Journal articles on the topic 'Foreign exchange – Government policy – Great Britain'
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1
Bakhturazova, T. V., M. K. Mayorov, N. V. Mayorova, and D. A. Edelev. "THREATS TO INDUSTRIAL POLICY, TRADE AND KNOWLEDGE SHARING IN A GLOBAL EMERGENCY." Vestnik Universiteta, no. 4 (June 29, 2020): 42–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2020-4-42-46.
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The coronavirus epidemic 2019-nCoV in China has already led to a slowdown in the country’s economic growth and the fall of the yuan exchange rate on the stock exchanges. The Russian government has banned visa-free tourist trips between Russia and China and the issuance of work visas to Russia for Chinese citizens; Australia, New Zealand, Japan, Pakistan, and Italy have imposed similar bans. Great Britain, South Korea, Singapore and New Zealand have imposed quarantine for arrivals from China. Military aircrafts of Russia, India and Thailand take their citizens out of China. The US authorities have declared public health emergency and ban on the entry of all foreign citizens who have visited China over the past two weeks. This article gives forecast, how these measures of the governments will affect on global academic mobility and economic growth.
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Varpahovskis, Eriks. "Knowledge Diplomacy as an Instrument of South Korea’s Foreign Policy: Theoretical Aspects and Practical Implementation in the Case of KOICA Scholarship Program." RUDN Journal of Political Science 23, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 265–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-2-265-278.
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The relevance of this study derives from the limited understanding of the mechanisms of public diplomacy that are activated when scholarship programs for international students are conducted by East Asian countries, particularly South Korea. Moreover, the relevance of the topic is also determined by the scarcity of research on the role of knowledge in public diplomacy mechanisms. The author of this article analyzes South Koreas international student exchange scholarship program, the KOICA Scholarship Program. This case study analyzes the contents of official documents adopted by the Government of the Republic of Korea, documents and materials published by subordinate organizations that administer scholarship programs for international students, as well as scholarly papers on the topic of knowledge diplomacy and related topics. The novelty element is that the concept of knowledge diplomacy, which is gaining popularity worldwide almost has not been used in the Russophone academia, and the studies on South Korean exchange programs as public diplomacy instruments are also poorly represented. The analysis of official documents has shown that the concept of knowledge in the official Korean interpretation differs from the existing academic interpretations accepted in the West (e.g., Great Britain, the United States). Also, the analysis of the scholarship program showed that it only partly complies with the knowledge diplomacy goals assigned by the Government. In particular, through this scholarship Korea successfully transmits knowledge about Korean history and culture, as well as professional knowledge, while the field of knowledge exchange in the program remains unattained. The author concludes with several practical recommendations on how to improve the effectiveness of the scholarship program as a tool for knowledge diplomacy.
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Kopiika, Valerii. "The Diplomatic Pioneer: Provenance, Patrimony, Pertinence Marking the 75th Anniversary of the Institute of International Relations." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 799–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-55.
