Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Foreign policy'
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1
Petersson, Emmy. "The EU Foreign Policy." Thesis, Halmstad University, School of Social and Health Sciences (HOS), 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-1015.
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This dissertations aims to examine the EU Foreign Policy, and more precisely map the High Representative (HR) and his impact on the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) in the EU. Using two theoretical frameworks, leadership theory and institutional theory, the study tests the explanatory power of these theories to explain the HR and his impact on the CFSP. The study is limited to a period of time, from November 2002 until December 2003, when several different events took place within the framework of the CFSP. The conclusion indicates that both leadership theory and institutional theory can help explain the development and outcomes of the CFSP.
Keywords: EU foreign policy, Common Foreign and Security Policy, High Representative of the CFSP, European Security and Defence Policy, Iraq war, European Security Strategy
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Attallah, Antun. "President Assad's foreign policy." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 1990. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA237684.
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Thesis (M.S. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, June 1990.Thesis Advisor(s): Magnus, Ralph H. Second Reader: Amos, John W. "June 1990." Description based on title screen viewed on October 16, 2009. DTIC Descriptor(s): Syria, stability, political revolution, vulnerability, power, president (United States), foreign policy, leadership DTIC Indicator(s): Theses, Syria, Assad h, foreign policy, Nusairis, Ba'ath party, history, military forces(foreign), Islam, political science, socialism, nationalism. Includes bibliographical references (p. 312-316). Also available in print.
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Mitchell, David Hermann Margaret G. "Making foreign policy Presidential management, advisors and the foreign policy decision-making process /." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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You, Woongjo. "The relationship between the stated goal of foreign policy and foreign policy outcome." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2006.
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Andreasen, Jessica. "Foreign Policy Through Aid: Has United States Assistance Achieved its Foreign Policy Objectives?" DigitalCommons@USU, 2014. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/2772.
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In looking at the history of U.S. aid, three general goals emerge: political stability, increased economic liberalization and expanding influence in the aid receiving country. While the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) has measures in place to assess the success of its aid endeavors, most U.S. aid, in the form of economic and military aid, is largely unevaluated in terms of achieving these broad foreign policy goals. The results of this study suggest that U.S. military and economic aid fail to achieve these three general foreign policy objectives in a sustainable manner. Conducting a regression analysis of U.S. aid indicates that, in the short term, economic aid does succeed in promoting increased economic liberalization, but the concurrent giving of military aid cancels the effect. In the long term, the giving of economic aid supports the stability of a state’s government, but the U.S. will want to assess what other methods might produce similar and more enduring results at less cost.
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Nylund, Mia-Lie. "A fully feminist foreign policy? : A postcolonial feminist analysis of Sweden's Feminist Foreign Policy." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-339481.
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This thesis is a postcolonial feminist discourse analysis of Sweden’s Feminist Foreign Policy. Sweden’s Feminist Foreign Policy is unique to the world, but it is not the only case of incorporating a gender perspective as a central part of national or international politics. Feminism and gender perspectives are increasingly receiving attention and space in global politics. The Swedish case could therefore inform us about where politics are heading. Previous research on the Feminist Foreign Policy has aimed mainly at examining what it means and what challenges it likely will face. The aim of the analysis is to examine whether and to what extent the discourse of the Feminist Foreign Policy interrelates with gendered postcolonial narratives. Feminist scholars have for decades argued for the need to recognize the ways in which gendered and postcolonial structures are interrelated. Excluding either a gender or postcolonial analysis will convey only part of the problem. The method used is discourse analysis, or more specifically, critical discourse analysis. Discourse is an essential part of our social world. It is both constituted by and constitutive of how we understand our surroundings. Critical discourse analysis in particular is a useful method to illuminate power relations in society and how they are reproduced or countered through discourse. Two opposing ideal types are developed based on ideas from postcolonial theory and postcolonial feminist theory: gendered postcolonial discourse and fully feminist discourse. The ideal types are used in order to measure whether, how and to what extent the Feminist Foreign Policy interacts with gendered postcolonial discourse. The analysis looks at official documents, statements and speeches of different forms issued or produced by the foreign office. Using several texts, with varied aims and settings, the material will arguably be representative of the Feminist Foreign Policy. The results show that the Feminist Foreign Policy cannot be placed exclusively in either ideal type. The texts interrelate with gendered postcolonial discourse, reproducing unequal relations of power. Conversely, other parts of the texts are fully feminist, both transforming discourse and contributing to knowledge about what it can look like when discourse manages to avoid gendered postcolonial narratives.
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Masters, Lesley. "A multistakeholder foreign policy : dynamics of foreign policy making in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/30699.
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In the main, the study of South Africa's post-apartheid foreign policy has been preoccupied with the examination of policy performance with comparatively little critical reflection on the role of actors within the so-called 'black box' of foreign policy decision-making. This analysis moves away from this particular approach by identifying the actors seeking an influence in the making of the 'new' South Africa's foreign policy. The thesis contends that while South Africa's post-apartheid presidents have maintained a predominant position at the centre of the decision-making process, this has not excluded influence from a number of stakeholders. Following South Africa's democratic transition (1994), a growing number of state and non-state actors from the domestic and international milieu have been active in pursuing a position near the centre of the foreign policy process. Through a longitudinal analysis, covering the period 1994-2007, this thesis examines the role played by the president, the foreign policy bureaucracy, domestic and international sources of pressure; highlighting the plurality of actors and the varying degrees of influence that play a part in shaping post-apartheid foreign policy. Certainly developments within the domestic context, coupled with South Africa's international ambitions, expanding international agenda and growing national-international linkages, have seen actors traditionally on the periphery of foreign policy decision-making increasingly drawn into a more prominent position in the foreign policy process. The thesis thus presents South Africa's post-apartheid foreign policy as a multistakeholder foreign policy. This not only depicts the multi-layered structure and the plurality of actors (state and non-state) in the foreign policy machinery, it accounts for the changing dynamics, or the fluid movement of actors within the centre-periphery structure of the foreign policy process.
