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Chen, Jinghan. "Foreign direct investment in China : policies and performance." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.332056.
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Gulmohamad, Zana. "The making of Iraq's foreign policies post-Saddam." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2017. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/19259/.
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Torres, Miguel Augusto Rodrigues Matos. "Pro-internationalisation policies and outward foreign direct investment." Doctoral thesis, Universidade de Aveiro, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10773/12442.
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Doutoramento em EconomiaThis thesis addresses the impacts of public policies on outward foreign direct investment, seeking to contribute to a better understanding of the interplay between pro-internationalisation policies and firm behaviour. Home country measures associated with these policies are explored in terms of use and awareness, as determinants of foreign direct investment, as drivers of policy objectives, in terms of perceived importance and impact in different scenarios of internationalisation. Using a comprehensive database of 441 Portuguese firms, being those that had participated at least in one of the 11 types of public support between 1994 and 2009. The empirical papers presented here reveal a moderating effect of firm capabilities and internationalisation conditions on policy objectives. In fact, firms’ resources and capabilities frame the awareness and use of home country support measures, the existence of public policy determinants of foreign direct investment, the decision to carry out more aggressive modes of entry and the choice of more demanding environments, the impact of policy objectives, and the perceived importance of incentives. In practical terms, the findings of this thesis points that firms’ resources and capabilities are negatively associated with the use of public support, contrasting with awareness, which is found to increase with firms’ resources and capabilities. This insight sheds light on a potential problem of incentives allocation. Our results support the established theorizing about the co-evolution of government and firms' policies, home country measures being found as determinants of foreign direct investment. It is also shown that prointernationalization policies reinforce the firms’ resources and capabilities, which seems to have a positive impact on international growth. An evaluation of public policy, from the foreign direct investor's lens, supports the argument that firms involved in more demanding projects tend to attribute more importance to public supports. Behind the specific and concrete contributions identified in each of the empirical papers, as a whole this thesis makes methodological contributions by introducing the evaluation of impacts of public policies to the field of international business through the firm perspective; these contributions are achieved by taking the pro-internationalisation policies of a small open economy to better understand the impacts of public policies, and by shedding light on co-evolution between resource and institutional-based views.
O presente trabalho propõe-se contribuir para a avaliação de políticas públicas com impacto nos investimentos diretos realizados no estrangeiro. Desta forma,esta tese permitirá uma melhor compreensão da ação recíproca entre politicas pro-internacionalização e o comportamento das empresas em presença das mesmas. Um conjunto de medidas implementadas pelo país de origem são exploradas para obter um melhor entendimento relativamente ao seu uso e conhecimento pelas empresas. Estas medidas também são analisadas como determinantes do investimento direto realizado no estrangeiro, como fortificantes de recursos e capacidades das empresas, em termos de importância percebida, e como apoio para os objetivos de política pública. Utilizando uma base de dados com 441 empresas Portuguesas que receberam apoios públicos entre 1994 e 2009 são apresentados quatro artigos empíricos que revelam um efeito considerável das características das empresas e das condições de internacionalização sobre os efeitos das políticas. De facto, as capacidades e os recursos das empresas são fundamentais para o conhecimento e uso dos apoios, para a existência de investimento direto realizado no estrangeiro, para absorver e canalizar os efeitos dos apoios e para a decisão de explorar mercados externos com modos mais agressivos de internacionalização. Para além das contribuições identificadas, em termos genéricos esta tese contribui também com aspetos metodológicos relevantes. Nomeadamente, usando uma perspetiva da empresa, é introduzida a avaliação de políticas com impacto no investimento direto estrangeiro. Estes impactos são analisados para melhor compreender a ação reciproca entre politicas e comportamentos da empresa tomando como pano de fundo uma pequena economia.
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Raynova, Boryana Ivanova. "The Visegrad Foreign Policies and the Kosovo Question." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-191495.
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The aim of the master thesis is to analyze the Visegrad foreign policies towards Kosovo and moreover the question of the development of its international status as a sovereign state. First, the focus is on the context of action of thoses four countries in a stategical and historical perspective. Then it is described how are constructed the foreign policies the Visegrad countries towards the specific question of Kosovo, taking into account the different national constraints and opportunities.
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Cai, Ying. "Human rights policies of foreign capital companies of China." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554513.
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Tahi, Mohand Salah. "The Maghreb states : regional and foreign policies 1973-1987." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1988. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/34715/.
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By 1973, the period of uncertainty that followed independence in the Maghreb was over, and the regimes in place - whether civilian or military were there to remain. Legitimising formulas were no longer rested on the ideological rhetoric that had been derived from the euphoria of independence, and by now the Maghrebi elites had to seek other legitimising sources. Thus they embarked on consolidating the state through institutionalisation and through new policies that sought to associate key constituencies with the conduct of the government. The intense social transformation over the last two decades, with greater access to education, has been coupled with the new emphasis on the state. Ideology has retreated before the advance of pragmatism and a greater awareness of the developments both at home and abroad. Accordingly, our work suggests that foreign policies of the Maghreb States, in the period under study have been executed in accordance with, and in response to, the exigencies of 'national interest'. The thesis is divided into five parts: The First Part, discusses different theories of foreign policy-making and sets out our suggested framework for analysis; The Second Part, deals with the conflicting and competitive nature that commands Inter-Maghrebin relations. The strife and rivalry for leadership and supremacy in North Africa has been a crucial factor dictating Maghrebi policies in Africa, the Middle East, Europe and beyond; The Third Part, treats Maghrebi relations with the Arab World and their attitudes with regard to issues ranging from the Arab Israeli conflict to the Iran-Iraq War, while competing for support and allies in their inter-Maghrebin altercations; Part Four, is concerned with the Maghrebi African policies. While the continent became a battle ground for the struggle against Isreal, it has also become a forum that for long has been dominated by inter-Maghrebin rivalries; Finally, the Fifth Part, deals with the Maghrebi foreign policies with regard to Europe and the super powers. As in the case of their relations with the Middle East and Africa, relations with Europe and the super powers have also been conflicting and competitive as far as the Maghreb states are concerned. Here, however, Maghrebi pragmatic approach has prevailed through the divorce of the foreign policy utterances from economic practices.
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Sayanak, Tejashree. "Foreign aid as prize : incentives for pro-poor policies /." Available to subscribers only, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1594498661&sid=15&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Shi, Chen Lu. "India's strategic thinking and policies towards China :a geopolitical analysis." Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335232.