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Universities have historically merited a special place in world history as the locus of science, upbringing, humanism, and freedom of expression. However, modernity is routinely putting their tenacity and toughness to test by challenges of social existence, where every individual, government and society alike are transforming faced with globalization, communicative technologies, climate change and the new type of the world economy. The Institute of International Relations is therefore seeking to reiterate the irreplaceable value, virtues and vistas of a classical university in the ever-changing world of today. Since its inception, the IIR has come a long way from a small department to the major educational and methodological centre of Ukraine for training experts in international relations and foreign policy. Nevertheless, the life in the precincts of the Institute is not confined to research in the silence of laboratories or libraries. Thus, under interuniversity agreements, the IIR cooperates with more than 60 higher educational establishments from Belgium, Canada, China, Egypt, France, Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Iran, Japan, Poland, the Republic of Korea, Spain, and the US. Within the framework of international cooperation attention is also attached to the matters of professional ethics: For four consecutive years, the IIR has taken part in the Strengthening Academic Integrity in Ukraine Project (SAIUP) under the aegis of the American Councils for International Education in collaboration with the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine backed by the US Embassy in Ukraine. In recent years, the Institute has set up an extensive network of international project activities, as amply demonstrated by the establishment of Ukraine’s sole Centre for Arabic Studies and the Youth Information Centre of the Ukrainian Red Cross Society. Capitalizing on the generated momentum, in 2019, the IIR won an overarching victory in the competition for the establishment of the Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence under the EU’s Erasmus + Programme to become the only such project in Ukraine. The Institute of International Relations is also mindful of employability and future careers of its graduates. Such initiatives as the Career Day, traditionally bringing together the world’s leading employers, the IIR Business School and the Memorandum of Cooperation between the Institute and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine are there to serve this purpose. Our Institute is an opportunity to open up to the world by virtue of new knowledge, academic exchange programs and internship in the best universities. This is the place not only to meet loyal friends and wise teachers, but also to unite the IIR traditions and achievements with the global perspective and break new ground of thinking. Keywords: the Institute of International Relations, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, joint degree, master classes of practitioners, case studies, language training, English-language master programmes.
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Vietrynskyi, I. "Australian Foreign Policy during the World War II." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-3.
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The article is related to the establishment of Australian foreign policy tradition and becoming of Australia as a subject of international relations. The significant role of the dominions during First World War Great and their help for Great Britain victory, intensified their struggle for independence. As the result of long-term efforts, dominions reached the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration in 1926 by London, which was later confirmed by the Statute of Westminster (1931), which established the authority for dominions for an independent foreign policy. The development of Australian foreign policy before and during World War II was analyzed. The evolution of the relations of the Australia and Great Britain in the context of the events of the World War II is traced, in particular the peculiarities of the allied relations of the two countries. There is shown the regional dimension of the World War II within the Asia-Pacific region, in the context of Australia and the United States actions against Japanese aggression. There are analyzed the peculiarities of external threats effect on the transformation of the Australian foreign policy strategy, in particular in the national security sphere. The main threat for Australia in that period become Japanise aggressive and expansionist policy in the Asia-Pacific region. A lot of Australian soldiers and military equipment were sent to Great Britain to support traditional allie. But in actual strategic situation in Europe there were great doubts that British troops and the navy would be able to effectively help Australians in case of an attack by Japan. Politics of national security and defense of Australia in the context of its participation in World War II is considered. In the conditions of real threat of Japanese invasion, as well as the lack of sure to receive necessary support from Great Britain, the Australian government start to find a military alliance with the USA. There were identified the key implications of World War II for Australian socio-economic system.
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Datskiv, I. "Peculiarities of Ukrainian-British Diplomatic Relations During the Ukrainian Revolution (1917-1921)." Problems of World History, no. 4 (June 8, 2017): 155–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-4-11.
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This article analyzes the foreign policy of Great Britain to Ukraine in 1917-1921 years. Features of relations between England and the Ukrainian governments during national liberation movement are shown. The impact of Great Britain on the political formation and the development of Ukrainian statehood is revealed International, political and military background of the Ukrainian-British rapprochement in revolutionary days is clarified . It is indicated that an important factor shifted foreign policy orientation towards the Entente was the participation of the Ukrainian delegation under the leadership of I. Korostovetzin in the conference of Entente states in Iasi in early November 1918. It is established that interest in Ukraine and its struggle for statehood was shown by foreign diplomats accredited to the government of UРR. Consular offices of the Entente (including Great Britain) and neutral states continued their activities in Ukraine. It is shown that Great Britain and other Entente powers ignored the legitimate right of the Ukrainian people for national independence and the unity of its lands.
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Rooth, Tim, and Peter Scott. "British Public Policy and Multinationals during the “Dollar Gap” Era, 1945–1960." Enterprise & Society 3, no. 1 (March 2002): 124–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700005619.