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Van, Meter Eric M. "American foreign policy and Iran." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1995. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA306611.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1995.Thesis advisor(s): Peter Lavoy, Robert Looney. "December 1995." Bibliography: p. 105-116. Also available online.
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Nugroho, Bantan. "Indonesia's foreign policy and ASEAN." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1996. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq25003.pdf.
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Imiavan, Emmanuel Ehi. "Nigeria's foreign policy (1985-1995)." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.424692.
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Gardikes, Helen. "Greek foreign policy, 1911-1913." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.284806.
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Bell, Mark Stephen. "Nuclear weapons and foreign policy." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/107540.
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Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2016.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 265-291).
How do states change their foreign policies when they acquire nuclear weapons? This question is central to both academic and policy debates about the consequences of nuclear proliferation, and the lengths that the United States and other states should go to to prevent proliferation. Despite this importance to scholars and practitioners, existing literature has largely avoided answering this question. This dissertation aims to fill this gap. In answering this question, I first offer a typology of conceptually distinct and empirically distinguishable foreign policy behaviors that nuclear weapons may facilitate. Specifically, I distinguish between aggression, expansion, independence, bolstering, steadfastness, and compromise. The typology allows scholars and practitioners to move beyond catch-all terms such as "emboldenment" when thinking about how states may change their foreign policies after nuclear acquisition. Second, I offer a theory for why different states use nuclear weapons to facilitate different combinations of these behaviors. I argue that states in different geopolitical circumstances have different political priorities. Different states therefore find different combinations of foreign policy behaviors attractive, and thus use nuclear weapons to facilitate different foreign policy behaviors. The theory uses a sequence of three variables-the existence of severe territorial threats or an ongoing war, the presence of senior allies, and the state's power trajectory-to predict the combinations of foreign policy behaviors states will use nuclear weapons to facilitate. Third, I test the theory using case studies of the United Kingdom, South Africa, and the United States, each drawing on interviews and multi-archival research. In each case, I look for discontinuities in the state's foreign policy behaviors that occur at the point of nuclear acquisition and use process tracing to assess whether nuclear weapons caused the changes observed. The dissertation makes several contributions. It provides an answer to a foundational question about the nuclear revolution: how do states use nuclear weapons to facilitate their goals in international politics? It offers a new dependent variable and theory with potentially broader applicability to other questions about comparative foreign policy. Finally, it offers policy-relevant insights into how new nuclear states might behave in the future.
by Mark Stephen Bell.
Ph. D.
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Endorf, Andrew Montgomery. "British foreign policy under Canning." CONNECT TO THIS TITLE ONLINE, 2008. http://etd.lib.umt.edu/theses/available/etd-09192008-091344/.
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Sadoon, Hajar Bashir Kalari. "From foreign relation to foreign policy : transformation of the Kurdish de facto state into an independent foreign policy actor." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/32229.
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In 1991, following its defeat in the Second Gulf War and as a response to the international humanitarian protectionist umbrella provided to the three Kurdish-population governorates in Northern Iraq, the Government of Iraq (GOI) under Saddam Hussein centrally seceded from the area. The vacuum that ensued was soon filled by the leadership of the Iraqi Kurdistan Front (KNA) and soon a de facto state resurrected from the ashes of destruction besieging Iraqi Kurdistan for many decades. Hence, the precarious existence of what came to be known as the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) in a highly challenging geopolitical environment and the strategic imperative of preserving the de facto independence of the entity forced the Kurdish leadership to give high priority to building foreign relations and pursuit of foreign policy. Foreign policy as a political activity is of paramount importance to all actors including sovereign states to preserve and promote their national interests. The practice of foreign policy, however, is particularly acute for de facto states. As internationally non-recognized entities, the international system of sovereign states is often skeptical if not hostile to engage in foreign relations with de facto states. Yet, projection of foreign policy and building foreign relations is extremely vital for the continued survival and consolidation of de facto states. By exploring the case of the KRI as a case of de facto statehood, this research argues that, mutatis mutandis, de facto states can pursue independent foreign policies. By identifying major transitions in the KRI, this thesis seeks to better explain foreign policy determinants, objectives and instruments of implementation of foreign policies of the KRI. In doing so, this thesis further seeks to contribute to the analysis of de facto statehood in general, and to contribute to the study of the KRI as the case of de facto statehood in the Middle East region.
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Süleymanoğlu-Kürüm, Rahime. "Europeanisation of Turkish foreign policy : the Europeanisation of national foreign policy in non-member states." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2012. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/14374/.