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Bradshaw, Daniel J. "Toward a better union: improving the effectiveness of foreign policies." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/42587.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedA fundamental characteristic of state-state interaction in a globalized system is the explicitness with which states communicate their foreign policies to each other. In order to understand the role and the importance of foreign policy explicitness in the global foreign policy system, I first created a simple mesh model of the actors and institutions that form the U.S. foreign policy system. By optimizing this model with various systems engineering concepts, I discovered that foreign policy explicitness plays an important role in improving the effectiveness of the foreign policy system as a whole. I then applied this result to an analysis of U.S-China foreign policy relations since 1949 in order to determine how foreign policy explicitness has affected real-world state-state relations. By following the development of U.S.-China relations, I found that increases in foreign policy explicitness have been the precursor to many of the most important bilaterally beneficial developments in the U.S.-China relationship. Finally, I examined the U.S. foreign policy system in order to better understand the current state of U.S. foreign policy explicitness. I discovered that the U.S. is actively undertaking many initiatives that are increasing U.S. foreign policy explicitness; however, more can be done to focus this process.
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Nathananan, Montri. "Theoretical essays on trade policies, mergers and foreign direct investment." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2003. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/11142/.
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This thesis is a collection of theoretical essays in the area of trade policies, mergers and foreign direct investment. We employ partial equilibrium analysis to investigate various issues concerning the above topic. In the first chapter we review theoretical works that investigate the links between trade policy and merger activity. We focus our attention on Falvey (1998) which analyses the effects of tariff policy on mergers and reaches the conclusion that tariffs tend to encourage mergers involving small firms based in the restricting country but discourage mergers involving small firms based in the non-restricting country. In the second chapter we extend Falvey (1998) to include the effects of the quotas on merger profitability. The quotas tend to discourage mergers involving small firms from both restricting and non restricting countries. When a ranking of the tariff and the quota regimes can be made, mergers gains are larger under the equivalent quota regime. In the third chapter we investigate tariff and quota equivalence when firms have the option of direct investment. High tariffs induce a foreign firm to switch from trade to investing directly in the home country. Restrictive quotas, however, induce a foreign firm to engage in direct foreign investment in addition to trade. The two regimes are not always equivalent especially in terms of the level of imports. In the fourth chapter we use game theory to investigate the interaction between welfare maximising home government and a foreign firm capable of choosing the direct foreign investment option. If the foreign firm move first, it may pre-empt the home government by committing to the direct investment option if the optimal tariff is expected to be high. If the home government move first, it may need to set the tariff below the optimal level so that direct foreign investment is not induced.
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Treutlein, Daniela. "Comparing European foreign cultural policies the allocation of cultural institutes /." [S.l. : s.n.], 2003. http://www.bsz-bw.de/cgi-bin/xvms.cgi?SWB10873154.
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Hess, Michael. "Doorways to Development: Foreign Direct Investment Policies in Developing Countries." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2008. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/680.
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Foreign direct investment (FDI) is a key option for economic growth in most, if not all, developing countries. However, not all developing countries are equally open to foreign investment. Some restrict foreign equity, while others encourage multinational corporations to enter their markets. Because FDI involves outsiders entering national markets and profits, it is very political. FDI can bring economic benefits, such as jobs and new technology, but it may also entail economic costs, such as increased competition for national businesses. FDI may also bring political costs, as governments that open to foreign equity may see a popular backlash. Most governments have policies to control FDI's entry into their markets. These policies have been inadequately explored in quantitative studies of FDI because of a lack of available data. This study seeks to rectify that problem by introducing a new set of data: The Foreign Equity Index. I develop a theory and model of FDI in developing countries framed by the logic of two-level games. FDI requires agreement between developing states and international firms, and therefore agreements are reached with influence from domestic-level political and economic factors, as well as international-level factors. FDI policies are an indication of developing countries win-sets, or range of agreements they are willing to accept when dealing with foreign multinational corporations. I test this theory quantitatively using the Foreign Equity Index, which covers 55 developing countries from 1976-2004. I first estimate the international and domestic factors that influence the degree of openness to FDI indicated by FDI equity policies in developing countries. I then test the effect these policies have on FDI inflows. I find that both domestic and international factors affect developing countries’ FDI policies, and in turn, policies are a significant factor determining the flow of FDI into national markets. I also explore the ways in which FDI policies have played a role in economic development strategies of El Salvador and Nicaragua. This research and the Foreign Equity Index should aid in a better understanding of foreign direct investment and growth in developing countries in general.
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Goryunov, Vladislav. "Russian national security and Central Europe : Russian perspectives and policies." Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2436/97351.
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Rontoyanni, Clelia Helena. "Russia's policies towards Belarus and Ukraine : towards integration or disintegration?" Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390698.
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Fernandez, Monica. "Integration of foreign investment policies and regulations in the Western Hemisphere." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ44055.pdf.
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Van, Orden Patrick. "The Foreign Policies of Revolutionary Leaders: Identity, Emotion, and Conflict Initiation." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/24192.
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This manuscript addresses an important empirical regularity: Why are revolutionary leaders more likely to initiate conflict? With the goal of explaining this regularity, I offer an identity-driven model of decision making that can explain why certain leaders are more likely to take risky gambles. Broadly, this manuscript provides a different model of decision making that emphasizes emotion and identity as key to explain decision making. I offer a plausibility probe of the identity-driven model with four in-depth case studies: The initiation of the Iran-Iraq War, the initiation of the Gulf War, the Cuban Missile Crisis, and the start of the Korean War. I use the congruence method and process tracing to test the plausibility probe. I find strong support in two cases—the initiation of the Iran-Iraq War and the Gulf War—and mixed support for the Cuban Missile Crisis and the Korean War.
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Crook, Christopher Thomas. "Empire and Europe : a reassessment of British foreign policies, 1919-1925." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2017. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/71476/.