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This article examines the role of British exchange and import controls in stimulating the dramatic increase in overseas (particularly American) multinationals in Britain from the end of the Second World War to the late 1950s, together with the ways in which the government used controls to regulate the foreign direct investment (FDI) inflow. Exchange controls were both an important stimulus to inward investment and a powerful and flexible means of regulating its volume and character. Government was relatively successful in using these powers to maximize the dollar balance and industrial benefits of FDI to Britain, given initially severe dollar and capacity constraints, and in liberalizing policy once these constraints receded and competition from other FDI hosts intensified.
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Podolsky, Vadim. "History of the social policy in the United Kingdom." Obshchestvennye nauki i sovremennost, no. 5 (2021): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086904990016102-4.
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In the XVII century Great Britain became the first country in the world with a full-scale system of social support, which was regulated at the state level. The “Old Poor Law” of 1601 and the “New Poor Law” of 1834 are well-studied in both foreign and Russian science, but the solutions that preceded them are less known. The aim of this study is to describe the development of social policy in Great Britain up to 1834, when the system of assistance to people in need was redesigned according to the liberal logic of minimal interference of the state. The article is based on comparative and historic approach and analysis of legal documents. It demonstrates the evolution of institutions and practices of social support in Great Britain. In this country social policy grew from church and private charity and developed at local level under centrally defined rules. Consistent presentation of social policy history in Great Britain is valuable for studies of charity, local self-government and social policy.
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Hrubinko, Andrii. "Great Britain in European External and Security Policy: Review of Western Historiography." European Historical Studies, no. 8 (2017): 8–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.08.8-38.
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The article analyzes the achievements of Western historical science in research of the problem of Britain’s participation in the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy. The author classified scientific publications into three groups: 1) general works on the history of formation the EU’s CFSP; 2) publications on the history of participation the United Kingdom in European integration as a direction of European foreign policy of the state; 3) works, which devoted specifically to the topic of British participation in European foreign and security policy. The results of monitoring the leading foreign scientific publications, the most frequently published materials on European integration and European policy of the United Kingdom are presented. A list of leading scientific centers for the research of the identified issues is also presented. The historical experience of British involvement in the formation and implementation of the EU’s CFSP in Western historiography is mainly covered in general context of the British government’s position on European integration. It was stated that the United Kingdom’s participation in the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union was included in the list topics of research of European (including British) and American scientists, but remains poorly developed. Major scientific developments by European continental and British researchers are presented. Instead, in American historiography, these issues, especially Britain’s role in the CFSP, haven’t been adequately researched. In British historiography, there is a marked opposition between the “Euro-skeptic” and “Euro-optimistic” (pro-European) paradigms. In the published works the analysis of theoretical and conceptual principles, strategic approaches of British governments to the foreign policy component of European integration prevails at different stages of its development. In all three historiographic groups preference is given to research the history of military-political cooperation within the EU, development of ESDP / CSDP. The issues of British participation in the EU CFSP in the period of D. Cameron’s government (2010-2016), practical foreign policy activities of the Community remain insufficiently researched. The topics of the role of British governments in shaping and developing the Eastern European policy of the EU and the Neighborhood policy remain though basically unexplored.
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Trofymenko, Mykola. "British Council as an Instrument of Public Diplomacy of Great Britain." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 35-36 (December 20, 2017): 305–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2017.35-36.305-312.
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Public diplomacy of Great Britain is one of the most developed in the EU and in the world. The United Kingdom has developed an extremely efficient public diplomacy mechanism which includes BBC World Service (which due to its popularity boosts the reputation and the image of Great Britain), Chevening Scholarships (provides outstanding foreign students with opportunity to study in Great Britain and thus establishes long-lasting relations with public opinion leaders and foreign countries elite) and the British Council, which deals with international diplomatic ties in the field of culture. The British Council is a unique organization. Being technically independent, it actively and efficiently works on consolidating Great Britain’s interests in the world and contributes to the development of public diplomacy in Great Britain.
