Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Foreign executives'
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Zhang, Shu. "Make a company localized or personalized a case study of a Japanese electric subsidiary in Shanghai /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2005. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B35514553.
Full textHatayama, Hiroaki. "Rhetorical strategies of foreign executives in revitalizing Japanese global enterprise." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/59121.
Full textCataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 55-57).
Carlos Ghosn of Nissan and Sir Howard Stringer of Sony are the first non-Japanese top executives of Japanese global enterprises. At the time they were appointed CEOs, both companies were in crisis: Nissan almost facing bankruptcy and sale; Sony coping with a huge deficit and threats from emerging competitors. The main question in this paper is how Ghosn and Stringer lead and manage their companies through executive discourses, and what the implications are for other executives of Japanese global companies. First, I describe the situations at Nissan and Sony when Ghosn and Stringer became CEOs, and review relevant research on executive discourse to set up frames for analysis of their discourse. Then I establish a theoretical approach to this analysis with concepts and methods of rhetoric and corpus linguistics. For data, I choose three distinctive texts for each person. I articulate the discourse features of Ghosn and Stringer and argue why they could be of value to Japanese executives who may not have adopted those strategies. Their "foreignness" is one factor, but cultural values in Japan, including seniority and hierarchic human relationships, are also critical. I also argue that Ghosn and Stringer have their own rhetorical strategies that are different from those of Japanese executives. In order to show how the analysis of Ghosn and Stringer discourses bear on Japanese CEO rhetorical practice, I offer a similar, quick analysis of a speech by Akio Toyoda that reflects the roles of seniority and courtesy in traditional Japanese discourse, even in a globalized business world. After discussing the speech and the local, culturally determined rhetorical principles it reflects, I suggest a hybrid model, working with four concepts-Relative Self, Audience, Contents and Form, and The Situation-that can serve Japanese CEOs who need to access global audiences.
by Hiroaki "Henri" Hatayama.
M.B.A.
鄧世藩 and Sai-fan Tang. "Factors affecting the implementation of Hong Kong management practicesin PR China: problems faced by Hong KongChinese Expatriates in China." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31268328.
Full textau, H. Chang@curtin edu, and Hyun Chang. "Cross-Cultural Adjustment of Expatriate Managers: A Comparative Study of Australian Managers Working in Korea and Korean Managers Working in Australia." Murdoch University, 2008. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20080908.105229.
Full textChang, Hyun. "Cross-cultural adjustment of expatriate managers: a comparative study of Australian managers working in Korea and Korean managers working in Australia." Thesis, Chang, Hyun (2008) Cross-cultural adjustment of expatriate managers: a comparative study of Australian managers working in Korea and Korean managers working in Australia. Professional Doctorate thesis, Murdoch University, 2008. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/649/.
Full textChang, Hyun. "Cross-cultural adjustment of expatriate managers : a comparative study of Australian managers working in Korea and Korean managers working in Australia /." Access via Murdoch University Digital Theses Project, 2008. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20080908.105229.
Full textSwift, Jonathan Stuart. "The relationship between market culture and market language : British executives in overseas markets." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.266310.
Full textStewart, Pamela Jo. "Expatriation and international human resource management." Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2000. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B22763193.
Full textTang, Sai-fan. "Factors affecting the implementation of Hong Kong management practices in PR China : problems faced by Hong Kong Chinese Expatriates in China /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1997. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B18836902.
Full textBrewer, Brian. "Challenges for expatriate managers an exploration of cross-cultural management, adjustemnt, and training issues faced by anglo-american managers in Hong Kong /." Online version, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.262778.
Full textAlder, Simeon David. "Essays on macroeconomics." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1925787821&sid=10&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
Full textZhang, Shu, and 章抒. "Make a company localized or personalized: a case study of a Japanese electric subsidiary in Shanghai." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2005. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B35514553.
Full textLiu, Xiangyang. "An investigation of expatriate adjustment and performance at the workplace : a social capital perspective." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2004. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/538.
Full textSedibelwana, Maria Valerie. "Challenges and opportunities: an evaluation of the implementation of gender mainstreaming in South African government departments, with specific reference to the department of justice and constitutional development (DoJ&CD) and the department of foreign affairs (DFA)." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/757.
Full textFlanagan, Annette F. "Gender, Jobs and Geographic Origin of Australian Immigrants." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1999. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc935699/.
Full textHubbard, Chris. "The Role of Foreign Language Experience on Executive Control." Ohio Dominican University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oduhonors1462358824.
Full textHill, Helen Louise. "The core executive and foreign policy : inter-dependency between the Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary in post-war Britain." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.392473.
Full textCharap, Samuel. "The Executive Branch and Foreign Economic Policy in Post-Soviet Russia, 1993-2007." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.503957.
Full textHadjikhani, Annoch Isa. "Executive expectation in the internationalization process of banks : The study of two Swedish banks foreign activities." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Företagsekonomiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-280666.
