Since Whitlam, Fraser, Until Hawke Era in An Attempt To Establish Political Stability in Southeast Asia." Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 5, no. 2 (May 27, 2017): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.26811/peuradeun.v5i2.135.

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Talking about foreign policy relations of a country, it cannot be explained without adapting to the changes that occur in the growing environment or situation of both countries. Adjustments to the environment and the situation, especially the foreign policy are done in order to maintain the physical, economic, politic and social culture of the country in the midst of the real conditions of the situation occurred, like the history of bilateral relations between Indonesia and Australia). This is a study of the history of Australian foreign policy towards Indonesia since Whitlam government in 1972 until Hawke. The goal of the study is to explain how the foreign policy of the Australian Prime Ministers during their reigns. Although in reality in the course of its history, Australian and Indonesian diplomatic relations were full of intrigues, turmoil and conflicts, but it did not severe the relation of the two nations. Eventually, the conclusion of this study explicitly states that Australia and Indonesia still need each other in an attempt to establish political stability, economic and security in Southeast Asia and the Pacific peacefully.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Foreign politic"

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Christmann, Olivia, and Laurent Warlouzet. "Scenarios of "Europe-puissance" : the French foreign policy in Europe by 2020." Universität Potsdam, 2006. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4839/.

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Benhaïm, Yohanan. "À la conquête de l'état : politique étrangère de la Turquie au Kurdistan d’Irak et transformation du champ étatique sous le gouvernement AKP." Thesis, Paris 1, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021PA01D055.

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Alam, Nabeela. "Politics, Trade and Foreign Aid." Thesis, Brandeis University, International Business School, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3721587.

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This dissertation examines the influence of donor-driven and recipient-driven interests on foreign aid allocation.

Chapter 1 examines how the donor's trade interests together with elections and the political competitiveness of electoral processes in recipient countries are associated with bilateral foreign aid flows. US gives more aid to its non-competitive larger trade partners, but cuts their aid ahead of elections. It substitutes aid with market access for non-competitive countries for which it is an important export market, but not during election years. Germany, Japan and UK give more aid to countries with competitive electoral systems, but for these countries Japan and UK substitute aid with trade. The substitution disappears for UK during election years. Japan and UK also reward countries for which they are important export markets with more aid, but only during non-election years for Japan. During election years, Germany cuts aid to non-competitive countries, but gives more aid to non-competitive countries for which it is an export destination. There is weak evidence that France substitutes aid with market access for politically competitive countries.

Chapter 2 focuses on recipient incentives. I extend the Grossman and Helpman (1996) model of elections and special interests by adding foreign aid. I show that with conditional aid when the preferred policy of the donor and that of the special interest group are not aligned, the latter has an incentive to alter election probabilities so that the opposition party wins and implements the lobby's preferred policy. Under these circumstances, the government has an incentive to substitute away from conditional foreign aid. Furthermore, if the government has a higher probability of winning under unconditional aid, the lobby succeeds in asking the government to deviate the most in its policy stance.

In Chapter 3 I examine how China's growing importance as an export destination is related to countries' UN voting alignment with the US, and whether this relationship is different if the countries export oil and mineral resources that China. I find regional differences in UN voting alignment response. Latin American countries and Sub-Saharan African countries not heavily reliant on exports of oil and minerals show decreased political alignment with increased export dependence on China. UN voting alignment for the resource exporters from Sub-Saharan Africa do not vary with export dependence on China. Instead, they have a lower level of UN alignment with the US.

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Barbullushi, Odeta. "The politics of 'Euro-Atlantic Orientation' : political identities, interests and Albanian foreign policy 1992-2007." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/770/.