The author studies the efforts of the British Council as a unique public diplomacy tool of the United Kingdom. Special attention is paid to the role of British Council, which is independent of the governing board and at the same time finds itself under the influence of the latter due to the peculiarities of the appointment of Board’s officials, financing etc.
The author concludes that the British Council is a unique organization established in 1934, which is a non-departmental state body, charitable organization and public corporation, technically independent of the government. The British Council, thanks to its commercial activities covers the lack of public funding caused by the policy of economy conducted by the government. It has good practices in this field worth paying attention by other countries. It is also worth mentioning that the increment in profit was getting higher last year, however the issue of increasing the influence of the government on the activities of British Council is still disputable. Although the Foreign Minister officially reports to the parliament on the activities of the British Council, approves the appointment of the leaders of organizations, the British Council preserves its independence of the government, which makes it more popular abroad, and makes positive influence on the world image of Great Britain. The efficiency of the British Council efforts on fulfillment of targets of the United Kingdom public diplomacy is unquestionable, no matter how it calls its activities: whether it is a cultural relations establishment or a cultural diplomacy implementation.
Keywords: The British Council, public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, cultural relations, Foreign Office, Her Majesty’s Government, official assistance for development
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Lu, Yizhi. "Study of Chiang Kai-shek's Foreign Policy during the Anti-Japanese War." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 7 (January 13, 2023): 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v7i.4001.
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Around 1903' s, China faced the huge threat of Japan's full-scale invasion of China and the serious struggle against Japanese aggression. The "two-pronged" policy of unremitting struggle against Japan and seeking international assistance has become the focus of Nanjing National Government headed by Chiang Kai-shek. The Soviet Union had made great efforts to aid China, but because of Chiang Kai-shek's anti-Soviet policy and Britain and France's war in Europe, Chiang Kai-shek only hoped for the support of the United States. In 1938, after the negotiation between China and Britain on the British loan to China failed, Chiang Kai-shek decisively adjusted his wartime foreign policy, recalled Wang Zhengting, who was not very popular with the United States, reused pro-American people, and appointed Hu Shi, a famous international scholar with high prestige, as ambassador to the United States. As the only legitimate government in China at that time, the Chinese Kuomintang government, in addition to establishing the national anti-Japanese national united front on the basis of Kuomintang Communist cooperation in politics, cooperated militarily with the front battlefield of the Kuomintang and the battlefield behind the enemy opened and led by our party to jointly resist the enemy and fight against the Japanese aggressors. In terms of diplomacy, the Kuomintang government also actively carried out diplomatic activities and sought assistance from the international community to support China's cause of anti-Japanese war.
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Dudaiti, Аlbert K. "Problems of Iran’s relations with the leading world Powers in the initial period of the Second World War (1939–1941)." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 3(2021) (September 25, 2021): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2021-3-12-19.
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The article examines the complex relations between Iran and the leading world powers at the initial stage of the Second World War. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that Iran’s foreign policy is considered in the context of active diplomatic maneuvers of the Reza Shah government aimed at distancing itself from the belligerent powers and preserving Iran’s neutrality. The novelty of the research consists in studying the features of the foreign policy actions of the government of the Ira, which allow us to reveal the reasons for the formation of conflict relations with Great Britain and the USSR in the initial period of the war. It is established that despite the predominant military-political rivalry at the beginning of the war between Germany and Great Britain, the Iranian authorities were afraid of an invasion of the country by Anglo-Soviet troops. At the same time, it is emphasized that such a danger was real, given the active underground activities of Nazi agents in this country directed against the USSR, as well as the growth of pro-German sentiments in the Iranian government. These circumstances caused the desire of the USSR leadership to secure the southern borders of the country; In turn, the government of Great Britain set a goal to prevent Nazi Germany from implementing its long-term plans to invade the territories of the Near and Middle East controlled by the British, as well as British India. As a result of the conducted research, it is concluded that the entry of Anglo-Soviet troops into the territory of Iran was the logical consequence of the failed foreign policy actions of the Shah’s government aimed at further rapprochement with Nazi Germany, with the expectation that after its victory over the Soviet Union, Iran will be able to expand its borders at the expense of the border territories of the Soviet Transcaucasia.