Full textWebb, Barry. "The Skybolt Missile Cancellation: An Analysis of Foreign Policy Decision Making in the Kennedy Executive." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/40856.
Full textMaster of Arts
Webb, Barry N. "The Skybolt missile cancellation : an analysis of foreign policy decision making in the Kennedy executive /." This resource online, 1995. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-01312009-063455/.
Full textDyson, Stephen Benedict. "Prime minister and core executive in British foreign policy process, outcome and quality of decision /." Online access for everyone, 2004. http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Dissertations/Fall2004/s%5Fdyson%5F112304.pdf.
Full textMelis, Demetrios George. "The executive role of the European Commission in the external relations of the European Union." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.323863.
Full textFletcher, Kimberley Liane. "The Collision of Political and Legal Time| Foreign Affairs and the Court's Transformation of Executive Authority." Thesis, State University of New York at Albany, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3620215.
Full textA dynamic institutional relationship exists between the United States executive branch and the United States Supreme Court. This dissertation examines how the Court affects constitutional and political development by taking a leading role in interpreting presidential decision-making in the area of foreign affairs since 1936. Examining key cases and controversies in foreign policymaking, primarily in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, this dissertation highlights the patterns of intercurrences and the mutual construction process that takes place at the juncture of legal and political time. In so doing, it is more than evident that the Court not only sanctions the claims made by executives of unilateral decision-making, but also that the Court takes a leading role in (re)defining the very scope and breadth of executive foreign policymaking.
Lallinger, Stefan. "Madison, Hamilton, and Reagan: The Limits of Executive Power in Foreign Policy and the Reagan Intervention in Nicaragua." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2011. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1324.
Full textAnderson, Greg J. "Congress, the Executive, and the problems of agency, a principal-agent approach to American foreign economic policy." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0017/MQ46962.pdf.
Full textSILVA, Rodrigo Santiago da. "A política externa brasileira analisada em três dimensões: um estudo sobre a comissão de relações exteriores e de defesa nacional da câmara dos deputados." Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2012. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/18739.
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O principal objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar a Comissão de Relações Exteriores e de Defesa Nacional (CREDN) da Câmara dos Deputados, em três dimensões (individual, institucional e partidária). O foco é na elaboração da política externa, durante as 52a e 53a legislatura. Parte- se do pressuposto de que em matérias de política externa, o Legislativo pode atuar como um ponto de veto. Na literatura há duas importantes correntes. A primeira aponta os parlamentares como omissos em debates sobre o tema; e a segunda, acredita que mesmo com restrições, o Congresso tenta influenciar na questão supracitada. Para responder aos objetivos da pesquisa são empregadas três estratégias. A primeira (atuação individual) busca analisar os momentos em que os parlamentares exercem o controle ex-post na CREDN. A segunda (relação institucional) verifica se há interferência do Executivo sobre o trabalho legislativo na CREDN. A terceira (dimensão partidária) observa se há diferenças entre os membros das comissões. Neste caso, entre os deputados da CREDN e da Comissão de Constituição e Justiça e de Cidadania (CCJC). Os resultados assinalam para: (1) Baixo controle do Executivo na CREDN; (2) Uma relevante participação do parlamentares, o que nos impossibilita aderir à tese da passividade dos deputados; e, (3) Que não existem diferenças significativas entre o perfil dos deputados da CREDN, comparados aos da CCJC.
The main purpose of this research is to analyze the Committee of Foreign Relations and National Defense (CREDN) of House of Representatives, in three dimensions: individual, institutional and partisan. The focus is on foreign policymaking during the 52th and 53th Legislature. We assume that in matters of foreign policy, the Legislative can act as a veto player. In the specialized literature there are two major directions. The first considers congressmen as omitted in the debates on the subject. The second points out that even with restrictions, Congress tries to influence the question of foreign policy. To answer the research objectives three strategies are employed. The first (individual performance) regards the moments in which parliamentarians exert control in the ex-post CREDN. The second (institutional relationship) verifies if there is interference of the Executive on the Legislative work in CREDN. The third (party dimension) analyzes if there are differences among the committee members of CREDN and Committee of Constitution and Justice and Citizenship (CCJC). The results are threefold: (1) Low control of the Executive in the CREDN; (2) Significant participation of congressmen, what makes impossible to stick on the thesis of passivity of them; (3) There are no significant differences between the profiles of members of CREDN and CCJC.
SILVA, Rodrigo Santiago da. "Os parlamentares são omissos ao debate da política externa ? um examedos Atos Internacionais no Congresso Nacional." Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2016. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/18064.