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This thesis examines the extent to which and the conditions under which Turkish foreign policy is Europeanised. In doing so, it analyses the formal, behavioural and discursive dimensions of Europeanisation in Turkish foreign policy since 1987 to assess the extent to which the European Union (EU) foreign policy principles and norms are institutionalised. The empirical puzzle is derived from the focus of the literature on the Europeanisation of non-members that has concentrated on Central and European Countries (CEECs) before their accession to the EU. Foreign policy is a policy area that remains under-examined within the context of non-member state Europeanisation. This thesis addresses this gap, focusing on the case of Turkey. At the theoretical level, it applies the insights of rational choice and constructivist approaches that inspire two broad models, the External Incentives Model (ElM) and the Social Learning Model (SLM), to the study of 'foreign policy change'. The thesis examines normative and substantive areas of foreign policy and distinguishes a formal, behavioural and discursive dimension of Europeanisation. In the normative area, it analyses the formal dimension of Europeanisation over Turkey's adherence to good neighbourly relations and the behavioural dimension of Turkey's peace-making initiatives through mediation and Official Development Assistance (ODA). In the substantive area, it analyses the formal dimension of Turkey's alignment with the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the behavioural dimension of the geographical direction of high profile official visits. Finally, the discursive dimension of foreign policy statements is analysed with reference to both the normative and the substantive areas. The empirical analysis of the five areas shows that EU rules were initially not institutionalised in Turkish foreign policy. The analysis reveals that Europeanisation in all five areas started in 1987; rather than in 1999 as is commonly believed. Yet Europeanisation before 1999 came in the form of policy adjustment, while the transformation of foreign policy only occurred after 1999 in the substantive areas and after 2002 in the normative areas. Moreover, the thesis finds that in four areas covered, with the notable exception of the behavioural dimension of Europeanisation covered by peace-making initiatives, policy retrenchment occurred after 2005. Furthermore, the thesis argues that different degrees and directions of Europeanisation are better captured by the ElM than the SLM. In particular, the analysis reveals that the Europeanisation of foreign policy in Turkey is triggered by domestic factors. Among them, the degree of compatibility of the position of the governing parties with EU foreign policy principles and norms and the degree of domestic capacity best explain different degrees and directions of Europeanisation. Before 1999, and particularly before 2002, domestic capacity was low and did not allow a transformation type of Europeanisation to occur even at times when the governing parties pursued a strong pro-EU orientation.
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Raimundo, Antonio Joaquim. "The Europeanisation of national foreign policy : Portuguese foreign policy towards Angola and Mozambique, 1978-2010." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/471/.
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After its transition to democracy and decolonisation in the mid-1970s, Portugal’s main external focus shifted from Africa and the Atlantic to Europe. However, past priorities continued to occupy an important place in its foreign policy. This thesis assesses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on Portuguese foreign policy by focusing on relations with Angola and Mozambique, the two largest former colonies of Portugal in sub-Saharan Africa. The thesis uses the concept of “Europeanisation”, comprising three relevant dimensions for examining possible changes in the foreign policy of an EU member state: national adaptation (a “top-down” process), national projection (“bottom-up”), and identity formation (socialisation process). In order to better control for the influence of other variables (beyond the EU) on Portuguese policy, the concept of Europeanisation is framed within a foreign policy analysis approach. The study focuses on the period between 1978 and 2010, and covers three policy areas: external trade, development aid and political-diplomatic issues. The application of this analytical framework produced significant evidence of Europeanisation, both in its dimension of national adaptation and, chiefly, national projection. The analysis also revealed variations across policy areas and country cases, with the strongest evidence of Europeanisation found for the domain of trade and for the case of Mozambique in general. These findings give support to studies stressing that EU membership “strengthened” Portugal’s postcolonial relations, but also add a more detailed and nuanced understanding of the EU’s impact on the national level.
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Petersen, Kamilla. "Norms in Foreign Policy : Institutionalization and the road to a feminist foreign policy in Sweden." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-169942.
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In 2015 the Swedish Foreign Minister announced that the foreign policy would be feminist. This thesis aims to advance an understanding of the process of institutionalizing feminism in the Swedish foreign policy statements and the effects this has had on Swedish foreign policy priorities. Through a combined approach of constructivist and feminist theory, it is argued that while areas related to feminism, such as women, gender, and equality, have been institutionalizing over the last two decades, the introduction of overt feminism has increased resistance. By drawing on institutionalization theory, gender mainstreaming, and hegemonic masculinity it is revealed how ‘adding women’ has been the main approach but that the use of ‘feminism’ has challenged the hegemonic masculinity embedded in foreign policy. The thesis concludes that aspects of feminism have been institutionalized, however, feminism as a structure is still at its emerging stage internationally. Moreover, it is discussed how the relationship between national and international political spheres affect the institutionalization process of norms cyclically.
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Wang, Chian 1955. "The Republic of China's Foreign Policy 1949-1988: Factors Affecting Change in Foreign Policy Behavior." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277809/.
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The Republic of China (ROC) has faced severe foreign policy challenges since its relocation from mainland China to Taiwan, and it has had to modify its position several times as its environment has changed. Its foreign policy since 1949 has gone through three distinct phases of development. A series of diplomatic adversities befell the ROC following its defeat in the United Nations in 1971, which presented the nation with an unprecedented challenge to its survival. These calamitous events for the ROC presented it with a frightening identity crisis: it was isolated in the international community and had become a "pariah" state. This case study examines and analyzes the various changes in the ROC's foreign policy behavior and attempts to determine what has influenced or induced changes in its foreign policy.
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Květová, Lenka. "Foreign direct investment vs. development assistance as tools of foreign policy: Chinese policy in Africa." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-191978.
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This thesis examines Chinese foreign direct investments in Sub-Saharan Africa and their influence on Chinese foreign policy on the continent between the years 2004 and 2010. It is often believed that oil and raw materials are the principal determinants of Chinese investments in Africa. However, this research suggests that even though there exists strong correlation between the existence of reserves of raw materials and FDI distribution, such motivation is not the only one. Pragmatism, manifested by the Chinese government in FDI allocation, can lead the People's Republic to invest in controversial countries with bad governance like Sudan. China is then forced to keep closer relations with such countries and thus promote their stability to protect its investments. Tools of such efforts include foreign policy, closer cooperation on multilateral level, which includes establishment of Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, and foreign aid.
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Rein, Hampus Carl Gustaf. "French Foreign and Security Policy Roles under François Hollande : A Role Theory Foreign Policy Analysis." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-6582.