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This thesis explores the shifts and continuities in the construction of security in the post-communist period. The thesis provides an insight into the reasons and the ways in which the dominant discourse of security and foreign policy of the Albanian state shifted in 1997 from a an emphasis on the ‘nation’ and ‘national sovereignty’ into a liberal discourse which emphasized the ‘economy’ and the ‘region’. The overarching question of the thesis is why did the Euro-Atlantic orientation become the hegemonic discourse of Albanian foreign and security policy in the post-1997 period? In order to find the answer for this question I will concentrate on the meanings that the Albanian political elites—and more specifically the two main governing parties, the Democratic Party and the Socialist Party— have attached to the notions of ‘national question’ and ‘Euro-Atlantic orientation’. The argument of the thesis is that the different articulations of ‘Euro-Atlantic orientation’ and of the ‘national interest’ have relied upon the elites’ different conceptions of self, that is, what constituted Albanianism. In turn, the political actors translate the basic identity narratives of the nation through their ideological/interpretative repertoires. The thesis builds on Discourse Theory and particularly the approach developed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe (1985) By incorporating notions of ‘identification strategies’, ‘interpretative repertoires’ and ‘myth’ into the framework of Lene Hansen and Ole Waever (2001), the thesis reveals the intricate interplay between the construction of state identity and of political identities in post-communist Albania.
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Mayo-Bobee, Dinah. "Foreign Policy in the Early Republic." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2017. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/736.

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Gaarder, Christopher. "California's Foreign Relations." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1147.

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Globalization has significantly increased the number of stakeholders in transnational issues in recent decades. The typical list of the new players in global affairs often includes non-state actors like non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations, and international organizations. Sub-national governments, however, have been given relatively little attention even though they, too, have a significant interest and ability to shape the increasing flow of capital, goods, services, people, and ideas that has so profoundly influenced the global political economy in recent decades. California, arguably the most significant among sub-national governments – its economy would be seventh or eighth in the world at $2.2 trillion annually, it engages in over $570 billion in merchandise trade, and has a population of nearly 40 million, out of which over 10 million are immigrants – is also one of the most active in transnational issues. The state government has opened and closed dozens trade offices abroad since the 1960s. It set up a multi-billion dollar carbon cap-and-trade system jointly with the Canadian provinces of Québec and Ontario under Assembly Bill 32, one of the most significant pieces of climate change legislation to date. California’s educational, technological, and media hubs – its public and private universities, Silicon Valley, and Hollywood – draw some of the best and brightest from around the world. California also has a long history of involvement in transnational issues. State efforts to undermine growing Chinese then Japanese “menace” immigrant populations from the mid-19th through the mid-20th centuries influenced United States foreign policy. This thesis first takes a look at the federalism and international relations issues faced by California as it plays a greater role in transnational issues. Then, it examines the main actors and institutions, and the issues at play. The states have some leeway under the Constitution and contemporary political order to use their domestic powers to influence global issues, whether through climate legislation, public pension divestment, or non-binding “Memoranda of Understanding” with foreign governments. Such behavior, while less significant than national policy, can fill gaps in national policy, promote policy change, and deepen global ties, promoting a more complex interdependence among nations. California can also exert a moral, soft power influence in leading by example. The structures promoting California’s growing role in transnational issues are poorly organized. If the Golden State is to better leverage its political, economic, and moral authority internationally, it would do well to more explicitly develop a unified vision for its role in the world.
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Lösche, Max. "How has neoliberalism influenced US foreign politics?" Thesis, Gotland University, Department of Human Geography and Ethnology, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-380.

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This essay discusses the impact of neoliberalism on the US American foreign politics. It addresses the possible strategy of America on a global scale, always focusing on neoliberal forces in America that are behind the official political decisions that are made in Washington. The essay also discusses the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Here, there is more than what the eye can see, or rather what the public is meant to see. Strong economic powers influence the war in the Middle East and try to bring a new world order upon the region, by implanting democracy, neoliberalism and absolute market openness. This discussion is done through a comparison of various sources, including books and scientific articles, dealing with geography, economy and politics. The outcome of this essay includes worrying facts about the future of globalism, neoliberalism and democracy, as power more and more shifts towards private corporations and banks, away from democratic state apparatus.