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CAPES
A pergunta a que esta tese pretende responder é: os parlamentares são omissos ao debate da política externa? Para isso, levanta-se elementos que possibilitam a compreensão sobre o interesse congressual na política externa, especificamente, na tramitação dos atos internacionais. O período da análise compreende os anos de 1988 a 2014 e será realizada tanto para a Câmara dos Deputados quanto para o Senado Federal. É comum encontrar na literatura especializada argumentos que focam nos conceitos de delegação, abdicação ou participação limitada pelas regras constitucionais. A partir desta bibliografia foram esquematizados seis objetivos específicos: 1) identificar os instrumentos de atuação na arena legislativa nos temas da política externa; 2) explorar as possíveis conexões entre a atuação parlamentar e a intervenção do Executivo; 3) pesquisar se há relação entre a atuação parlamentar e o tipo de ato internacional; 4) examinar a atuação parlamentar focando na relação governo versus oposição, partidos políticos (ideologia) e interesses locais das bases eleitorais; 5) investigar a formação profissional/acadêmica dos deputados e senadores (expertise); e 6) analisar empiricamente a política externa como política pública. Utiliza-se o multimétodo, isto é, a visão metodológica que é a favor da combinação consciente dos instrumentos analíticos qualitativos e quantitativos. E, por fim, as principais conclusões do trabalho vão no caminho oposto daquele defendido por grande parte dos pesquisadores da área.
The question that this thesis aims to answer is: are the parliamentarians silent in the debate on foreign policy? For this, it raises elements that enable the understanding of congressional interest in foreign policy, specifically in dealing with international acts. The period of analysis covers the years 1988-2014 and will be held for both the House of Representatives and the Senate. It is common to find in the specialized literature arguments that claim that constitutional rules limit delegation, abdication and participation. From this bibliography were outlined six specific objectives: 1) to identify the instruments of legislative action on issues of foreign policy; 2) to explore the possible connections between the parliamentary action and the intervention of the Executive; 3) to investigate whether there is a relationship between the parliamentary action and the kind of international act; 4) to examine the parliamentary action, focusing on the relationship government versus opposition, political parties (ideology) and local interests of the constituencies; 5) to investigate the professional and/or academic education of deputies and senators (expertise); and 6) to empirically analyze foreign policy as public policy. It is used the multi-method, i.e., the methodological vision that is in favor of conscious combination of qualitative and quantitative analytical tools. Finally, the main conclusions indicate the opposite direction from what most researchers have been advocating.
Herculano, Luciene Soares. "O Legislativo e a política externa brasileira: o desempenho da Comissão de Relações Exteriores e de Defesa Nacional da Câmara dos Deputados e da Comissão de Relações Exteriores e Defesa Nacional do Senado Federal nos governos Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2014. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/2497.
Full textCoordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
This work examines the institutional role and the activities carried out by the Foreign Relations and National Defense Committee of the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies and by the Foreign Relations and National Defense Committee of the Brazilian Senate, carried out during the 52nd and 53rd legislative sessions (from February 2003 to January 2011), in the process of formulating, implementing and overseeing the guidelines that oriented brazilian foreign policy. During the period of 2003 and 2010, which comprised the two-term presidency of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, of the Workers Party (PT), several issues became controversial in the Brazilian foreign relations arena. Beginning with a review of the Political Science and International Relations bibliography about the behavior of the National Congress and the dynamics involved in Brazilian foreign relations, the scope of this work is focused on the activities of the two permanent legislative committees. Composed by a wide range of technical and partisan profiles, these legislative niches are formed based on the appointments made by the congressional leadership and carry out a specific role within Congress: to address the country s international agenda. This dissertation aims to go beyond the account of activities related in the Annual Reports issued by each of the houses by including analyses of the constitutional, legal, informational and political aspects. More than recounting the results of eight years of work by these two nuclei of National Congress, this work seeks to observe these committees from the partisan, ideological and electoral perspectives. The examination of all the evidence supports the conclusion that legislators have been considerably proactive, participant and influential in Brazilian foreign policy decision-making. Differently from what previous studies have indicated, despite legal, constitutional and institutional limitations, the Chamber of Deputies and the Federal Senate have not relinquished or delegated to the Executive Branch their roles in this regard. By highlighting this productivity, the current survey shows that these committees have been able to maintain, by their own activities, their autonomy in regard to external factors, such as pressure from the Executive and the aspirations of the constituency