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This bachelor’s thesis in Political Science, is essentially a study of contemporary French foreign and security policy ‘roles’. Drawing on a doctoral thesis by Lisbeth Aggestam (2004), it investigates French National Role Conceptions, using Foreign Policy Analysis Role Theory. It thoroughly examines the nature of foreign policy-making and, notably, it explores the notions of foreign policy ‘roles’, ‘identity’ and ‘national role conceptions’. The study encompasses over twenty key foreign and security policy centred allocutions delivered by the present French President, François Hollande, between the years 2012-16. Primarily, it aims at answering whether French National Role Conceptions, as conceived of by Aggestam at the turn of the millennium, are still relevant for the understanding of current French foreign and security policy and action. Aggestam’s French national ‘role-set’ therefore serves as the eminent point of reference and comparison throughout the analysis. In a broader sense, the essay also aims at investigating the ideational basis to contemporary French foreign and security policy roles. More narrowly, a special consideration has been accorded the notion of ‘Europe de la défense’ (Europe of defence), a key idea in modern French foreign and security policy. The principal findings of the analysis show that most of the French National Role Conceptions identified by Aggestam, continue to be relevant. On the ideational level, France’s current self-image is arguably even more intimately suffused by the notion of ‘Europe’. On the foreign and security policy area, this is reflected in the continued French aim of constructing ‘Europe de la défense’, which is central to the general understanding of the French role-set. Lastly, the investigation supports the notion that French foreign and security policy roles are nourished by a ‘realistic idealism’, as advanced by Aggestam.
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Walker, Douglas Earl. "The phoenix of foreign policy isolationism's influence on U.S. foreign policy during the twentieth century /." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 1990. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA242065.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 1990.Thesis Advisor(s): Abenheim, Donald. Second Reader: Teti, Frank M. "December 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on March 30 2010. DTIC Descriptor(s): Foreign Policy, United States Government, Variations, Abandonment, Pressure, Fear, Dissociation, Policies, Cold War. DTIC Identifier(s): Foreign Policy, History, United States, Isolationism, World War 1, World War 2, Cold War, Post Cold War Era, Theses. Author(s) subject terms: Isolationism, U.S. Foreign Policy, U.S. History - 1914-1990. Includes bibliographical references (p. 177-185). Also available in print.
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Adriansyah, Yasmi. "The Role of Policy Entrepreneurs in Indonesia's Foreign Policy." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149056.
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This thesis is primarily concerned with how and why policy
entrepreneurs succeed in promoting their ideas or policy
proposals. In examining this, the thesis uses the case of
Indonesia’s foreign and domestic policies regarding the
protection of its own migrant workers who work abroad,
particularly with the ratification of the 1990 United Nations
Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers
and Members of Their Families (CMW). There are three central
questions that this thesis examines: (1) To what extent were the
policy entrepreneurs important in shaping or playing roles in
Indonesia’s foreign policy regarding the protection of its
migrant workers and who were the main policy entrepreneurs?; (2)
How did these policy entrepreneurs attempt to ensure that their
policy proposals were adopted or their ideas heard?; and (3) Why
were the policy entrepreneurs successful in promoting their
ideas?
The thesis argues that the protection of Indonesian migrant
workers has become a pressing issue in the context of nation’s
foreign and domestic policies. This can be seen from the decision
of Indonesia’s Kementerian Luar Negeri (Ministry of Foreign
Affairs) in 2002 to establish a special directorate to address
the issue, namely the Directorate for the Protection of
Indonesian Citizens and Legal Agencies. Nonetheless, despite the
establishment of this directorate, protection from this
institution was still viewed as relatively poor since there were
still numerous high-profile cases involving Indonesian migrant
workers in cases related to torture and even some resulting in
death. Recent policies developments, spurred by increasing
democratisation, can be viewed as an improvement. This is
demonstrated by Indonesia’s decision to ratify the CMW in 2012.
With regard to this important decision, my empirical analysis
showed that there were at least two categories of policy
entrepreneurs that played important roles in influencing the
decision: key figures operating within the important civil
society organisations who worked under the umbrella movement
People’s Alliance for the Ratification of 1990 Convention
(ARRAK 90) and several elected members of the Dewan Perwakilan
Rakyat (DPR – Indonesia’s House of Representatives).
Overall, the thesis argues that policy entrepreneurs were
successful if: (1) they advocated cogent policy proposals; (2)
these proposals were based on normative principles; and (3) they
promoted their ideas with persistence. Each of these three
factors is examined in the case studies. In testing the notion of
persistence, the thesis measures activities such as: conducting a
series of demonstrations; writing papers; and holding lobbying
luncheons or dinners.
The thesis concludes that there were two success factors that
brought Indonesia’s foreign policy shift from non-ratification
to ratification: coalition-building and advocacy persistence. In
coalition-building, policy entrepreneurs believed that the
emergence of ARRAK 90 significantly transformed the policy
context. Working in coalition, policy entrepreneurs undertook
continuous activities in terms of substantive work,
demonstrations, and lobbying. As the policy context changed and
window of opportunity presented themselves, policy entrepreneurs
demonstrated enormous persistence in presenting their ideas. In
this context, the policy entrepreneurs continuously pushed their
demands, writing to influence public opinion, conducting various
demonstrations for the purpose of raising public awareness,
seizing government attention, and being persistent in demanding
the adoption of their proposals. All these factors, particularly
coalition-building and persistence, answer the primary questions
of this thesis: to what extent were policy entrepreneurs
important in policy change, how did they achieve change, and why
were policy entrepreneurs successful in promoting their policy
proposals?
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Edwards, Jason Allen. "Foreign Policy Rhetoric for the Post-Cold War World: Bill Clinton and America's Foreign Policy Vocabulary." unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04242006-093224/.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2006.Title from title screen. Mary E. Stuckey, committee chair; David Cheshier, Carol Winkler, James Darsey, Daniel Franklin, committee members. Electronic text (297 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Apr. 26, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 255-297).