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This thesis is a reassessment of British foreign policies from the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 until the Treaties of Locarno in 1925. It initially argues that much of the historiography of this period is unbalanced in its judgement of the different governments because it views them from a teleological perspective that fails to differentiate this period from the inter-war years as a whole. The problem with this approach is that the rise of Hitler and the causes of the Second World War became so dominant in such analyses that most issues within these years have only been judged within that wider context. The thesis argues that an assessment of the foreign policies between 1919 and 1925 must take greater account of all the diplomatic, military and economic difficulties in the years after the Great War, and also recognise the degree of stability achieved by the end of 1925. The difficulties included the expansion of the British Empire as a result of Versailles, ongoing financial and economic problems including wartime debts, the complexities of the Irish negotiations, and the major European issues that had not been resolved at Versailles. Britain was still a great power and its foreign policies are analysed both as an imperial power, including the newly acquired territories in the Middle East, and as a major European power. After an analysis of primary and secondary sources, it is argued that despite all the difficulties, and the seeds of long-term decline in imperial matters, British foreign policies contributed to greater stability in international affairs by the end of 1925. This is especially true of the achievements at Locarno in respect of Germany's western borders and in establishing Germany as an equal diplomatic partner. There were also no obvious new diplomatic hostages to fortune. Whether Britain and other powers could build on this greater stability after 1925 is a different issue, but that should not detract from recognition of the achievements during these six years.
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Yee, Ernest. "Southeast Asian labyrinth : restrictive foreign investment regulatory policies of Malaysia, Thailand and Singapore from 1970 to 1980." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26944.
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This thesis examines the levels of restrictive foreign investment regulatory policies of Malaysia, Thailand and Singapore from 1970 to 1980. The study seeks to explain why their policies varied. It presents a descriptive comparison of each country's policies restricting foreign investment. This discussion deals with general quantitative limits on foreign ownership, restrictions on certain economic sectors, restrictions on the operations of foreign-owned corporations, and the use of government-owned corporations as instruments of control over foreign investment. Based on the comparison, the study concludes that Malaysia placed greater restrictions on foreign investment than Thailand or Singapore.
It is argued that differences in the domestic political and economic settings of Malaysia, Thailand and Singapore explain Malaysia's greater restrictiveness. The thesis examines each state's past experience with a colonial power, economic strategies of the political elites, domestic political pressures, and the presence of ethnic minorities. It also looks at such contributing factors as the size of the natural resource sector, the prevalence of industries with old technology, and the level of foreign ownership of industry in each country. This thesis concludes that Malaysia placed more restrictions than Thailand or Singapore because it had a very different domestic setting: an economically-dominant ethnic minority, domestic pressure for restrictions, and a nationalistic and interventionist economic strategy. Taken together, these differences explain Malaysia's greater restrictions on foreign investment. Of the explanatory variables, ethnic factors are the most important.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
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Khaleel, Ali. "Foreign policy orientation of small island states: An evaluation of the foreign policies of Vanuatu and the Maldives." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Political Science, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/4594.
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The limited literature on the foreign policy of small states is riddled with diverse views on the most effective policy orientation for these countries. Some scholars have specified multilateralism as the most effective strategy while others have suggested regionalism and some others have stressed bilateralism. While this is the case, small states being heavily dependent on the external environment and the least equipped to influence events or processes at the international level, find it essential to ensure that their foreign policy orientation is the most effective. As such, there is a need for additional research on the subject, as that undertaken in this thesis.
Guided by the framework for evaluation suggested by G.A. Raymond, this thesis attempted to evaluate the foreign policies of Vanuatu and the Maldives to determine whether there is any justification to argue in favour of multilateralism, regionalism or bilateralism as the most effective foreign policy strategy for small island states, a sub-group within the category of small states. Vanuatu and the Maldives were used as case studies since their policies were of the same class or universe rendering them suitable for comparison. Three foreign policy goals that have been identified for evaluation included, preserving and enhancing security and sovereignty; economic development; and environment protection. These goals were tied to several objectives. The thesis, using the comparative method, attempted to determine the relative effectiveness of the strategies, multilateralism, regionalism and bilateralism, in contributing towards realising the foreign policy objectives and thereby the goals.
The evaluation revealed that multilateralism was more effective overall in contributing towards the security and sovereignty related objectives and the environment related objectives of Vanuatu and the Maldives. Both bilateralism and multilateralism were equally effective for Vanuatu and the Maldives in contributing towards their economic development related objectives. The evaluation also revealed a slight bias in favour of multilateralism as more effective overall compared to regionalism and bilateralism, in contributing towards the three foreign policy goals of the two countries. This was because all of the objectives were given equal weight in the analysis. If the objectives were prioritised then the results would have been different. In fact, different strategies proved effective in contributing towards different objectives and goals. Often more than one strategy had to be used in furthering a single objective or goal. As such, based on the evaluation of this thesis, there is no justification to argue in favour of anyone strategy as more effective for the foreign policy of small states.
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Albers, Martin. "The policies of Britain, France and West Germany towards the People's Republic of China, 1969-1982." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708129.
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Hung, Shih-Mei. "United States national security council : coordinating function on foreign and defense policies /." Taipei, Taiwan : Tamkang University, Graduate Institute of American Studies, 2006. http://etds.lib.tku.edu.tw/etdservice/view_metadata?etdun=U0002-1906200616075600.
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Chʿoe, Tʿae-gang. "Linkages between domestic and foreign policies under Gorbachev : the case of Korea." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.423205.
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Kwon, Tae Yong. "The effectiveness and sustainability of foreign exchange market interventions and sterilisation policies." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2013. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/4069/.
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The main motivation for this thesis comes from the lack of studies on issues related to central bank’s monetary sterilisation bonds (MSBs). The MSBs have been, in particular, issued in emerging economies to offset the impacts of sterilised FX market interventions. The objectives of this thesis are to examine the impacts of and motivation for sterilised FX interventions and to explore methodologies to assess the sustainability of MSB-dependent sterilisation policy. Chapter 2 overviews the main theoretical issues and statistical facts related to sterilisations, Chapter 3 and 4 investigate the impacts, profits and motives of sterilised FX interventions in selected countries, focusing on the asymmetric intervention preferences. Chapter 5 compares the degree of sterilisation and de facto capital mobility – focusing on emerging countries under inflation targeting – by estimating sterilisation and offset coefficient with panel data for 30 countries. Chapter 6 proposes several methodologies for assessing the sustainability of MSB-dependent sterilisation policy. We modify theories of fiscal sustainability and then derive central bank's intertemporal budget constraint, which is separated from the central governments. Several sustainability conditions are obtained, based on cointegration relation between total revenues and expenditures or on central bank’s monetary reaction function. Then, the sustainability tests are applied to empirical studies on the Bank of Korea’s sterilisation policy.
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Shin, Hyeon Joon. "The Effects of Foreign Aid on Government Policies: Theoretical and Empirical Analyses." OpenSIUC, 2014. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/884.