Este trabalho analisa o papel institucional e a atuação da Comissão de Relações Exteriores e de Defesa Nacional da Câmara dos Deputados (CREDN) e da Comissão de Relações Exteriores e Defesa Nacional do Senado Federal (CRE), em atividade durante as 52ª (2003-2006) e 53ª (2003-2006) legislaturas, no processo de formulação, implementação e fiscalização das diretrizes que conduziram a política externa brasileira. Entre os anos de 2003 e 2010, período que coincidiu com os dois mandatos do ex-presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), foram diversas as pautas e polêmicas que marcaram o campo das relações internacionais do Brasil. A partir da revisão bibliográfica nos campos da Ciência Política e das Relações Internacionais sobre o comportamento do Congresso Nacional e a dinâmica que envolve as relações exteriores do País, delimita-se o objeto desta pesquisa às duas Comissões Permanentes. Compostas por perfis técnicos e partidários dos mais variados, esses nichos legislativos são constituídos a partir das indicações do Colégio de Líderes e desempenham uma função específica no parlamento: tratar da agenda internacional brasileira. Esta dissertação propõe avançar além do balanço das atividades relatadas pelos respectivos Relatórios Anuais das duas Casas, incluindo análises dos aspectos constitucional, jurídico, informacional e político. Mais do que averiguar o resultado de oito anos de trabalho destes dois núcleos parlamentares, este levantamento dedicou-se à observação dessas comissões sob os pontos de vista partidário, ideológico e eleitoral. A soma de todas as evidências reunidas respalda a conclusão que aponta a proatividade, a participação e a influência dos legisladores em parte considerável da tomada de decisões sobre a política internacional do Brasil. Diferentemente do apontado em estudos anteriores, apesar das limitações jurídicas, constitucionais e institucionais, a Câmara dos Deputados e o Senado Federal não abdicam ou delegam ao Executivo as funções relativas a essa agenda. Ao realçar essa produtividade, a presente pesquisa revela que a CREDN e a CRE conseguem manter, com atividades próprias, autonomia em relação a fatores externos como a pressão do Executivo e as aspirações do eleitorado
Coetzee, Andre Francois. "Barack Obama : a new precedent in foreign policy?" Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6819.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis aims to measure President Barack Obama’s level of presidential agency in foreign policy, in order to determine whether he will be able to achieve his ambitious goal of renewing US leadership in foreign affairs. To do so, this thesis will make use of a two-level analysis: The primary level of analysis will focus on the office of the president, and the constitutionally determined formal powers it confers on the president. It will also study the constraints placed on the president by the powers conferred on other branches of government, as well as the institutional and societal context in which the president must function. The second level of analysis will focus on the president as an individual, and the role that a number of personality traits and informal powers play in presidential agency. The central hypothesis of this thesis is that while all presidents are exposed to roughly the same set of institutional constraints, an individual president’s level of agency depends on their utilisation of a number of informal powers. In order to measure this hypothesis, a five-point framework will be developed by abstracting from the existing literature on informal powers. This framework will consist of five criteria believed to be a prerequisite for a high degree of presidential agency: (1) a favourable disposition to foreign affairs; (2) the ability to provide strong leadership in policy formulation; (3) a command over Pennsylvania Avenue politics; (4) the utilisation of the role of public opinion maker; (5) and the utilisation of the role of global statesmen. While Obama will be shown to do well against the framework, his lack of tangible accomplishments will be shown to stem from the magnitude of the challenges he faces; the larger foreign policy context in which he came to office; and the deep-seated distrust of the motives underlying US foreign policy in certain regions. Furthermore, the time constraints he faces, and the impact of the election cycle, will be identified as a limit to the pace of implementation and the extent of the changes he is able to make.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie tesis is om President Barack Obama se vlak van presidensiële agentskap in buitelandse beleid te meet om te bepaal of hy sy ambisieuse doelwit om die VSA se leierskap in buitelandse sake te hernu, sal bereik. ’n Tweevlakkige analise sal vir hierdie doel aangewend word. Die analise sal op ’n primêre vlak fokus op die president as ampsdraer, en die formele magte wat deur die grondwet aan hom toegeken word. Dit sal ook die beperkinge wat op die president geplaas word as gevolg van die magte wat aan die ander takke van die regering toegeken word, bestudeer. Verder sal die institusionele en maatskaplike konteks waarin die president moet fuksioneer in ag geneem word. Die tweede vlak van analise sal op die president as individu fokus, en die rol wat sekere informele magte en persoonlikheidseienskappe in presidensiële agentskap speel. Die sentrale hipotese van hierdie tesis, is dat alhoewel alle presidente deur dieselfde institusionele beperkinge geaffekteer word, ’n spesifieke president se vlak van agentskap afhang van sy gebruik van informele magte. Hierdie hipotese sal gemeet woord deur ’n vyfpuntraamwerk te ontwikkel wat gebruik maak van die bestaande literatuur op presidensiële agentskap. Dié raamwerk bestaan uit vyf kriteria wat benodig word om ’n hoë vlak van agentskap te handhaaf: (1) ’n positiewe gesindheid teenoor buitelandse sake; (2) die vermoë om sterk leierskap in die beleidsformuleringsproses uit te oefen; (3) meesterskap oor Pennsyvanie Avenue politiek; (4) die gebruik van die rol van openbare ’n opinie maker; (5) en die gebruik van die rol van ’n globale staatsman. Die tesis sal wys dat alhoewel Obama suksesvol is wanneer hy teen die raamwerk gemeet word, sy tekort aan prestasies toegeskryf kan word aan die omvang van die probleme wat hy moet oplos; die groter buitelandse konteks waarin hy verkies is; en die wantroue in die VSA se onderliggende motiewe in sekere streke. Verder sal die tydsbeperkinge op sy presidentskap en die impak van die verkiesingsiklus geïdentifiseer word as ’n bepreking op die spoed waarteen hy veranderinge kan implementeer.