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Niklasson, Tomas. "Regime stability and foreign policy change : interaction between domestic and foreign policy in Hungary 1956 - 1994 /." Lund : Dep. of Political Science, 2005. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/513049347.pdf.
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Grenig, Colin Michael. "Conservative Internationalism in American Foreign Policy: The Foreign Policy Rhetoric of the Republican Ascendancy, 1920-1930." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1437265736.
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Kalkan, Erol. "Europeanisation of change in foreign policy : transformation of Turkish foreign policy in the EU accession process." Thesis, University of Kent, 2015. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/47464/.
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The aim of this research is to investigate the influence of Turkey’s European Union (EU) candidature on its foreign policy towards its non-EU neighbours, namely Iran and Syria. It argues that EU conditionality and adaptation pressure for the convergence and alignment of Turkey’s authoritarian political regime to the EU acquis communautaire have produced unintended outcomes in Turkey’s foreign policy towards its non-EU neighbours, in addition to the intended outcomes in Turkey’s domestic politics. To investigate these phenomena, this study poses the following questions: how, to what extent and in what direction has Turkey’s foreign policy changed towards its non-EU neighbours during the country’s EU candidature, and how has Turkey’s EU candidature to the EU played a role in this? This study utilises Europeanization, and the rational choice and historical versions of the new institutionalist theory as its theoretical framework. Interview and case study methods were employed to answer this research question, and triangulation and the creation of counterfactual scenarios were used to substantiate the validity of the study’s findings and interpretation. The findings indicate that, first, Turkish foreign policy towards its non-EU neighbours has undergone a deep transformation from being merely security-oriented disengagement to politically and economically-oriented engagement. Secondly, although 1) due to the nature of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), the literature on Europeanisation in the field of foreign policy primarily addresses socialisation and experimental learning related to the impact of the EU on member and/or non-member states’ foreign policies, and 2) due to the nature of EU-Turkey relations, the literature on the impact of the EU on Turkey’s foreign policy mostly focus on Turkey’s foreign policy towards Turkey’s EU neighbours and primarily addresses EU conditionality and adaptation pressure in the field of foreign policy as it is related to the impact of the EU on Turkey’s foreign policy, the findings of this research show that, in fact, EU conditionality and adaptation pressure in the fields of democracy and the rule of law, and in the economic realm, has unintentionally left a very visible influence on Turkish foreign policy towards Turkey’s non-EU neighbours by: (a) changing the institutions, institutional structures and institutional power relations, (b) empowering the governmentand civil society against the military–bureaucratic elites in political decision making, (c) accomplishing political and economic stability and growth, (d) increasing respect for and protection of religious and minority rights, and transferring domestic religious and minority issues into the realm of normal politics, and thus (e) changing the institutions, interests, preferences and demands that are involved in foreign policy-making towards Turkey’s non-EU neighbours.
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Welch, David A. "Sources of contemporary Russian foreign policy." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1994. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA292822.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1994.Thesis advisor(s): Mikhail Tsypkin, John Arquilla. "December 1994." Bibliography: p. 123-127. Also available online.
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Macler, Todd P. "The root of Iranian foreign policy/." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1999. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA368097.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, September 1999.Thesis advisor(s): Ghoreishi, Ahmad ; Magnus, Ralph. "September 1999." Includes bibliographical references (p. 103-109). Also Available online.
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Jorgensen, Knud Erik. "Three doctrines on European foreign policy." Universität Potsdam, 2004. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2010/4631/.
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Taking its departure from the debate on the Iraq war, the article examines three
so-called „doctrines“ on European foreign policy. According to the first one,
there is no such thing as an EU foreign policy. This may come as a surprise for
policy-makers but is a common view among media commentators, analysts and
some diplomats. The second doctrine holds that the EU’s foreign policy has been,
is, and always will be a failure. Reasons for this gloomy view show considerable
variations and are most likely unsustainable in the long run. The third approach
is more optimistic, counting on the EU’s material volume, yet often ignoring the
need to politically cash in if international clout is the quest.
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Kent, Charles Todd. "Politically rational foreign policy decision-making." Texas A&M University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/4371.
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This dissertation is an analysis of how presidents make foreign policy decisions.
Rather than explaining foreign policy decisions by focusing on individuals or
institutions, I stress the role of political pressures and context faced by presidents. It
shows that foreign policy decisions are not merely a reaction to stimulus from the
international or domestic arenas but involve political considerations that affect policy
choice.
The dynamic elements in the argument are political resources and risk. The
relationship between the risk propensity of the president and presidential political
resources provides an important link to understanding foreign policy decisions. Within
the realm of good public policy, a politically rational president can choose to act or
respond to foreign policy disputes in various ways, including diplomacy, political
coercion, economic coercion, covert action, or military intervention, based on his
assessment of the political context and his willingness to accept the associated risks.
The level of presidential political resources determines the risk propensity of the
president. Presidential foreign policy decisions will vary depending on the quantity of available political resources. Thus, understanding the risk propensity of the president
increases our ability to explain foreign policy decisions.
The contribution of this research is the identification of a mechanism for
understanding how the interaction between the domestic and international political
environments, and individual decision-makers influence foreign policy decisions. My
research bridges the gap between structural theories, âÂÂtheories that make predictions
about foreign policy outcomes without reference to the cognition and actions of the
actors themselves,â and decision-making theories that stress the role of the actors
(Ikenberry 2002, 5). Although the component parts of the foreign policy decisionmaking
system are widely known, we lack theories that tie the pieces together.
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Sun, Zhuo. "US media and foreign policy making." [Ames, Iowa : Iowa State University], 2007.