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Chapter 1 develops a two-period general equilibrium trade-theoretic model to examine if foreign aid discourages the recipient countries from pursuing trade liberalization. In the model, foreign aid is given to the recipient in period two and its amount is negatively related to the period-one real income. The recipient optimally chooses a tariff on imports. It can also choose domestic investment endogenously in period one, and this choice has an important bearing on our main result. We consider two variants of the model depending upon whether the recipient can or cannot have access to international borrowing. In the case without international borrowing, when domestic investment is exogenous, optimal tariff is zero. In contrast, when domestic investment is endogenous, optimal tariff is positive. This positive optimal tariff is induced by the link of aid negatively to the period-one real income. In the case with international borrowing, even though domestic investment is exogenous, optimal tariff is positive. But the reason for the positive tariff is its beneficial effect on an improvement in the terms-of-trade of international borrowing. When, in addition, domestic investment is endogenous, the tying of aid increases positive optimal tariffs further. Chapter 2 develops a microeconomic model of health policies and the optimal allocation of health aid in a poor recipient country. In the model, each poor household in the country chooses the optimal number of sick children taken to hospitals to maximize its lifetime utility. There are three policy options for policymakers to improve public health: raising the quality of health care, providing more preventive care and reducing the cost of health care. We examine how three policy options influence the optimal number of sick children who are medically treated. Also, the country's health authority allocates health aid for three policy options to support poor households' lifetime utility maximization. We find that more health aid should be allocated for cost reduction in health care so as to help poor households maximize their lifetime utility. Chapter 3 primarily examines the hypothesis that there is heterogeneity in health aid, that is, different types of health aid work differently for health outcomes in aid-recipient countries. In order to test our hypothesis, we first disaggregate health aid per capita data into three policy options: health aid per capita for improving the quality of health care, health aid per capita for providing preventive care and health aid per capita for reducing the cost of health care. Then, we empirically examine the effects of disaggregated health aid on three different health indicators: child mortality, life expectancy and death rate. Using a panel data set of 119 aid-recipient countries from 1975 and 2010, we find supporting evidence for the hypothesis of heterogeneity in health aid. We find no empirical evidence of the beneficial effects of health aid on reducing child mortality. In contrast, we find that an improvement in life expectancy and a reduction in death rate are driven mostly by health aid for reducing the cost of health care. We also find that there is heterogeneity in the allocation of health aid. Health aid for preventive care and the cost reduction of health care is allocated by the needs of the recipients. However, more health aid for the quality of health care flows to countries with better health status.
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Chaudhry, Sara. "Managerial career development in foreign multinationals in Pakistan : perceptions, policies and practices." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2012. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/managerial-career-development-in-foreign-multinationals-in-pakistan-perceptions-policies-and-practices(fc49b7f4-4583-42c0-99ce-042110ff7d48).html.
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This thesis analyses the career orientations of locally recruited host country managers in the specific organizational context of foreign multinationals operating in a culturally and institutionally distant developing economy like Pakistan. The key research objective is a pluralistic consideration of the individual, organizational and institutional/societal levels of analysis. To this end the project focuses on the uptake of distinctly Anglo-Saxon protean and boundaryless career concepts as well as the international career orientations of a pre-internationalized employee group within the MNCs’ international operations. Existing ‘new’ careers literature is limited in its consideration of different organizational and cultural/institutional contexts. Moreover, international HRM literature discusses the diffusion of HRM but fails to adequately highlight that this process is complex, incomplete and likely to lead to hybridization in deinstitutionalizing, yet culturally distinct, countries like Pakistan. With the purpose of addressing these specific research gaps a qualitative case study approach was applied and interviews were conducted with employers/senior managers as well as managerial employees in four foreign subsidiaries operating in Pakistan. Analysis reveals that the combined application of Western and traditional work values in these four Pakistani subsidiaries leads to a hybridized and contested employment relationship whereby ‘marketization’ is evident but subject to implicit societal pressures and transmutations. Secondly, these host country managers’ career mobility perceptions and patterns highlighted the need to take a more nuanced approach to physical and psychological mobility that simultaneously considers increased ‘boundary-crossing’ and ‘boundary-creation’. The results highlighted the importance of recognizing the differential impact of individual, organizational and institutional/societal factors on the transfer, implementation and internalization processes and the implicit and explicit inter-linkages between these factors.
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Dangerfield, Martin Victor. "Changes in socialist states' policies on trade with OECD countries, 1976-1985." Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.328142.
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By the second half of the 1980s, the USSR was on the br i nk of the most ambitious and far-reaching reform programme f or decades. This study concentrates on a policy area which is an integral element of the overall economic reform strategy - foreign economic relations with the developed capitalist countries. Gorbachev's policy of 'opening up' to the West is a continuation of a process which began during the 1960s but was interrupted as the USSR entered a phase of retreat f rom the world economy between 1976 and 1985. The Soviet policy line was not followed by all of its CMEA allies, most notably Hungary where the intention was declared to pursue further integration into the world economy. Concentrating on the USSR and Hungary in particular, this study examines the range of factors, internal as well a s external, which influenced CMEA countries' policies on economic relations with the OECD countries between 1976 and 1985. A number of important issues are covered, including the following. The reasons why the USSR and Hungary preferred different long term strategies. The role of nonleadership groups in each country's policy process. What the most important long term influences on CMEA countries' relations with the world economy are. Factors which affect East European leaderships' abilities to implement radical reform in the domestic economy and in foreign economic relations. The relationship between foreign trade poli cy and domestic economic and political reform. The case studies show how all the above issues a r e interrelated and highlight a range of phenomena applicable to all CMEA countries during a decade in which they faced acute dilemmas over their future development.
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Abdulla, Fawaz Yusuf Ahmed Abdulrahim. "European Union policies and socioeconomic development in the Southern Mediterranean : the case of Morocco." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648135.
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Paul, Mriduchhanda. "International transmission of monetary policies : the role of foreign investment and currency substitution /." Available to subscribers only, 2005. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1068229631&sid=21&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Csaki, Sebastian Matthias. "Changing norms and attitudes towards foreign and security policies in Germany, 1998-2003." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.614929.
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Hamza, Mohamed El-Mahdy. "Shelter policies : the state, foreign aid and economic reform; the case of Egypt." Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.263037.