Louie, Johnson Yu Kwong. "Interest Groups, Executive-Legislative Relations and the U.S. Politics of NATO Enlargement." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/9920.
Full textBhattacharya, Debasis. "Legislative-executive relations and U.S. foreign policy| Continuum of consensus and dissension in strategic political decision process from 1970 to 2010." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3610246.
Full textDuring the last four decades, precisely from the early 1970s, U.S. foreign policy has played a dominant role in the U.S. political landscape. The current political discourse is predominantly marked by divided government, polarized politics and gridlock. Such a contentious political environment has proved to be detrimental for efficient and effective policy-making in foreign policy. There are significant factors that profoundly complicate the process of decision making and congressional-presidential relations. Partisan and ideological differences under the conditions of divided government are dominant in the current political process and in turn affect the prospects of legislative-executive consensus and dissension. Other factors such as media salience, public opinion, and electoral imperatives also complicate the dynamics of legislative-executive relations. In an era in which heightened political brinkmanship has enveloped Washington politics, continuum of consensus and dissension between Congress and the president on strategic foreign policy issues has virtually become a norm. This dissertation examines the dynamics of legislative-executive relations in two high politics U.S. foreign policy issue areas of treaty process and war powers. It appears that in contemporary U.S. foreign policymaking the trajectory of a continuum of legislative-executive consensus and dissension is a new normal and potentially irreversible, as Congress and the president try ardently to preserve their respective constitutional prerogatives.
Empirical investigation across these two issue areas demonstrates a new era of a resurgent Congress marked by its greater assertive role and acting as a consequential player in the foreign policy domain. The passage of the War Powers Resolution in 1973 by Congress, overriding a presidential veto, has profound implications in the modern political landscape. It was a pivotal moment that permanently transformed the future road map of congressional-presidential relations. Since then the U.S. political system has been relentlessly experiencing an institutional power struggle in the foreign policy domain. Findings suggest that when Congress determines to confront the president and exercise its constitutional responsibilities it becomes very difficult for the president to overcome such congressional resistance. Interbranch competition has virtually created a consistent trajectory of a continuum of legislative-executive consensus and dissension in the foreign policy decision-making process.
Antunes, Karoline da Cunha. "Democratização, liberalização econômica e processo desisório em política externa: um estudo de caso sobre o papel do congresso mexicano nas legislaturas de 1994 a 2006." Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-07052010-113420/.
Full textThis work analyses the role of Mexican Congress in foreign policy issues during the period of 1994-2006 (LVI-LIX Legislature), corresponding to the presidencies of Ernesto Zedillo and Vicente Fox, based on the processes of economic and political liberalization faced by the country in the last decades. Taking into account indicating levels of activity on foreign policy issues and disagreement over foreign policy, the hypothesis formulated is that, during the period studied, the Mexican Congress has shown a high level of activism, however its assertiveness was low. In the moments of confrontation with Executive, the Congress has shown little institutional capacity to impose its preferences. The congressmen limitations to act in the realm of foreign policy could be related to structural factors, such as the costs of an international treaty´s rejection, or conjunctural, such as the difficult of constructing consensus in the Upper and Low chambers about what Congress´s role in foreign affairs issues should be.
Kennedy, Paul. "The PSOE government 1982-1996 and the policy process with particular reference to economic and foreign and security policy : core executive dominance under challenge?" Thesis, Cardiff University, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.529715.
Full textDavid, Adebahr. "THE DOMESTIC FOUNDATIONS OF TOKYO’S CHANGING SECURITY POLICY STRATEGY TOWARDS THE ASIA-PACIFIC IN THE 21ST CENTURY AND THE ROLE OF JAPAN’S FOREIGN POLICY EXECUTIVE." Kyoto University, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/244505.
Full textLiu, Diana L. "Informing Trade Policy: Interest Group Influences on U.S. Congressional and Executive Steel Trade Protection." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1385561511.
Full textBirkenthal, Sara M. "Grand Strategy in U.S. Foreign Policy: The Carter, Bush, and Obama Doctrines." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/598.
Full textSouza, João Ricardo Carvalho de. "A participação do poder legislativo na política externa brasileira - áreas de economia e Mercosul - nos governos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso e no primeiro governo de Luis Inácio Lula da Silva." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2010. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=4700.
Full textSantos, Claudia Teixeira dos. "Abordagem informacional da política externa brasileira : a participação da CREDN (1995-2011)." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2011. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=4725.