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Jain, Satya B. "India's foreign policy and non-alignment /." New Delhi : Anamika Publ, 2000. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/312791747.pdf.
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Duffy, P. A. "World revolution and Soviet foreign policy." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.484444.
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Grubb, Chris. "Explaining Iran's foreign policy, 1979-2009." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5051.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThis thesis examines Iranian foreign policy from 1979 to 2009. Five different explanatory models are evaluated using four well-documented historical examples. The goal of the project is to determine which, if any, of these five commonly used explanatory models possesses the most promise as a predictive tool for policymakers and intelligence analysts. Iranian involvement in the Lebanon Hostage Crisis, their support to Hezbollah, anti-Israel policy, and ongoing nuclear development program provide the context for evaluating realist, ideological, factionalist, constructivist, and two-level game theory models for explaining Iranian foreign policy. Aspects of each theory are assimilated by two-level game theory in such a way as to allow a large degree of explanatory flexibility. Iterative competition among the various interests of the state and political factions, as well as ideological and cultural factors, contribute significantly to each of the historical examples. Two-level game theory is identified as the model possessing the most promise for explaining Iranian state behavior during the period under study.
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Willis, Andrew J. "Foreign Military Financing: A Policy Review." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/970.
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This paper is a policy review of Foreign Military Financing, commonly abbreviated as FMF. In the course of this review, this paper discusses the history and use of FMF as it developed over time with a particular focus on the drivers of its development. The positions of relevant parties on the policy of Foreign Military Financing are analyzed. The paper then evaluates FMF in relation to US interests. Recommendations for FMF are examined and I made the case for several strategies that could be used to reform FMF. Ultimately, the goal of the paper is to approach the question of how to reconcile FMF within the framework of US interests.
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Oparah, O. P. "The foreign policy process of Nigeria." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.370878.
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Toktomushev, Kemel. "Regime security and Kyrgyz foreign policy." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/16245.
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This thesis presents a comprehensive study of Kyrgyz foreign policy from the early 1990s to 2011. It seeks to answer the following research question: how and to what extent does regime security affect Kyrgyz foreign policymaking? In so doing, this work aims to contribute to the understanding of Central Asian politics and the foreign policy sources of weak states across the post-Soviet space. The underlying theme of this dissertation is centred on the question whether neorealist or constructivist traditions provide a more in-depth account of the erratic Kyrgyz foreign policymaking. Notwithstanding a myriad of studies on weak states, the analysis of their foreign policies is limited and mostly characterised by idiosyncratic, reductionist and great power approaches. In this respect, an interpretive and inductive framework integrative of both internal and external variables and with properly contextualised causal mechanisms may explain the international behaviour of weak states in broader and more genuine terms. Thus, the puzzle to be resolved is whether the concepts of rent-seeking and virtual politics can either substitute for or complement the New Great Game narratives in the context of weak states in general and Kyrgyzstan in particular.
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LeBlue, James Brodie. "Is Turkey’s Foreign Policy Moving East?" ScholarWorks@UNO, 2013. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses/50.
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The Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) of Turkey has reoriented its country's historical Westward-looking foreign policy towards the Middle East because of a freeze in European Union accession, trans-national security issues resulting from the Kurdistan Worker's Party (PKK), and the expansion of its economic interests into the region. The United States should take careful note of these changes in an effort to mitigate any opposition to the AKP’s policies, as well as to better utilize Turkey’s growing clout in the region.
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Mattiacci, Eleonora. "The Determinants of Foreign Policy Volatility." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1408964976.
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Ivančević, Bosiljka. "Mass Media Influence on Foreign Policy." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-165346.
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A main purpose of the thesis is to demonstrate and explain to what extend do media influence foreign policy of a state. Foreign policy is always under internal and external influences and media are considered to be one of those external influences that shape it. Agenda setting theory forms the theoretical frame for this thesis because it takes into consideration not just direct media-government relations but the public as well that inside of this relation serves as some sort of mediator. Besides this theory and the CNN effect as its main 'extension' identifiable victim effect and third person effect as important elements in the process of influence will be introduced as well as influence of visualization. When word 'media' is mentioned in this case it implies to television and newspapers' (both printed and online versions) messages and their influences (not just verbal but the visual ones as well). Examples and case studies in this case focus mostly on the US foreign policy due to its influential role, fact that the US is still the country with the most superlatives inside of international arena and the size, influence and role-model identity of its big media companies (for ex. CNN).
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Barradah, Fouad Kazem. "Saudi Arabia's foreign policy 1945-1984." Thesis, Boston Spa, U.K. : British Library Document Supply Centre, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.241529.
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Walker, Ethel McKirdy. "James V's foreign policy 1513-1542." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1991. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/26373.
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The involvement of Scotland in international politics during the latter years of the reign of James IV led indirectly to an outbreak of conflict between England and Scotland, a conflict which resulted in the death of the King of Scots.
The death of James IV King of Scots at the Battle of Flodden Field on the 9th September 1513 had unhappy consequences for Scotland. James's death signalled a long period of unrest and instability, for the heir to the throne was a child little more than one year old, which meant a long minority. Scotland had experienced minorities in the past and these periods had proved to be troublesome as different parties sought to gain control of the person of the young monarch. The difficulties caused by the length of James V's minority, fifteen years, were compounded by the action of his mother Queen Margaret in marrying Archibald Douglas, Sixth Earl of Angus; the interference of Henry Vill in Scottish affairs: and the political climate of Europe, which affected Scotland, through her ancient alliance with France. The end result for Scotland was poor government, dissipation of the finances of the crown and the spread of lawlessness throughout the community.