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Eberly, Kurt Jeffrey. "Pennsylvanians, Foreign Relations, and Politics, 1775-1790." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1297560596.

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Chitsamba, Lemson Samson. "Malawi and the politics of foreign aid." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1991. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1118/.

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Malawi's behaviour in international relations has been interpreted largely in terms of the country's economic needs. The conventional argument has been that the country's foreign and domestic policies were adopted for reasons of making the country attractive to donor countries and organizations. This argument is so prevalent that it is even reflected in the titles of some books and articles on Malawi's post-independence political and economic history. For example, a pamphlet kept by the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) Library is titled: "Malawi: Foreign Policy and Development". This thesis proceeds on the premise that foreign aid has not been the main objective of Malawi foreign and domestic policies. Accordingly, it looks critically at the alleged link between foreign aid and the country's foreign and domestic policies. It finds that the conventional argument is supported with evidence which is erroneous in many cases or at least partial and tries to show that the effects which the politics of foreign aid have exerted on Malawi are quite different from those which are assumed by the conventional argument. By contrast, the argument of the thesis is that Malawi's foreign and domestic policies are not the result of the politics of foreign aid. Rather they are the product of the style and perceptions of the country's leadership.
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Yang, Xiaomeng. "Bureaucratic politics and Japan's foreign aid policy-making." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq30834.pdf.

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Books on the topic "Foreign politic"

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Hudiță, Ioan. Jurnal politic 1939. Bucureşti: Editura Fundaţiei, 2004.

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Niculae, Iurașcu, and Căldăraru Cristian-Dragoș, eds. Jurnal politic 1939-1950. Galați: Editura Muzeului de Istorie Galați, 2012.

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Retegan, Mihai. Război politic în blocul comunist: Relații româno-sovietice în anii șaizeci : documente. București: Ed. RAO, 2002.

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Hudiță, Ioan. Jurnalul politic: 4 noiembrie-6 decembrie 1944. [Bucharest]: Do-MinoR, 2007.

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Hudiță, Ioan. Jurnal politic: 1 ianuarie-24 august 1944. București: Editura Roza Vânturilor, 1997.

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Hudiță, Ioan. Jurnal politic: (1 februarie 1943-31 decembrie 1943). Bucharest]: Comunicare.ro, 2010.

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Hudiță, Ioan. Jurnal politic: 25 august 1944-3 noiembrie 1944. Piteşti: Paralela 45, 2006.

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Hudiță, Ioan. Jurnal politic: 1 ianuarie 1940-6 septembrie 1940. Iași: Institutul European, 1998.

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Dan, Berindei, ed. Jurnal politic: 16 septembrie 1938-30 aprilie 1939. Bucureşti: Editura Fundaţiei, 2003.

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Hudiță, Ioan. Jurnal politic: (1 martie 1942-31 ianuarie 1943). Bucharest]: Comunicare.ro, 2009.

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Book chapters on the topic "Foreign politic"

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Philpott, Simon. "Foreign policy." In Visual Global Politics, 144–49. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Interventions: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315856506-21.

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Woronoff, Jon. "Foreign Policy (And Defense)." In Politics, 341–76. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19298-4_9.

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Conrad, Christian A. "Foreign Trade." In Political Economy, 517–43. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-30884-1_14.

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Shiraev, Eric. "Foreign Policy." In Russian Government and Politics, 255–77. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-16899-3_12.

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Sakwa, Richard. "Foreign policy." In Russian Politics and Society, 515–56. Fifth edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003053569-18.

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Hayes, Louis D. "Foreign Relations." In Introduction to Japanese Politics, 195–217. Sixth edition. | New York, NY : Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315277097-13.

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Andeweg, Rudy B., and Galen A. Irwin. "Foreign Policy." In Dutch Government and Politics, 212–28. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22931-4_9.

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Shiraev, Eric. "Foreign Policy." In Russian Government and Politics, 256–78. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-26960-7_12.