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Fazal, Snober, Muhammad Azhar Bhatti, and Tusawar Iftikhar Ahmad. "Sectorial growth, Exchange rate and Fiscal policy in Developing Economies: The Interlinkages." iRASD Journal of Economics 1, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 68–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.52131/joe.2019.0101.0006.
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The study examined the interdependence of sectorial growth, exchange rate and fiscal policy by simultaneous equation model for 50 developing economies over the time period of 2000 to 2014. Industrial GDP, service sector GDP, exchange rate, tax revenue are endogenous variables, while capital formation, foreign direct investment, trade, inflation, foreign aid, external debt and money supply are instruments. The study has 4 system of equations and estimated by simultaneous equations models (SEMs) through three-stage least squares (3SLS) estimator presented by (Zellner & Theil, 1962), the result of the study indicates that sectorial growth and fiscal policy have positive relation because tax exemption or reduction generate great impact on sectoral growth. Sectorial growth and exchange rate have a positive relation. The study also indicates that the exchange rate and fiscal policy are negatively related. An increase in government expenditure (spending) shows a decrease in the exchange rate. So the government of developing economies should increase revenues from non-tax sources instead of taxes, an increase in taxes decrease the exchange rate and ultimately increased in the sectoral growth.
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Anikeeva, Natalia. "PRIORITIES OF SPAIN'S FOREIGN POLICY DURING THE SECOND REPUBLIC." Latin-American Historical Almanac 32, no. 1 (April 12, 2021): 108–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-32-1-108-117.
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The article analyzes the priorities of Spanish foreign policy during the Second Republic. It was proclaimed in Spain after the municipal elections. Then King Alphonse XIII was forced to leave the country and announced that he did not give up his rights to the Spanish throne. As for the priorities of foreign policy during the Second Republic, the author states that Spain at that time showed a lack of interest in international problems, as was the case under the dictatorship of General Miguel Primo de Rivera y Orbanehi. On October 14, 1931, the head of the government, Manuel Azaña y Díaz, after the resignation of the Provisional Government of Niceto Alcala Zamora, emphasized that “foreign policy is inherited from regime to regime”. During this period, the European direction became the main one in foreign policy. The fundamental interests of the Spanish state revolved around the classical "axis" of the Mediterranean, Great Britain, France, Italy. In the period from the end of 1935. and until the summer of 1936. the priority of domestic political problems over foreign ones was observed. Since the acuteness of internal tension associated with the Spanish Civil War has made adjustments to the principles proclaimed by the governments of the Second Republic.
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SUONPÄÄ, MIKA. "FINANCIAL SPECULATION, POLITICAL RISKS, AND LEGAL COMPLICATIONS: BRITISH COMMERCIAL DIPLOMACY IN THE BALKANS, c. 1906–1914." Historical Journal 55, no. 1 (February 10, 2012): 97–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000537.
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ABSTRACTBefore 1914, a more intimate relationship started to develop between overseas commercial activity and foreign policy. This occurred as a consequence of the politicization of international business relations that came about when other great powers began increasingly to challenge Britain's global commercial, political, and imperial supremacy. Britain had traditionally followed alaissez-faireline when it came to supporting or protecting British overseas business enterprise. In the mid-1880s, Britain was compelled to review its policy. After this, the British government was prepared to offer limited assistance to British firms, but this often took place only in regions which were significant in terms of overall policy interest, including Turkey, Iran, and China. This article examines British commercial diplomacy in the Balkans, a region which has not received much attention from historians in this framework. British commercial diplomacy there followed the general line of limited intervention and support was offered mostly on legal grounds. Local political troubles and great power politics also played a role in diplomatic decision-making as did negative cultural perceptions, but to a considerably lesser degree. In most cases, the British government refrained from supporting British business enterprise in the Balkans on account of fears about financial speculation.