The personal rule of James V beginning in 1528 brought change and order to Scotland in domestic matters. He quieted the Borders an area which had long troubled the central government, and was equally successfull in bringing order to the northern parts of the Kingdom. Indeed throughout his reign he displayed a genuine desire to bring law and order to the country as a whole. His success in recouping the finances of the Crown and the manner in which he set about it, not only brought down condemnation on his head, but has tended to colour extant accounts of his reign. James Vs foreign policy brought Scotland to a prominence out of all proportion to her size and importance in the European scheme of things. James was of course assisted by the religious and political climate of Europe, which presented him with opportunities never before afforded a Scottish monarch, opportunities which he recognised and exploited to the full. The young King of Scots showed an independence of mind and a singleness of purpose which brought him two French brides, favourable trading agreements with the Empire, and France, and the enmity of Henry VIll. The latter was in the end to have dire consequences for Scotland
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Huang, Jingbo. "Foreign trade policy reform in China." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1998. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/28639/.
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Along with its domestic economic transition, China has carried out a series of reforms in foreign trade and achieved significant policy changes. This thesis shows that China's export policies moved from strong government incentives to a state of market competition while import policies were switched from strict controls to significant liberalisation. In particular, the intensive trade policy reform in the 1990s demonstrated that China has been moving closer to trade liberalisation in line with most international trade practices. Besides providing a comprehensive and updated account of China's trade policy reforms, this thesis contributes to understanding of the field by arguing that: (1) Unlike the trade policy reforms in some other countries, China seems to be a unique case due to its special economic and political conditions, its exclusive reform targets, its cautious reform approach, as well as its sensitive position in the world economy. (2) Econometric tests carried out in this study showed that China's trade policy reforms have been effective, although not all of them were optimal. China's move towards freer trade is thus shown to be the right choice for the economy and is consistent with the view that trade can positively promote growth. (3) China has followed a path of gradual reform with strong government intervention. Given the undeniable achievements and the special natures of trade policy reform, China's experience implies that the route to trade liberalisation can be varied and must be adapted to the specific conditions in the reforming country. (4) Trade liberalisation in China has been less conspicuous in terms of reform measures (for example, tariff reductions) made in the past reform period, due mainly to the incompleteness of the market economy. (5) The biggest challenge facing China is still how to combine trade liberalisation and government intervention, in order to establish a "socialist free trade system". Continuous emphasis on government control may contain the risk obstructing a sustained trade policy reform. China needs to adopt a "market-first" reform strategy to complete the establishment of a full-functioning market economy. The concept of "Chinese characteristics" can only be well-developed in market systems rather than in making use of the market forces on the basis of a government regulated economy. The reforms in the past years have provided a foundation for China to go further towards trade liberalisation. China could, and should, move faster toward trade liberalisation.
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Nanivazo, Malokele. "FOREIGN AID FOR TRADE POLICY REFORMS." OpenSIUC, 2011. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/399.
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The goal of this dissertation is to investigate how foreign aid can be used as means to induce a recipient country to engage in trade policy reforms. For this purpose, we develop a two-good and two-country model where the donor commits to give foreign aid in the first period and disburses in the second period. The donor`s commitment for foreign aid is based on an equation where the volume of foreign aid is a function of the recipient tariff rate. We analyze the donor and the recipient actions in two types of game: a passive donor game and an active donor game. The active donor game has two sub-games: a simultaneous game and a sequential game. This dissertation is composed of two theoretical chapters and one empirical chapter. The two theoretical chapters use a similar theoretical model but they differ on the assumptions we make the recipient country economy. In the first chapter, we assume that the recipient country government is lobbied by interest groups that own its stock of capital. We find evidence that the donor can, under certain conditions, influence the recipient`s trade policy even when interest groups lobby the government. In the second chapter, we assume that the recipient country has borrowing constraints because it faces a quantitative restriction on its borrowing set by the international credit markets. Our results suggest that the recipient engages in trade liberalization depending on the type of games that the recipient and the donor participate. In the third chapter, we ask two questions: First, is the allocation of aid based on trade policy reforms; particularly, trade liberalization? Second, does foreign aid spur economic growth when we take into account the allocation of foreign aid based on trade liberalization? For this purpose, we use a panel data set of 137 countries from 1995 to 2009 which we estimate using the system GMM estimator. We find evidence of a negative relationship between trade liberalization and foreign aid. Our results suggest that foreign aid spurs economic growth.
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Mayo-Bobee, Dinah. "Foreign Policy in the Early Republic." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2017. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/736.
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Hanson-Green, Monica. "Russian Foreign Policy and National Identity." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2017. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses/99.
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National identity provides the interpretive framework through which foreign policy makers understand their role in the world and the actions of other states, and can also be utilized as a tool to mobilize public support behind foreign policy maneuvers. Foreign policy in turn is both shaped by constructions of national identity, and often used to forge and substantiate the narratives of national identity which best serve the regime’s domestic interests. This thesis will seek to establish the mutually constitutive relationship between national identity and foreign policy through an analysis of the interaction of these elements in the Russian Federation under President Vladimir Putin. Russian national identity will be considered in its formation with respect to the Historical, Internal, and External ‘Others’ in post-Soviet discourse originally identified by the constructivist analysis of Ted Hopf, with particular emphasis on the evolution of identity narratives disseminated from the Kremlin.
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Al-Khalili, Majid. "Oman's foreign policy : foundations and practice." FIU Digital Commons, 2005. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1045.