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Ladrech, Robert. "Foreign Policy." In Europeanization and National Politics, 190–205. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-06814-9_10.

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Setiawan, Ken M. P., and Dirk Tomsa. "Foreign Policy." In Politics in Contemporary Indonesia, 184–201. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429459511-12.

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Conference papers on the topic "Foreign politic"

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Asiati, Tri, Monika Herliana, and Riski Utami. "Politic Prurilingualism in our Contestation Foreign Language as Lingua Franca." In Proceedings of First International Conference on Culture, Education, Linguistics and Literature, CELL 2019, 5-6 August, Purwokerto, Central Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.5-8-2019.2291038.

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Koç, Murat, and Hakkı Çiftçi. "World Investments, Global Terrorism and the New Perception of Politic Risk." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01108.

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Based on economic power struggle, the economic strength began to take the place of military power and economic security has been considered as important as military security in this new world order. Multinational companies and their feasibility studies constitute the agenda of politic risks before entering these markets. Political risk faced by firms can be defined as “the risk of a strategic, financial, or personnel loss for a firm because of such nonmarket factors as macroeconomic and social policies, or events related to political instability”. However, terrorism should be considered as a multiplier effect on some of the components mentioned above. Terrorism itself and these strict measures directly affect investments. In 2012, FDI (Foreign Direct Investment) flows into the Middle East and North Africa have been adversely affected by political risk over the past couple of years. Investor perceptions of political risks in the region remain elevated across a range of risks. The Arab Spring countries have fared worse than other developing countries in the region. The risk perception of civil disturbance and political violence, but also breach of contract, is especially prominent in Arab Spring countries. In other words, global terrorism has created a negative multiplier effect in the region. In this context, Multiplier effect can be summarized as an effect on a target, situation or event which exceed its creating strength than expected. Considering this impact, MNC’s SWOT analysis and investment analysis must signify a redefinition in a wide range by the means of political risk perceptions.
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İncekara, Ahmet, and Mesut Savrul. "The Effect of Globalization On Foreign Trade and Investment in Eurasian Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00485.

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Globalization includes a comprehensive transformation in technological, economic, politic and scientific fields and it's largest impact has been on developing countries is acceleration of liberalization of foreign trade and investment. Regarding foreign trade and investment is vital for economic growth of developing countries such as Eurasian countries which are lack of capital to support their growth, the effects of globalization come into prominence. In this study how the globalization movements have affected trade and investment structure of the region is assessed. The data is collected from KOF Swiss Economic Institute, World Bank and UNCTAD. The results have shown that although trade and investment relations with the rest of the world, they are still limited within the region and stronger economic integrations are necessary to develop them.
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Büyükakıncı, Erhan. "The Siberian Factor in the Russian Foreign Policy: Economic Instruments and Geopolitical Games." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01297.

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In this paper, we try to discuss how the Siberian part of the Russian territory can present advantages and disadvantages for Russian foreign policy. Situated in the center of the Eurasian geography, Siberia offers many economic opportunities and energy reserves as well as a strategic value for Russia, whose population and interests are mostly concentrated in the western provinces. Long considered as an isolated continent for exile for political dissidents, Siberia has become nowadays a center of the economic strategies of the Russian administration, in relation with its foreign policy perspectives. As an energy source for natural gas and oil and transit corridor toward China and Kazakhstan, Siberia is now supported through governmental policies of restructuration and labour migration. This new perspective can lead to a new policy of regionalism in connection with foreign policy interests. For the federal center, there is an unavoidable correlation between the domestic and foreign policy stakes with Siberia’s integration in world and regional politics.
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Guettaoui, Amel, and Ouafi Hadja. "Women’s participation in political life in the Arab states." In Development of legal systems in Russia and foreign countries: problems of theory and practice. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02061-6-93-105.