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The thesis examines policy making, especially in the shelter sector, from a different perspective: the impact of the macro-level political economy on the micro-level intervention. To establish this relationship more precisely, a conceptual framework which explores the effects of the role and nature of the state, foreign aid (USAID), and economic reform (IMF/World Bank) is utilised. This framework is deployed to investigate the interaction between these three key elements and how they affected shifts and changes in shelter policies in Egypt from the 1950s. By 1952 the government assumed a more central role in service provision with its socialist orientation. On the macro-political level, dramaticc hanges have taken place since then, but, in effect were not mirrored with adequatere form on the structural or organisational levels, with regards to tackling the shelter needs of the country. The core of the thesis explores, from the shelter sector perspective, the role of the state as an interest mediator throughout different periods. This reveals that the shelter sector always formed an important investment priority susceptible to both internal and external determinants. Internal determinants are related to domestic priorities influenced by changes in the social structure, class interests, and resource allocation. External determinants concern the role played by international agencies in promoting development models in which the shelter sector plays an often uncertain role, or direct political pressure as a part of geo-strategic concerns. The state's receptiveness and ability to mediate is constrained by the extent to which external agendas fit or conflict with the state's development ideology, perceptions of equity, social justice and stability. Using an inductive approach, the empirical evidence is drawn from interviews with key figures in policy making as well as independent observers. The thesis argues that in order to provide a refined understanding to the housing question it has to be put in its broader socio-economic and political context. Outcomes have generally been technocratic solutions to a problem that is largely structural in nature. The gap between the political and technocratic levels of policy making and implementation is a central theme in the study. The distinctive responses to the shelter question, from both levels, over four decades in Egypt, and under a highly complex and rapidly changing political environment are reflected in the outcomes. Perceptions, priorities and criteria driving decision making of key actors, and the state's central role in mediating between external and internal interests, as well as its own, were the main themes deployed in the investigation. The findings suggest that policy making is an outcome of the interaction among the needs of the state (especially the autocratic tendencies of the leadership, and the technocrats) and external forces which determine policies according to a different agenda (geo-political): outcomes, therefore, may not be generated by a conscious policy making process, but rather, directly, from political impact. The study also suggests that structural changes in development paradigms do not appear to be the main determinant of policy shifts. A combination of short-term and specific international objectives and national interests of the state appear to be more instrumental in policy shifts and modifications in approaches.
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Eberle, Jakub. "Logics of foreign policy : discourse, fantasy and Germany's policies in the Iraq crisis." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2016. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/87905/.
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The thesis develops a discourse-theoretical framework for foreign policy analysis and utilises it to account for Germany’s policies in the Iraq crisis of 2002/2003. Germany’s response was deeply contradictory, as it included rhetorical opposition to the war and diplomatic activities aiming at blocking it, but also tacit and indirect cooperation with the United States that made the war possible. Intriguingly, such policies were pursued against the background of an existential and emotional discourse, which portrayed Germany’s very identities as at stake. This intersection of affectivity and contradictoriness presents the research problem of the thesis. To address it, the dissertation revisits the concepts of discourse, subjectivity and foreign policy. Building on poststructuralist and psychoanalytical impulses, it argues that the focus on discursivity should be complemented with a deeper analysis of affect. The subject is reconceptualised as incomplete and split; not only between her different identities, but also between her discursive and affective sides. Foreign policy is then understood as an articulatory practice through which subjects attempt to recapture their identity, a process that is strongly affective and ultimately futile. These arguments are operationalised with the help of three sets of logics: social logics, which capture sedimented aspects of social reality; political logics, which focus on contestation of orders and symbolic reconstruction of political spaces; and the logic of fantasy, which accounts for the subjects’ attachment to sociopolitical orders. After discussing methodological problems, the dissertation turns to the empirical study of Germany’s policies in the Iraq crises, which is structured around the three types of logics. The key conclusion is that Germany’s policymakers operated in a discursively and affectively disordered terrain, in which their own subjectivities were split between different identities, principles and expectations. They were unable to resolve these dilemmas, because, at the same time, multiple of the contradictory identities and policy options were underpinned by strong affective investment, which made it virtually impossible to choose an unequivocal course of action. This inability also functioned as a reminder of the failure to secure a stable and complete identity, further fueling the desire for it that was manifested in the perpetuation of the existential and emotional discourse.
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Keane, Elizabeth Patricia. "The politics and policies of Séan MacBride, with special reference to foreign affairs." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2004. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272041.
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Pieper, Moritz Alexander. "Perspectives on the Iranian nuclear programme : analysing Chinese, Russian, and Turkish foreign policies." Thesis, University of Kent, 2015. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/51075/.
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The Iranian nuclear crisis is a proxy arena for competing visions about the functioning of international relations. Yet, no comprehensive analyses have been conducted so far that use the Iranian nuclear case as an illustration to conceptualise the interaction between ‘hegemonic structures’ and those actors resisting them. This doctoral dissertation is a first step to fill this gap in the literature. It analyses the foreign policies of China, Russia and Turkey towards the Iranian nuclear programme and thereby answers the research question to what extent their policies are indicative of a security culture that resists hegemony. Based on 55 semi-structured elite interviews with experts and decision-makers closely involved with the Iranian nuclear file, this research draws on neo-Gramscian scholarship to analyse resistance to hegemony across its ideational, material and institutional framework conditions. The case studies examined show how ‘compliance’ on the part of China, Russia and Turkey with approaches to the Iranian nuclear conflict has been selective, and how US policy preferences in the Iran dossier have been resisted on other occasions. To understand such variation in ‘norm compliance’, this dissertation introduces a two-level model to understand foreign policy discrepancies between a discursive and a behavioural level. Chinese, Russian, and Turkish reluctance to use sanctions as tools in international diplomacy on a discursive level did not prevent the eventual adoption of international sanctions against Iran and Chinese, Russian, and Turkish compliance therewith on a behavioural level. While multilateral Iran sanctions are seen as complying with the rules of the UN system, additional unilateral sanctions are contested on normative grounds and perceived as illegitimate and as an extraterritorialisation of domestic legislation. Besides an ideational resistance to unilateral sanctions, the economic impact of these ‘secondary sanctions’ on third country entities constitutes an additional material reason for Chinese, Russian, and Turkish criticism. Their eventual compliance with sanctions lists, however, indicates a level of receptiveness to the economic leverage of US-dominated international financial mechanisms. In this context, the Iran nuclear case serves as an illustration to shed light on the contemporaneous interaction of the forces of consent and coercion in international politics. This research thus makes a critical contribution to key questions of International Relations at the interstice of security governance, proliferation policies, and debates surrounding the co-existence between hegemonic structures and ‘norm-shapers in the making’.
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Sommerholt, Lovisa. "EU’s Trade and Foreign Policies towards Tunisia : Following up on the Neoliberal debate." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-174988.