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The object of this dissertation is to record and analyze the foreign policy of the Sultanate of Oman from the early twentieth century until 2004. It challenges the central assumption of the contemporary scholarship on the subject that Muscat's modern foreign policy begins in 1970. It is often presumed that the pre-1970 era does not merit a thorough investigation to understand Muscat's modus operandi today. This study argues that for a comprehensive understanding of Muscat's foreign policy since 1970, the frontier of the historical analysis of Oman's regional and international involvement should be pushed back to the 1930's, when the young Sultan Said assumed power over the country divided by the "Treaty" or the "Agreement" of Sib. Indeed, the thrust of this research lies at once in repudiating the conventional wisdom regarding both the persona of Sultan Said and the customary political/historical narrative of Said's reign. The critical analysis of this period is utilized to rebut the pervasive and largely inaccurate historical narrative of the events prior to 1970, to recount an original interpretation of the period, and to use the narrative as a preamble for subsequent foreign policy directions and initiatives. Furthermore, this dissertation covers the gaps in the literature resulting from the absence of any materials that either record or analyze Muscat's foreign policy from 1996 until 2004. In addition, his study provides new information and a fresh analysis of the international relations of the region, including great power rivalry, especially the competition between the United States and Great Britain, and the attitudes of major regional actors, such as Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Iraq.
The use of a thorough historical inquiry is vital to support the central claim of this dissertation; therefore, a large section of this dissertation is based almost exclusively on archival materials collected from the British Public Records Office, the University of Oxford and the Library of Congress. This project represents the most comprehensive use of archival materials on the subject matter to date.
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Bayly, Martin. "Imagining Afghanistan : British foreign policy and the Afghan polity, 1808-1878." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2013. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/imagining-afghanistan(adcfe8fa-9244-4e11-874b-b93c37c55785).html.
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This thesis seeks to provide a cultural history of Anglo-Afghan relations during the nineteenth century. Specifically, it explores the manner in which British perceptions of Afghanistan provided the understandings that guided policy decisions. These understandings did not consist purely of ideas driven by strategic logic. Rather, throughout the nineteenth century, building on the initial works of European travelers, the British developed, refined, and acted upon an amorphous and contested ‘idea’ of Afghanistan; one that was more than simply the function of great power geopolitics. The sources informing this imagined entity were cultural, intellectual, moral, political, and social-scientific, as much as they were emotional. It was an idea, or collection of ideas, that would evolve and become trammeled by events, and ultimately leave a legacy that persists to this day. This thesis aims to make two contributions: firstly, to recover Anglo-Afghan relations from a historiography dominated by great power relations, specifically Anglo-Russian relations and the ‘great game’. Secondly, to contribute to the wider debate on the contributions that imperial history can offer to the International Relations discipline. The thesis develops in three sections. The first section examines how British official knowledge of Afghanistan was constructed through the experience of early British explorers and their published travel accounts, focusing in particular on the works of Mountstuart Elphinstone, Alexander Burnes, and Charles Masson. The second section looks at how key policy decisions leading to the first Anglo-Afghan war were shaped by the knowledge provided by an Afghanistan ‘knowledge community’. The third section on ‘exception’ considers the impact of the first Anglo-Afghan war on diplomatic relations, and charts the emergence of a particular ‘idea’ of Afghanistan mediated by the intellectual and cultural influences of a particular frontier mentality.
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Kizmaz, Efsun. "The relationship between Turkish defence industry policy and foreign policy." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.606264.
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This research project focuses over the relationship between Turkey's defence industry policies and foreign policy. It investigates the connections between Turkey's political relations with suppliers and its arms procurement from those states. Rather than analysing overall aspects of Turkish foreign policy in detail, this research highlights Turkey's political relationship with its major suppliers, these being the US, European suppliers, especially France and Germany, and Israel. The project illustrates that Turkey's arms procurement from the US and European defence market is influenced by the deterioration of political relations with those suppliers. However, the same correlation is absent in the case of Turkish-Israeli defence cooperation. The reason for this contradiction is investigated in this study from the perspective of Turkey's defence industry policy-making process and an analysis of who were the major actors and what were their interests in this process. The premises of Bureaucratic Politics Model and the Civil -Military relations theory are applied in this thesis to illustrate Turkey's defence industry policy-making process. IAbstract .'.:-.'
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Minsat, Arthur. "Making EU foreign policy towards a 'Pariah' state : consensus on sanctions in EU foreign policy towards Myanmar." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/601/.
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This thesis seeks to explain why the European Union ratcheted up restrictive measures on Myanmar from 1991 until 2010, despite divergent interests of EU member states and the apparent inability of sanctions to quickly achieve the primary objectives of EU policy. This empirical puzzle applies the ‘sanctions paradox’ to the issue of joint action in the EU. It also connects the assessment of policy effectiveness to EU foreign policy-making. The investigation unravels this conundrum through competitive theory testing. The study discovers that EU foreign policy was essentially decided by the largest member states. Since 1996, the UK has fostered a consensus among EU policymakers on a principled common policy, which would induce political reform in Myanmar mainly via the implementation of punitive measures. Hence, noncompliance by the target with EU demands offers a credible, but insufficient explanation of why the EU tightened its sanctions regime. US pressure on EU policy was marginal. The dissertation argues that a ‘normative’ interpretation of liberal intergovernmentalism best solves this puzzle. The EU met domestic pressures for action, although the measures adopted were clearly too inadequate to be effective. Feedback on policy effectiveness did not play a significant role in EU decision-making. EU policy was driven by a consensus to treat Myanmar as a ‘pariah’ state. Ideological motivations have largely outweighed material interests. Normative arguments were necessary to put proposals on the common agenda; yet, decisions ultimately involved ‘cooperative bargaining’ among the largest states. Consensus building was therefore a dynamic process. The policy entrepreneur defined its interests domestically; member states with lower preference intensity generally refrained from opposing its leadership. This thesis thus contributes to the liberal intergovernmental scholarship by proposing a more comprehensive explanation for the drivers and constraints that influence the making of European sanctions.