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The level of political representation of women in different legislative bodies around the world varies greatly. The women in the Arab world, is that as in other areas of the world, have throughout history experienced discrimination and have been subject to restriction of their freedoms and rights. Many of these practices and limitations are based on cultural and emanate from tradition and not from religion as many people supposed, these main constraints that create an obstacle towards women’s rights and liberties are reflected in the participation of women in political life. Although there are differences between the countries, the Arab region in general is noted for the low participation of women in politics. Universal suffrage has become common in most countries, but there are still some Arab women who are denied such rights. There have been many highly respected female leaders in Arab history, such as Shajar al-Durr (13th century) in Egypt, Queen Orpha (d. 1090) in Yemen. In the modern era there have also been examples of female leadership in Arab countries. However, in Arabic-speaking countries no woman has ever been head of state, although many Arabs remarked on the presence of women such as Jehan Al Sadat, the wife of Anwar El Sadat in Egypt, and Wassila Bourguiba, the wife of Habib Bourguiba in Tunisia, who have strongly influenced their husbands in their dealings with matters of state. Many Arab countries allow women to vote in national elections. The first female Member of Parliament in the Arab world was Rawya Ateya, who was elected in Egypt in 1957. Some countries granted the female franchise in their constitutions following independence, while some extended the franchise to women in later constitutional amendments.
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Polcicova, Maria. "POLITICAL EDUCATION AS A NECESSARY PART OF AN EDUCATIONAL PROCESS IN A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY." In NORDSCI Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2021/b2/v4/27.

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"There is currently a noticeable increase in extremism, populism, hatred and intolerance in all EU countries, which are evoked by several political conflicts, social events (critical situation in Afghanistan, response to the COVID pandemic, conflict in Ukraine, migration from third countries etc.). Political education as an integral part of the educational process in schools, not only at the national level, we therefore naturally consider it one of the tools for promoting democratic tools in society. We also consider foreign language teaching to be one of the tools of political education. Within it, on the example of learning about important political events, which at the same time shaped the moral democratic values of the bearers of a given language, we can mediate a critical analysis of the way of life in a given developmental stage of society. The aim of our paper is to present the idea of the educational process as a driving force for the spread of democratic values on the example of foreign language teaching at our faculty. From the point of view of theoretical backgrounds, we define the very concept of political education on the example of several experts in the field of sociology, politics and education. In order to find out the current state of the concept of political education in the educational process at national and transnational level, we analyze the individual documents of the European Union. Throughout the post, we mainly use qualitative data, such as thematic analysis, to interpret patterns and meanings in the data and descriptive data."
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Mironenko, V. V. "Linguisimotic characteristics of political foreign language." In Научные тенденции: Филология, Культурология, Искусствоведение. ЦНК МОАН, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/spc-26-11-2018-06.

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Downey, Marlan W. "Assessing Political Risk for Foreign Investments." In SPE Hydrocarbon Economics and Evaluation Symposium. Society of Petroleum Engineers, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/30033-ms.

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Kang, Chengwen. "DPRK's Foreign Trade and the Issue." In 2016 International Conference on Politics, Economics and Law (ICPEL 2016). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icpel-16.2016.27.

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Toprak, Nuri Gökhan. "From Embargo to Blockade: An Evaluation of the United States Sanctions against Iran in the Context of the Use of Economic Impact Tools in Foreign Poli." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02219.

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The concept of influence can be defined as a tool of international actors, a form of power, the ability to overcome obstacles in order to achieve different purposes or the desired result in the process of power relations established between actors in international politics. According to the approach that aims to reach the concept of influence as the desired result, in the process of setting up influence states try to influence each other through different methods and tools in which can be used through states’ own capacities. In addition to political and military tools, economic impact tools related to the field of foreign trade and finance are frequently used today. Economic impact tools, such as external aid, which may be positive or rewarding, may also be negative or punitive in a range from the boycott to the blockade. The study aims to provide a qualitative assessment of the United States' (US) economic sanctions against Iran in the context of the use of economic impact tools in international politics. In order to achieve this aim, 12 executive orders issued by the US on the grounds that Iran poses a threat to its national security, foreign policy and economy will be examined. In the conclusion of the study, the assumption that the US sanctions against Iran almost for 40 years has become a multilateral structure such as commercial and financial blockade from a structure related to bilateral relations such as boycott and embargo will be tested.
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Reports on the topic "Foreign politic"

1

Boone, Peter. Politics and the Effectiveness of Foreign Aid. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w5308.