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Hrubinko, Andrii. "Britain’s Participation in Foreign and Security Policy of The European Union: Review of Russian Historiography." European Historical Studies, no. 6 (2017): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.06.25-47.
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The article analyzes the achievements of Russian historical science in examining of scientific problem of the UK’s participation in the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. The author splits the scientific publications of Russian researchers into three groups: 1) general works on the history of the formation CFSP of the EU; 2) those on the history of the country’s participation in European integration as a separate direction of foreign policy; 3) works specifically investigating the participation of Great Britain in CFSP of the EU. In conclusions, a list of leading research academic and university centers of Russia for the research of this problem is given. The conclusions as well comprise a list of scientific issues which often publish articles on European politics of Great Britain. The critical analysis of the illumination of the proposed topic delivered in the publications of Russian historians is presented. It is noted that the issue of participation the UK in Common Foreign and Security Policy as a relatively new and specific direction of the EU development is a part of the research topics of the Russian historians, however, it hasn’t become a priority and remains insufficiently developed. This is evidenced by the absence of any kind of special publications. The historical experience of participation of the UK in developing and implementing the CFSP of the EU in the Russian historiography was mainly covered in the general context position of the British government in relation to the European integration. In the publications avaluable, the analysis of the theoretical-conceptual basics and strategic approaches of the British government to the foreign policy component of the European integration at different stages of its development remains predominant. The issues of participation of the official London in the specific projects of the EU’s foreign policy are insufficiently explored. The history of the country’s Eastern European policy is barely covered as well. The issues of participation of the Royal Armed Forces in the civil and military missions of the EU and military-technical cooperation states of the Union are unexplored either. The issues touching upon the policy of Gordon Brown’s and David Cameron’s governments on the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy are virtually unexplored.
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Goncharenko, A. V. "GREAT BRITAIN AND COLONIAL CONTRADITIONS IN THE PERIOD OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR 1914-1918 (BACKGROUND IS THE DOCUMENTS OF THE MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE)." Sums'ka Starovyna (Ancient Sumy Land), no. 55 (2019): 46–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/starovyna.2019.55.4.
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The article investigates Britain’s position in colonial contradictions during World War I, based on the use of documents from Russia’s foreign policy department. The causes, course and consequences of the intensification of British politics in the colonial problem are described. The process of formation and implementation of London’s foreign policy initiatives in the colonial issue during the study period is examined. There are analyzed the role of Great Britain in the intensification of the colonial struggle between the great states during the First World War (1914-1918) and its perception by diplomatic representatives of the Russian Empire. During the First World War of 1914-1918, a set of problems and approaches to them were crystallized, which had a serious impact on the colonial contradictions between the great states in general and the position of Great Britain in this problem in particular. There is a considerable contrast between the methods of politics and the aspirations of the leading countries of the world at that time - Japan and Russia - on the one hand, and the United Kingdom and France - on the other. France is increasingly convinced that close co-operation in these matters with London is the only guarantee of the success of its colonialism. In addition, during the First World War, the new industrial states (Germany, Italy, and Japan) sought to capture the colonies for the sake of confirming their new status in the world, and the great colonial powers of the past (Spain, Portugal, the Netherlands) - to hold on to the rest for the sake of preservation of ephemeral international prestige, Russia - to expansion. The largest colonial empires - Great Britain and France were interested in maintaining the status quo. Whitehall’s policy on the colonial issue, at the time, can be traced to a very definite line, confirming the message of Russian diplomats linked to attempts to preserve the situation in their remote possessions and not get involved in conflicts and expensive measures where this can be avoided. In this sense, the British government has shown some flexibility and foresight - the relative weakening of the empire’s military and economic power about of the emergence of new, rapidly developing industrial powers and the achievement of colonies of certain selfsufficiency, made it necessary to revise traditional foreign policy. London was already unable to fully control the situation at sea, as well as to ensure the security of its vast possessions. Therefore, block cooperation with countries with close geopolitical interests comes to the fore, and policy in the colonies is gradually transformed from an expansionist one to a stabilization one aimed at reducing the costs of the metropolis and preventing potential conflicts in strategically important areas. In addition, Britain’s interests in the colonial issue largely coincide with the position of the United States, which also seeks to ensure “open doors” and “equal opportunities” instead of military-political contest. Key words: the Great Britain, First World War, international relationships, foreign policy, colonialism, colonial contradictions.