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In the aftermath of the Arab Spring, Tunisia is often described as the solitary success among the political transitions which followed. Much has been ascribed to the trade agreement (Euro-Mediterranean Partnership or EMP) between EU and Tunisia in promoting said democracy. Recently, Tunisia has also become dependent on IMF loans. This has raised concerns of the effect of neoliberal policies that are advocated for by the IMF, EU and the World Bank. The correlation between neoliberal policies and political stability is still being debated among scholars and the linear causalities remain unclear. Several scholars have criticised the EU-Tunisian trade agreement and EU policies, claiming that this has led to increased poverty and social instability in the country. This study seeks to determine, in accordance with such critique, if a neoliberal agenda is advocated for by the EU. Previous studies have focused on policy effects of the trade and foreign relations between EU and Tunisia. Instead this study analyses the mutual trade agreement and EU political policy agenda for Tunisia to understand the intent of the EU. A content analysis is used on the Association Agreement as well as the EU Policy Paper `Cadre Unique d’appui 2017-2020´ towards Tunisia.This study uses a definition of neoliberalism based on Joseph Stiglitz well-renowned critique on IMF-policies in developing countries in the 1980s-1990s. The result of the analysis shows that even though policy or trade provisions may correspond to a neoliberal agenda, the overall language in both the trade agreement and the policy documents suggest that EU is well-aware of possible negative effects of neoliberal policies. Throughout the documents EU advocates for a balanced approach including both economic and social interests.The study does not find evidence for EU knowingly pursuing a neoliberal agenda in Tunisia. Instead it suggests that future studies on the topic should focus on the EU Commission’s own projections of its policies, a more thorough study on policy effects of specific treaty- and policy provisions, and/ or how neoliberal approaches have recently evolved in development policies.
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Nyuur, Richard Benon-Be-Isan. "Attracting and retaining foreign direct investment : a critical assessment of government policies in Ghana." Thesis, Swansea University, 2011. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42746.
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This thesis explored the critical role of government policies in attracting and retaining Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Ghana. The study was motivated by the dearth of research on how government policies influence the attraction and retention of FDI in Sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries. The paucity of studies on this issue is surprising in light of the active role that government policies and agencies have assumed in the last three decades in attracting inward FDI to Africa. This study attempted to fill this gap by using Ghana as a case study to analyse the extent to which government policies have been successful in attracting and retaining FDI in the country. In setting the conceptual and theoretical background of the study, the international business literature on FDI and corporate strategies that guides the activities and decision making of multinational firms in investing abroad was explored and conceptualised, '.;fhe study adopted a mixed method of enquiry. This involvedthe use of questionnaire surveys and semi-structured interviews to collect data from foreign investors in Ghana and government policymakers. Both the quantitative and qualitative data collected was analysed using a variety of methods, including an independent sample t-test, ANOVA, factor analysis, correlations, multiple regression and content analysis. This approach yielded some novel and interesting findings, and provided deeper insights into the role of government in the attraction and retention of FDI. The principal finding of the study was that government policies such as tax, privatization, investment promotion policy, free zone, entry and operations, and the standard of treatment of foreign firms play a critical role in attracting and retaining FDI. In essence, SSA governments have attempted to create an attractive and conducive environment for FDI, but the study revealed that the existence of favourable FDI policies alone is not sufficient in attracting and retaining substantial FDI. It is argued that the policies have to be supported by efficient business facilitation factors, as well as generous incentives. All of these, it is further argued, are necessary for the country to meet the minimum requirement of being competitive enough to attract and retain substantial FDI. The study also revealed that in SSA countries in particular, political and social stability is seen as absolutely crucial to the country's ability to attract and retain FDI. The study also underscored the importance of a marketing strategy, such as the direct targeting of particular investors with specialist expertise to invest in sectors in which Ghana possesses competitive advantage. It is argued that this is the best way for Ghana to attract the right type and amount of FDI into the country. The study thus postulates that such a strategy is more likely to fully reward Ghana with a substantial inflow of FDI that is commensurate with the country's potential. Essentially, a successful inward FDI approach requires the creation of a favourable investment environment that is boosted by direct targeting of investors, and luring them into the important sectors of the SSA nation's economy. The theoretical, methodological and policy contributions and implications of the study are discussed, along with the limitations and areas for future research.
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Cohrs, Patrick O. "The unfinished transatlantic peace order after World War I : Britain, the United States and the Franco-German question, 1923-1925." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.391010.
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Kinross, Stuart. ""War is an instrument of policy" : the influence of Clausewitz upon American strategic thought and practice from the Vietnam War to the Gulf War." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2001. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk/R?func=search-advanced-go&find_code1=WSN&request1=AAIU485668.
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This work is a study in strategic thought. Its objective is to demonstrate how the analyses and arguments of Carl von Clausewitz influenced American strategic thinking between the Vietnam War and the Gulf War. In addressing the influence of Clausewitz, one is examining the way in which his thought has been adapted to contemporary conditions. Clausewitz's conception of the state may place him in the realist canon but his writings do not ignore the irrational factors that are at work an international relations and war. By separating the "historical" Clausewitz from the strategically significant Clausewitz of today, the major similarity between the two rests on the basic assumption that war is an instrument of policy serving the state's interests. Unravelling the threads that make up American strategic thought is a high task. The idealistic strain in American strategy does not mean that expediency in the shape of balance-of-power politics is alien to the United States. As the only superpower to have exited throughout the whole post-war period, America's policy choices have been the major factor behind the shifting balance of the international security environment. Military power, even more so than the making and breaking of alliances, has been at its heart. Clausewitz was the first strategic theorist to seriously study the phenomenon of people's war. Ironically, the Vietnamese communists, despite their "Eastern" culture, showed more awareness than did the Americans of Clausewitz's thought. Their armed struggle occurred in tandem with a political struggle. The Americans found it difficult to clarify, for the sake of domestic opinion, the identity of the enemy. Without the commitment of the American people, the American military struggled to successfully execute a prolonged campaign in Vietnam. The Vietnam War is a classic case of the lack of grasp of policy at the strategic level being mirrored at the operational level precisely because the United States was unsure as to exactly the kind of conflict in which it was engaged.
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Heuser, Beatrice. "Yugoslavia in Western Cold War policies, 1948-1953." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fabf0ed5-37c7-44ba-8908-863fdc824763.