Full textO estudo a ser apresentado tem como objetivo analisar a influência dos deputados federais na política externa brasileira, mais especificamente dos deputados da Comissão de Relação Exteriores e Defesa Nacional. A idéia não é criar um novo paradigma de inserção, mas levantar pistas sobre diferentes formas de participação que o legislativo pode ter na condução dessa política no país. Contrariamos as análises que atribuem ao legislativo pouca participação ao processo decisório e focalizam a atuação na aprovação (ou não), dos acordos internacionais enviados pelo Executivo. Nesse sentido, procuramos ir além dessa abordagem tradicional abrindo o leque para outras formas de participação dos deputados federais na política externa brasileira. A politização da política externa e o papel mais ativo da Comissão de Relações Exteriores e Defesa Nacional (CREDN) têm levado a uma maior atuação do legislativo nessas questões. Principalmente a partir da maior atenção da oposição para as questões de política externa. A política externa foi considerada a política pública mais insulada do debate político-partidário. Mas, agora, os legisladores têm participado e se interessado cada vez mais por estas questões. O Congresso tem utilizado mais seus instrumentos institucionais de fiscalização para monitorar a condução da política externa. Assim, foi analisado o papel da CREDN como mecanismo de aquisição de informação, com o intuito de informar o legislador mediano em termos de política externa. O estudo parte do modelo informacional para encontrar respostas sobre o incentivo que os legisladores teriam em coletar informações (custosas) sobre política externa. Desse modo, procura-se analisar o incentivo dos legisladores em ativar tal política no plenário (Santos e Almeida, 2009; Martin, 2000). De forma cada vez mais extensiva e fiscalizadora, acrescentando informações às políticas formuladas pelo Executivo (Almeida & Santos, 2008)
The study presented has the objective to analyze the influence of deputies in Brazilian foreign policy, specifically members of the Committee of Foreign Relations and National Defense. The idea is not to create a new paradigm of influence, but to raise ideas about different ways that the legislative may participate on the conduction of this policy in Brazil. Contrary to the analysis that said that the legislative have low participation in decision-making and focus the performance on the approval (or not), of the international agreements sended by the Executive. Therefore, we aim to go beyond this traditional approach, expanding to other forms of participation of the federal deputies in the Brazilian foreign policy. The politicization of foreign policy and the most active role of the Committee on Foreign Relations and National Defense (CREDN) have led to greater performance of the legislative on these issues. Mainly, because of the increased focus of opposition on the foreign policy issues. Foreign policy was regarded as the most insulated public policy from the political debate. But now, the federal deputies have participated and are increasingly interested in these issues. Congress has been using their institutional instruments to monitor the conduction of foreign policy. Therefore, we investigated the role of CREDN as a mechanism for information acquisition, in order to inform the median legislator in terms of foreign policy. The study starts from the information model, to find answers about the incentive that legislators would have to collect information (costly) about foreign policy. Thus, we seek to analyze the incentive for legislators to turn that policy on the floor (Santos and Almeida, 2009; Martin, 2000). In an increasingly extensive and supervisory way, adding information to the policies formulated by the Executive (Almeida & Santos, 2008)
Pasquarelli, Bruno Vicente Lippe. "Política externa, partidos políticos e relações executivo/legislativo nas democracias presidencialistas do Brasil e do Chile." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2015. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/7689.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
This study analyzed the decision-making process in foreign policy from the presidential messages sent by the Executive Branch to the National Congress, examining comparatively the center-left governments of the Workers Party (2003-2010) in Brazil, and the Socialist Party (2000-2009) in Chile, investigating how the decision-making process of international acts may be the object of legislative and partisan action and, most important, that is subject to conflict/consensus between government and opposition from the ideological structure of coalitions that affects the negotiation of the agreement at the international level and especially in domestic context. Therefore, the ideological factor present in coalitions is a variable that affects the decision-making process in foreign policy. The higher the ideological heterogeneity and the size of the coalition, the greater the partisan conflict in foreign policy. On the other hand, the greater the ideological homogeneity and the smaller the size of the coalition, the lower the partisan conflict in international acts. In Chile, the role of the Socialist Party in foreign policy, based on the continuity of international integration paradigms, occurred in an environment marked by moderation and by partisan commitment and building consensus around government objectives, namely, trade agreements and free trade agreements, emphasizing the partnership with Latin America. The party activity in this way was guided by consensus, with few changes in trade agreements and FTA's, seeking to speed up the decision-making process of international acts. In Brazil, in turn, the Workers Parties undertook to form broad and heterogeneous coalitions and not as stable as the Chilean ones, considering various partisan and ideological preferences and increasing therefore the conflicted component of the decision-making process showing the largest internal ideological fight, in the coalition, and external, in relation to the opposition parties. In short, due to the importance of the domestic component in international agreements, the findings of this study are important to articulate an explanation of the reasons why countries administered by center-left political parties to act differently/similarly in foreign policy, considering previous governments and even the countries themselves in similar periods, because there were important differences between the two styles of government, considering the overall and partisan objectives in foreign policy of each one, as well as the composition and ideological preferences of the government coalition government.