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Branstetter, Lee, and Robert Feenstra. Trade and Foreign Direct Investment in China: A Political Economy Approach. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, April 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w7100.

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Taylor, Alan. Latin America and Foreign Capital in the Twentieth Century: Economics, Politics, and Institutional Change. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w7394.

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Calver, Robin. Macroeconomic and Political Determinants of Foreign Direct Investment in the Middle East. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.1074.

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Terzyan, Aram. Belarus in the Wake of a Revolution: Domestic and International Factors. Eurasia Institutes, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/eea-3-2020.

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This paper explores the political landscape of Belarus in the aftermath of the 2020 presidential elections, with a focus on both domestic and international factors behind the ongoing crisis. Lukashenko’s regime has a long record of sustaining its power by preserving elite unity, controlling elections, and/or using force against opponents. Therefore, massive fraud characterizing the 2020 presidential elections and brutal suppression of peaceful protests in its aftermath came as no surprise. Against this backdrop, the anti-government protests following the presidential elections raised a series of unanswered questions regarding both their domestic and foreign policy implications. The biggest question is whether the Belarusian civil society and opposition will prove powerful enough to overcome state repression and change the status quo in Europe’s “last dictatorship”. Worries remain about the Belarusian opposition’s emphasis on foreign policy continuity, meaning that Belarus is bound to remain in the orbit of the Russian authoritarian influence. The total fiasco of post-Velvet Revolution Armenian government both in terms of domestic and foreign policies, among others, further reveals the excruciating difficulties of a democratic state-building within the Russia-led socio-political order.
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Terzyan, Aram. New President, Old Problems: The Challenges of Post-Nazarbayev State-Building in Kazakhstan. Eurasia Institutes, November 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/psprp-5-2020.

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This paper explores post-Nazarbayev state-building in Kazakhstan, focusing on domestic and foreign policy implications of the power transition. After thirty years of incumbency, President Nursultan Nazarbayev stepped down in 2019, smoothly transferring the power to his nominee, Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, and thus plunged the country into a sensitive phase of power transition. This study suggests that the power transition in Kazakhstan has not led to significant improvements in terms of human rights and political freedoms protection, leaving the state of the weak opposition and constrained civil society intact. Kazakhstan keeps maintaining the core features of oil-rich countries, with hydrocarbon-based economy and regime stability stemming from an “authoritarian bargain” between the state and society. Besides, there has been continuity in foreign policy, with Kazakhstan further pursuing a multi-vectoral foreign policy agenda.
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Shonhe, Toendepi. Covid-19 and the Political Economy of Tobacco and Maize Commodity Circuits: Makoronyera, the ‘Connected’ and Agrarian Accumulation in Zimbabwe. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/apra.2021.009.

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This paper analyses the global commodity circuits – value chains – for maize and tobacco in Zimbabwe, in the context of a reconfigured agrarian economy and COVID-19 induced shocks. The study focuses on the political economy dynamics of agricultural commodity circuits to reveal how they can contribute to understanding the drivers and constraints of agricultural commercialisation in Zimbabwe. This paper traces the circuits of maize and tobacco, the two major crops for food security and foreign currency earnings in Zimbabwe.
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Shpinev, Iurii Sergeevich. Questions of capital in the work of D. Ricardo «The Beginnings of Political Economy and taxation». DOI CODE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/1311-1972-2020-00025.