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When Yugoslavia was expelled from the Cominform in 1948, the Western Powers (Britain, the USA, France) were taking action to counter a perceived Soviet threat. This included the policy of liberating Eastern Europe from Communist domination. Tito's expulsion was misinterpreted by the Western Powers: assuming that Tito had initiated it, the Western Powers hoped for similar "defections" by other Communis regimes. The sowing of discord between the Satellite leaders (including Mao) and Stalin became a new facet of the Liberation policy. Yugoslavia was treated as show-case to demonstrate to Satellite leaders that they could obtain aid from the West if they ceased to support Stalin. In the case of the European Satellite leaders, this policy was a miscalculation: they had no intention of breaking with Stalin and the alternative of obtaining help from the Western Powers had little credibility in view of their anti-Communist propaganda and subversive secret operations. The Americans for other reasons failed to encourage existing emancipatory trends among the Chinese Communist leaders. British recognition of Mao's regime was not enough to draw Mao away from Stalin. Yugoslavia's other role was strategic and it gained particular importance for the West in the context of increased defensive measures after the outbreak of the Korean War. The Western Powers gave Yugoslavia arms and economic aid to strengthen her as a shield for the defence of NATO territory. Yet Yugoslavia was discouraged from committing herself to the West by Western reluctance to give away NATO information. Italo- Yugoslav defence co-ordination would have been necessary but was made impossible by disagreements about Trieste, also involving the Western Powers. The Trieste crisis of late 1953 set back Western-Yugoslav relations significantly, perhaps irretrievably. The ephemeral Balkan defence pact of 1954 between Yugoslavia, Greece and Turkey was no substitute, and with the waning of the Soviet threat for Yugoslavia after Stalin's death in 1953 Tito became less interested in defence-cooperation with the Western Powers.
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Chiu, Wun-yi Natalie. "Monetary and exchange rate policies in a small open economy : a case study of Singapore /." [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1993. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B13671406.
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Totaro, Genevois Mariella. "Foreign policies for the diffusion of language and culture : the Italian experience in Australia." Monash University, Centre for European Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8828.
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Youla, Christian. "The foreign policies of Mandela and Mbeki : a clear case of idealism vs realism?" Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1592.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.After 1994, South African foreign policymakers faced the challenge of reintegrating a country, isolated for many years as a result of the previous government’s apartheid policies, into the international system. In the process of transforming South Africa's foreign identity from a pariah state to a respected international player, some commentators contend that presidents Mandela and Mbeki were informed by two contrasting theories of International Relations (IR), namely, idealism and realism, respectively. In light of the above-stated popular assumptions and interpretations of the foreign policies of Presidents Mandela and Mbeki, this study is motivated by the primary aim to investigate the classification of their foreign policy within the broader framework of IR theory. This is done by sketching a brief overview of the IR theories of idealism, realism and constructivism, followed by an analysis of the foreign policies of these two statesmen in order to identify some of the principles that underpin them. Two case studies – Mandela's response to the ‘two Chinas’ question and Mbeki's policy of ‘quiet diplomacy’ towards Zimbabwe – are employed to highlight apparent irregularities with the two leaders’ perceived general foreign policy thrusts. It takes the form of a comparative study, and is conducted within the qualitative paradigm, with research based on secondary sources. The findings show that, although the overarching foreign policy principles of these two former presidents can largely be understood on the basis of particular theoretical approaches, they neither acted consistently according to the assumptions of idealism or realism that are ascribed to them. The conclusion drawn is thus that categorising the foreign policies of presidents Mandela and Mbeki as idealist and realist, respectively, results in a simplistic understanding of the perspectives that inform these two statesmen, as well as the complexity of factors involved in foreign policymaking. More significantly, it is unhelpful in developing a better understanding of South Africa's foreign policy in the post-1994 period.
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Hui, Wing-tak Kenneth, and 許榮德. "Overseas contractors in Hong Kong: activities& business policies." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1988. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31264104.
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Yan, Ji Bao. "China's policies toward the Soviet Union and the United States before and in the Korean War." PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3572.
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This thesis deals with China's policy making toward both the Soviet Union and the United States in late 1949 and early 1950 and how they made the decision to enter the conflict, by making use of recently declassified Chinese sources and available American sources.
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Vargo, Trina Y. "French and American foreign policies : concordances and discordances in the light of ideological differences 1981-1984." Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61971.
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Pinillos, Matsuda Derek Kenji. "The doctrine of the educational policies for foreign students in Japan: A comparison between Australian and French educational policies for children of immigrants." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2018. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/123968.
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In this article, readers are going to see how foreigners’ children have been treated in the Japanese educational system. Until now, Japan does not have a specific principle idea in their policies; therefore, those are not stable and concrete. In order to investigate how national policies and its doctrine are important in the educational system, this article has examined Australia as a nation introducing the principles of multiculturalism and France as a nation introducing the republicanism in their integrated politics by doing a literature research. The literature that was used in this paper include the policies and critical papers written by experts that has allow us to analyze the pros and cons of their policies. As a result, the Japanese government is urged to create a concrete policy that would support foreign students to better adapt to the society and become a productive human resource to improve the country’s wellbeing.Este artículo examinó la situación actual y pasada de los hijos de extranjeros insertos en el sistema educativo japonés. Hasta ahora, Japón no tiene una idea concreta en sus políticas y es por eso que se puede afirmar que este sistema presenta algunas deficiencias/problemas que pueden ser mejorados. Con el objetivo de ver cómo los principios de las políticas nacionales afectan a la educación, en este artículo se han presentado los ejemplos de Australia, como una nación llevando los principios del multiculturalismo y a Francia, como ejemplo de una nación llevando los principios del republicanismo y sus políticas para la integración de sus ciudadanos. La literatura utilizada en este trabajo incluye las políticas y documentos críticos escritos por expertos, los cuales fueron de gran ayuda para poder analizar los pros y contras de las políticas de los distintos países estudiados.Como resultado, el gobierno japonés va a necesitar una política concreta para apoyar a los estudiantes extranjeros a adaptarse a la sociedad y convertirse en un recurso humano productivo para mejorar el país.