O presente estudo analisou o processo de tomada de decisão em política externa a partir das mensagens presidenciais enviadas pelo Poder Executivo ao Congresso Nacional, examinando comparativamente os governos de centro-esquerda do Partido dos Trabalhadores (2003 a 2010), no Brasil, e do Partido Socialista (2000 a 2009), no Chile, investigando como o processo decisório de atos internacionais pode ser objeto de atuação legislativa e partidária e, mais importante, que está sujeito ao conflito/consenso entre governo e oposição a partir da estruturação ideológica de coalizões que influenciam a negociação do acordo no plano internacional e principalmente no contexto doméstico. Por conseguinte, o fator ideológico presente nas coalizões é uma variável que afeta o processo decisório em política externa. Quanto maior a heterogeneidade ideológica e o tamanho da coalizão, maior o conflito partidário em política externa. Por outro lado, quanto maior a homogeneidade ideológica e quanto menor o tamanho da coalizão, menor o conflito partidário em atos internacionais. No Chile, a atuação do Partido Socialista em política externa, baseada na continuidade de paradigmas de inserção internacional, ocorreu em um ambiente pautado pela moderação e pelo compromisso partidário e construção do consenso em torno dos objetivos governamentais, quais sejam, os acordos comerciais e os tratados de livre-comércio, enfatizando a parceria com a América Latina. A atuação partidária, dessa maneira, ocorreu pautada pelo consenso, com poucas modificações em acordos comerciais e tratados de livre-comércio, e procurando acelerar o processo de tomada de decisão dos atos internacionais. No Brasil, por sua vez, o Partidos dos Trabalhadores obrigou-se a formar coalizões amplas e heterogêneas e não tão estáveis quanto as chilenas, considerando diversas preferências partidárias e ideológicas e aumentando, por conseguinte, o componente conflituoso do processo de tomada de decisão, evidenciando o maior combate ideológico interno, na própria coalizão, e externo, em relação aos partidos oposicionistas. Em suma, devido à relevância do componente doméstico em acordos internacionais, as conclusões desse estudo são importantes para articular uma explicação das razões que levam países administrados por partidos políticos de centro-esquerda a atuarem de maneira diferente/similar em política externa, considerando governos anteriores e até mesmo os próprios países em períodos semelhantes, pois houve diferenças importantes entre os dois estilos de governo, considerando os objetivos gerais e partidários de política externa de cada um, assim como a composição e preferências ideológicas das coalizões de governo.
Miller, Laura Savory. "TWO ESSAYS ON GOVERNANCE AT THE NATIONAL AND CORPORATE LEVEL." NSUWorks, 2014. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/hsbe_etd/2.
Full textFeinman, David Eric. "Divided government and congressional foreign policy a case study of the post-World War II era in American government." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4891.
Full textID: 029809199; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 110-112).
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
RADIC, NEMANJA. "Efficiency and competition in the investment banking industry." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Roma "Tor Vergata", 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2108/1301.
Full textThis thesis consists of three substantive essays on investment bank efficiency and competition, each constituting a separate chapter. The first essay (Chapter 2) reviews the literature on investment banking and provides indication on the recent trends in the industry. The second essay (Chapter 3) analyses cost and profit efficiency for a sample of investment banks for the G7 countries (Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, UK and US) and Switzerland prior to the recent financial crisis. We follow Coelli et al. (1999)’s methodology to adjust the estimated cost and profit efficiency scores for environmental influences including key banks’ risks, bank and industry specific factors and macroeconomic conditions. Our evidence suggests that failing to account for environmental factors can considerably bias the efficiency scores for investment banks. Specifically, bank-risk taking factors (including liquidity and capital risk exposures) are found particularly important to accurately assess profit efficiency: i.e. profit efficiency estimates are consistently underestimated without accounting for bank risk-taking. Interestingly, our evidence suggests that size matters for both cost and profit efficiency, however this does not imply that more concentrated markets are more efficient. The final essay (Chapter 4) investigates the relationship between market power and efficiency, and explores characteristics of competitive conditions in worldwide investment banking. In order to conduct analysis of the countries competitive conditions and regional efficiency level, first we use stochastic frontier approach to model cost efficiency, and second we investigates Lerner index of monopoly power to test the degree of the market power in the investment banking industry. To further comprehend competition pattern in the industry we use Panzar and Rosse model to assess the degree of competition in worldwide investment banking. Lastly, to investigate the relationship between market power and efficiency, we apply a causality test. Data used was obtained from balance sheet, income statement and annual reports data for the 15 countries over 2001-2008 periods. The analysis highlights the fact that the investment banking markets worldwide are becoming progressively more concentrated and less cost efficient. However this is not the case for all the countries. Further, investment banks seem to have reduced their marginal costs faster than price falls and this led to an increase in the Lerner index thus suggesting greater market power. Results from H: Statistics lead to similar conclusions, hence indicating existence of colluding oligopoly in the market. The findings on the relationship between market power and efficiency is not straightforward and that other factors (such as among others, risk incentives, regulatory framework and contestability) may influence both the magnitude and the direction of the relationship and therefore should be accounted for in future research in this area.
""Being Japanese" in a foreign place: cultural identities of Japanese in Hong Kong." 2002. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5890996.
Full textThesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 183-189).