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Kale, Geetanjali. "A Case Study on Importance of Tourism Policy in Promotion of Tourism with Reference to Maharashtra Tourism Policy." Journal of Advance Research in Business Management and Accounting (ISSN: 2456-3544) 3, no. 5 (May 31, 2017): 01–06. http://dx.doi.org/10.53555/nnbma.v3i5.56.
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Tourism is fast growing industry with creating a billion job opportunities every year. Government is making the tourism policies for the development of the destination, their upkeep and maintenance. Policies implemented well help the tourism industry to achieve the better result. Tourism creates direct and indirect job opportunities and opens the various segments for revenue generation. Foreign exchange is important for any country to make the economy stronger; tourism is one of the service industries which support in economic development. Proper evaluation of the policy after certain period shared with the service provider and proper data management system for the same can help all the tourism support industry to improve on the services to achieve the great tourist satisfaction.
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Smirnova, Galina Evgen'evna. "Russian-speaking community of Great Britain today: stereotypical perception, new realities, and development prospects." Человек и культура, no. 4 (April 2021): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8744.2021.4.36213.
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The subject of this research is the Russian-speaking community of Great Britain in the modern sociocultural context, which is traditionally characterized by distinct national, cultural and social disunity. The object of this research is the Russian world of Great Britain within the framework of modern Russian-British relations and sociocultural context of the country of residence. The attitude towards Russian-speaking immigrants from the former USSR republics was affected by multiple stereotypes. The current changes in foreign policy, deterioration of relations between the two countries, amendments to British legislation, Brexit, on the one hand, while economic cooperation and cultural exchange between the countries on the other hand, influence life of the community, forming a new context of being in a foreign cultural environment. The novelty of this research lies in the attempt to assess the impact of the ongoing social processes upon the image, public perception, and quantitative indicator of the Russian community in Great Britain, which is extremely relevant due to the absence of such data in the research literature. Based on the historical and analytical analysis of media materials, sociological surveys, legislative and diplomatic documents, it becomes evident that the number of Russian-speaking citizens who are ready to make Britain their place of residence has significantly reduced compared to the end of the previous century, and there are no prospects that this number would increase. The lifestyle these people is also undergoing changes due to the introduction of new laws in Great Britain. In the conditions of the overall deterioration of political situation, the contacts in economic and cultural spheres remain unchanged, creating a positive image of Russia in the eyes of the British people, as well as the presence of initiatives to improve cooperation between the two countries.
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Gorfin, Vladislav L., and Alexander M. Rybakov. "RUSSIA’S ROLE IN THE STRUGGLE FOR THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES." Historical Search 2, no. 2 (June 25, 2021): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2021-2-2-5-12.
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In the article the authors show the place of Russia in the struggle for the independence of the United States. They reveal the concept of «military neutrality», its essence and content. They define the basic principles of the world colonial system in the XVIII century, the foundations of interrelation between world powers and their colonies. They identify the priorities and interests for the development of foreign policy relations. They establish causal links between the war of the North American colonies of Great Britain for their independence and the policies of a number of European powers (Russia, Great Britain, France), as well as the consequences to which it led.
The article considers the history of the struggle for independence and the formation of a new state of the United States of America, the development of foreign policy relations. The authors focus on the history of Russian-American relations in the second half of the XVIII century in the political aspect, and emphasize the increasing penetration of Russia’s influence in the scientific and cultural spheres which directly influenced and enriched the two countries. The relations between Russia and the United States and their history are studied. The history of relations between Russia and Great Britain is shown. The authors analyze the history of attempts to involve the Russian Empire in the war on the side of Great Britain, the position of the Russian government and Catherine II, as well as their attitude to these attempts.