Neste artigo, pode-se verificar como os filhos de estrangeiros têm sido tratados dentro do sistema educacional japonês. Até o momento, o Japão não tem uma política de inclusão bem definida e, consequentemente, seu sistema não está bem estabelecido. Como medida para avaliar a influência dos princípios das políticas nacionais na educação, neste trabalho, foram apresentados exemplos de outros países. Através de uma investigação da literatura, foram estudados os seguintes países, a Austrália, uma nação que cultiva os princípios do multiculturalismo, e a França, levando os princípios do republicanismo e suas políticas de integração dos cidadãos. Esta revisão foi baseada nos princípios e nos respectivos documentos analíticos escritos por especialistas com o objetivo de avaliar as vantagens e desvantagens da política de integração desenvolvida nos países anteriormente mencionados. Em vista disso, sugere-se ao governo japonês a adoção de uma política concreta de apoio aos estudantes estrangeiros a fim de facilitar sua adaptação a sociedade, resultando na formação de recurso humano qualificado e produtivo, contribuindo para o desenvolvimento do país.
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Ho, Hsin-Jui. "A comparative perspective on educational policies for children of immigrants in Taiwan." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3848.
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The education of immigrant children is a persistent concern in many western countries. Taiwan has begun to face this challenge in the last decade. The immigrants in this context are mostly females from Southeast Asia and mainland China, on the basis of marriage to a Taiwanese resident. Since Taiwanese society holds a prejudice against them, the children born to foreign mothers are believed to have a negative impact on the quality of the Taiwanese population and to create particular educational problems. The study employs an interpretive approach combining components of international comparison and policy research. Within this qualitative methodology, mixed methods were used to collect data and gain multiple understandings of the phenomenon in Taiwan. These methods of document analysis, semi-structured interviews and participant observation of foreign mothers’ communities, along with a documentary review of the UK experience of educational policy for immigrant children from the 1960s onwards, provide a comparative perspective that has considerable reference value for Taiwan. It was found that the children of immigrant mothers in Taiwan do not appear to underachieve or fall behind, in contrast to the prejudice held by Taiwanese society. The study also explores the characteristics of disadvantage of children born to immigrant mothers. Through the comparative historical review of the UK and Taiwan, the study also found that when people are faced with different cultures, their attitudes appear to move through in a similar process of adjustment which interacts with and responds to policy formulation. In addition, some recommendations for educational policy for children of immigrant mothers in Taiwan are discussed. The study proposes that learning plural mother tongues is a means to improve these children’s self-identity, allowing them to develop bilingual advantages and contribute to the country’s competitiveness.
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Yemisi, Okunbolande A. "Comparative analysis of the role of sub-national parliaments in international human rights law in Nigeria and South Africa." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/16759.
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Foreign policy has generally speaking been the traditional ‘responsibility of national governments’. This is
particularly true of states with unitary systems of governments but is less true in federalist states.Federalist states are states which have adopted a system of government whereby ‘powers are divided and
shared between constituent governments and a general government having certain nation-wide’
responsibilities’. Federalism is often adopted by pluralistic societies to ensure a system of uniformity
while accommodating differences and to maintain national security and economic unity. By their nature,
federalist states share responsibilities and powers between the central and constituent units.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010.
A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Nico Steytler, Faculty of Law, University of Western Cape, South Africa. 2010
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Harland, Michael Ian. "From Hubris to Reality: Neoconservatism and the Bush Doctrine's Middle East Democratisation Policies." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Department of History, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2417.
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Following the terrorist attacks of September 11 2001, the Bush administration articulated an anti-terrorism grand strategy of armed democratisation in the Middle East that constituted the heart of the “Bush Doctrine.” This strategy derived primarily from the framework of activist democracy promotion developed by neoconservatives, and reached its apex in 2003 when it served as the rationale for regime change in Iraq as the fulcrum for the democratic transformation of the Arab world. Yet by 2008, the Bush administration's democratisation policies and many elements of the broader neoconservative framework of democracy promotion have been significantly scaled back as a result of the challenges they have faced in the Arab world - to the extent that both are now entering a state of decline. In seeking to assess the development, assumptions and outcomes to date of the United States' post-September 11 anti-terrorism strategy in the Middle East, this thesis offers a critical account of the rise and decline of the “neoconservative moment” in American foreign policy as exemplified by the Bush Doctrine's Middle East democratisation policies. This thesis examines the origins, evolution and claims of the neoconservative paradigm of armed democracy promotion; it relates these to the justifications for interventionist democratisation in the Middle East present in the terms of the Bush Doctrine; and it assesses some of the key critiques made of these assumptions over the past five years. Unlike a number of studies of the Bush Doctrine and neoconservatism, this thesis takes seriously the Bush Doctrine's claims and neoconservative beliefs as a genuine intellectual framework for intervention, consistently examining their assertions on their own terms. Further, this thesis utilises an interdisciplinary approach of study, adopting a number of the methods and analytical tools of history and political science in making its arguments and reaching its conclusions.
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Vachudova, Milada Anna. "Systemic and domestic determinants of the foreign policies of East Central European States, 1989-1994." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.360008.
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Martin, Antoine P. "Reviewing stability commitments in investor-state agreements: creating legitimate expectations for sustainable foreign investment policies." Thesis, University of Surrey, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.580313.
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Investment law is a rapidly moving and increasingly debated area of international law. Shifts in international economic relations, the broad nature of investment standards, the role played by arbitral tribunals and the guarantees granted by law to foreign investors are the object of many comments and disagreements. In particular, it is often feared that contractual stability commitments taking the form of stabilisation clauses are excessive and detrimental to states in terms of sovereignty. This thesis does not focus on the sovereignty debate but proposes a contextual analysis of those stabilisation clauses. Because stabilisation clauses implement FDI protection policies, it suggests that the sustainability of a stabilisation clause essentially depends on whether the FDI protection policy remains compatible with host states' future public policies and development needs. The sustainability of stabilisation clauses is thus considered at three different levels: in terms of (a) political and economic ideology, (b) policymaking and Cc) in terms of contractual commitments. The thesis finds that the current FDI framework suffers from significant ideological tensions because it defends liberal values and imposes liberal standards which tend to ignore national interests. At the same time, it suggests that the policies are not legally unsustainable: they provide broad standards of treatment, do not breach the debated 'right to development' and do not prevent host states from setting up 'valid' policies and regulatory measures as long as a due process of law is observed. Investment contracts, in turn, are often criticised for their negative impacts on states' regulatory powers, but they provide little reliable guarantees of stability to foreign investors and justify a need to rely on contract stabilisation commitments, especially since the role and interpretation of 'legitimate expectations' under the Fair and Equitable standard of treatment is changing. Current contract stabilisation methods, however, create unreasonable expectations, make FDI policies legally unbalanced and must therefore be reviewed to allow for more policy space and to create more 'legitimate' predictability expectations.