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
Abstract --- p.i
Acknowledgements --- p.iv
Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction --- p.1
Hong Kong As a Site for Research
Literature Review
Methodology
The Structure of the Thesis
Chapter Chapter 2: --- Working in Hong Kong --- p.36
Expatriates
Locally-Hired Japanese
Conclusion
Chapter Chapter 3: --- Ways of Living in Hong Kong --- p.76
Japanese-Oriented
Immersion in Hong Kong
"The ""Japanese"" Identity of Global Talks in Hong Kong"
Conclusion
Chapter Chapter 4: --- With the Family in Hong Kong --- p.120
Japanese-Japanese Marriage
Cross-Cultural Marriage
Conclusion
Chapter Chapter 5: --- Conclusion
What is Japanese Cultural ldentity?
Globalization and Japanese Cultural ldentity
Japanese ldentity and Japan in the Future
Appendix --- p.181
Bibliography --- p.183
"Growing up in Asia's world city: a study of the teenage consumers in Hong Kong's expatriate community." 2003. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5891386.
Full textThesis (M.B.A.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2003.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves [46]-50).
Abstract --- p.4
Introduction --- p.6
Research Objectives --- p.7
Research Methodology --- p.8
The Context of Hong Kong As An International City --- p.10
Consumer Socialization of the Expatriate Teenagers in Hong Kong --- p.12
Conceptual Background --- p.13
Characteristics of Expatriate Teenagers in Hong Kong --- p.16
The Expatriate Teenagers' Consumer Skills --- p.25
Expatriate Teenagers and Cosmopolitanism --- p.33
The Formation of Ethnic Identity --- p.34
Citizens of the World --- p.38
Failing to be Cosmopolitan --- p.39
Conclusion --- p.43
References
Lee, Tung-Lin, and 李東霖. "Relationship between the Leadership Styles and the Satisfactions of Employees: A case study in Foreign Company's Corporate executives." Thesis, 2005. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/85217184493339696644.
Full text國立臺灣科技大學
企業管理系
93
The purpose of this paper is to study the relationships between the leadership styles and the satisfactions of employees. The Full Range Leadership Model is used on local enterprises or schools, this paper is a case study for foreign company (E Company) with FRL Model. The research methodology is a statistical sampling in which more than 40 division chiefs are asked to answer the relevant questions. The major summary and conclusions are the Transformational Leadership and Transactional Leadership, but no Laissez-Faire Leadership. The employees are very satisfied about their job. The employees of different background and situational variables aren’t different on not only inner, outer but also entire satisfaction, and so is the awareness of the styles of divisors. On the forecasting the employees’ satisfaction, the beta value of “Idealized Influence” of transformational is highest and the beta value of “Contingent Reward” of transactional leadership is highest. But the beta of Laissez-Faire is not significant. On the entire leadership styles, the beta value of Transactional Leadership is highest. That means the more divisors intend to Transactional Leadership style, the higher satisfaction the employees have.
Lin, Yeh-Yun. "Implications of management philosophy, organizational climate, and managers' learning for human resource development a comparative study of American, Japanese, and Taiwanese firms in Taiwan /." 1991. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/28048209.html.
Full text"The social organization of family work restructuring family work in Japanese expatriate families with maids in Hong Kong (China)." 2002. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6073455.
Full textThesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 195-203).
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
"Expatriate adaptation and performance: an empirical study in China." 2000. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5890535.
Full text500 Thesis submitted in: December 1999.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 81-89).
Abstracts in English and Chinese, questionnaire in English and Chinese.
ABSTRACT (ENGLISH) --- p.i
ABSTRACT (CHINESE) --- p.ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT --- p.iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS --- p.iv
LIST OF TABLES --- p.vi
LIST OF FIGURES --- p.vii
Chapter CHAPTER 1. --- INTRODUCTION
Background of the Study --- p.1
Objective of the Study --- p.2
Significance of the Study --- p.4
Chapter CHAPTER 2. --- LITERATURE REVIEW
Expatriate's Adaptation --- p.7
Impression Management --- p.11
Performance Evaluation in Leader-Member Exchange --- p.13
Cognitive Information Processing --- p.17
Summary --- p.21
Chapter CHAPTER3. --- MODEL DEVELOPMENT
Research Context --- p.22
Hypotheses --- p.24
Chapter CHAPTER 4. --- RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Overview --- p.29
Sample --- p.30
Questionnaire --- p.32
Measurements --- p.34
Control Variables --- p.37
Chapter CHAPTER 5. --- RESULTS
Statistical Method --- p.39
Hypotheses Testing --- p.40
Chapter CHAPTER 6. --- DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
Discussion of Findings --- p.45
Additional Considerations --- p.51
Theoretical Contributions --- p.53
Practical Implications --- p.55
Limitations and Future Research Directions --- p.57
Conclusion --- p.60
TABLES --- p.61
FIGURES --- p.72
APPENDICES --- p.74
REFENCES --- p.81
Muenjohn, Nuttawuth. "The effect of culture on the leadership behavior of Australian expatriate managers in Thailand." Thesis, 2001. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/15384/.
Full text