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D. Ricardo is one of the founders of classical economy. The most significant discoveries of the outstanding scientist in the field of capital can be called the definition of capital and free capital, the creation of a theory of comparative advantages of trade, the division of capital into fixed and circulating capital depending on strength, as well as the description of the reasons that stimulate and hinder foreign investment. Given that capital is primarily an economic category, it seems quite reasonable to consider the emergence and development of these concepts in the retrospect of economic theories, in order to understand the essence of the phenomenon and finally solve the issue of its legal regulation.
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Yatsymirska, Mariya. KEY IMPRESSIONS OF 2020 IN JOURNALISTIC TEXTS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11107.

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The article explores the key vocabulary of 2020 in the network space of Ukraine. Texts of journalistic, official-business style, analytical publications of well-known journalists on current topics are analyzed. Extralinguistic factors of new word formation, their adaptation to the sphere of special and socio-political vocabulary of the Ukrainian language are determined. Examples show modern impressions in the media, their stylistic use and impact on public opinion in a pandemic. New meanings of foreign expressions, media terminology, peculiarities of translation of neologisms from English into Ukrainian have been clarified. According to the materials of the online media, a «dictionary of the coronavirus era» is provided. The journalistic text functions in the media on the basis of logical judgments, credible arguments, impressive language. Its purpose is to show the socio-political problem, to sharpen its significance for society and to propose solutions through convincing considerations. Most researchers emphasize the influential role of journalistic style, which through the media shapes public opinion on issues of politics, economics, education, health care, war, the future of the country. To cover such a wide range of topics, socio-political vocabulary is used first of all – neutral and emotionally-evaluative, rhetorical questions and imperatives, special terminology, foreign words. There is an ongoing discussion in online publications about the use of the new foreign token «lockdown» instead of the word «quarantine», which has long been learned in the Ukrainian language. Research on this topic has shown that at the initial stage of the pandemic, the word «lockdown» prevailed in the colloquial language of politicians, media personalities and part of society did not quite understand its meaning. Lockdown, in its current interpretation, is a restrictive measure to protect people from a dangerous virus that has spread to many countries; isolation of the population («stay in place») in case of risk of spreading Covid-19. In English, US citizens are told what a lockdown is: «A lockdown is a restriction policy for people or communities to stay where they are, usually due to specific risks to themselves or to others if they can move and interact freely. The term «stay-at-home» or «shelter-in-place» is often used for lockdowns that affect an area, rather than specific locations». Content analysis of online texts leads to the conclusion that in 2020 a special vocabulary was actively functioning, with the appropriate definitions, which the media described as a «dictionary of coronavirus vocabulary». Media broadcasting is the deepest and pulsating source of creative texts with new meanings, phrases, expressiveness. The influential power of the word finds its unconditional embodiment in the media. Journalists, bloggers, experts, politicians, analyzing current events, produce concepts of a new reality. The world is changing and the language of the media is responding to these changes. It manifests itself most vividly and emotionally in the network sphere, in various genres and styles.
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Romero, Antonio. The Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement and relations between European Union and Cuba. Fundación Carolina, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff01en.

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This document makes an assessment of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA) between Cuba and the European Union (EU) in its four years of validity, and of the evolution of political and economic relations between both parties. The analysis is structured in five headings that address the background, determinants and significance of the PDCA between Cuba and the EU; the main elements discussed in the political dialogue —and in thematic dialogue— between the two parties since 2018, and the central aspects of trade, investment and cooperation relations between Cuba and the EU. The report concludes that, unlike the United States, the EU is able to support the complex process of economic and institutional transformations underway in Cuba, in four fundamental areas: i) technical assistance and advice for the design and implementation of public policies, macroeconomic management, decentralisation and local development; ii) cooperation to fight climate change and transform Cuba’s productive and technological structure; iii) the promotion and encouragement of foreign investment flows from Europe, targeting key productive sectors; and iv) the exploration of financial opportunities for Cuba through the European Investment Bank (EIB) under the current PDCA.
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