The authors give prominence to a number of world political figures and note their personal contribution to the process of struggle for independence and the further development of the United States of America. Unknown moments of their biographies are revealed.
Conclusions are drawn about the role and the place of the leading countries of the period under study in the struggle for freedom and independence of the future superpower.
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Devereux, David R. "State Versus Private Ownership: The Conservative Governments and British Civil Aviation 1951–62." Albion 27, no. 1 (1995): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000018536.
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Studies of post-1945 Britain have often concentrated upon political and foreign policy history and are only just now beginning to address the question of the restructuring of the British economy and domestic policy. Civil aviation, a subject of considerable interest to historians of interwar Britain, has not been given a similar degree of attention in the post-1945 era. Civil aviation policy was, however, given a very high priority by both the 1945-51 Labour government and its Conservative successors. Civil aviation represented part of the effort to return Britain to a peacetime economy by transferring resources from the military into the civil aircraft industry, while at the same time holding for Britain a position of pre-eminence in the postwar expansion of civil flying. As such, aviation was a matter of great interest to reconstruction planners during World War Two, and was an important part of the Attlee government's plans for nationalization.Civil aviation was expected to grow rapidly into a major global economic force, which accounted for the great attention paid it in the 1940s and 1950s. Its importance to Britain in the postwar era lay in the value of air connections to North America, Europe, and the Empire and Commonwealth, and also in the economic importance of Britain's aircraft industry. In a period when the United States was by far the largest producer of commercial aircraft, the task of Labour and Conservative governments was to maintain a viable British position against strong American competition. What is particularly interesting is the wide degree of consensus that existed in both parties on the role the state should play in the maintenance and enhancement of this position.
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Lunev, S. M. "The Image of Great Britain in the Soviet Press in the Context of the Spanish Civil War (1936‒1939)." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 13, no. 1 (April 7, 2021): 196–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2021-13-1-196-222.
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The developments of the Spanish Civil War in 1936–1939, including its international aspects, have been thoroughly studied both in foreign and in Russian historiography. However, the introduction of new research approaches, in this case imagology, allows us to revisit even the well-established views. The paper examines the сreation and subsequent development of the image of Great Britain in the Soviet press in the context of the Spanish Civil War. The research draws on publications in the Soviet ‘Pravda’ and ‘Izvestiya’ newspapers, as well as in the ‘Ogoniok’, ‘Za rubezhom’ and ‘Agitator’s Sputnik’ magazines. The study reveales a rather ambiguous position of the Soviet press in relation to the British policy in Spain. Several topics played a key role in creating the image of the ‘Foggy Albion’ in the Soviet press. The leitmotif of publications of the Soviet journalists was the image of the empire in decline. In this regard, the Soviet press emphasized the acquiescence of the British government faced with aggressive actions from Francoists backed by Germany and Italy, as well as its inability to protect national interests of its own state. Parallel to this, the image of Great Britain as a split society was created. The Soviet journalists stressed that passivity of the government caused mounting criticism from both political left and right. At the same time, they praised the work of the civil society and volunteers in support of the republic. Finally, the Soviet media bashed London for its gradual drift from non-intervention towards appeasement and even direct inducement of aggressors. The author concludes that the image of Great Britain created in the Soviet press was intended to convince the Soviet public opinion in the fallacy of the British policy. In the face of an impending global war, London was portrayed as an unreliable ally, prone to concessions to aggressors.
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Dumbuya, Ibrahim, Adam Sheka Kanu, and Chukwunonso Onyeibo Ositanwosu. "Gross Domestic Product Growth, Money Growth Exchange Rate and Inflation in Sierra Leone." Journal on Innovation and Sustainability. RISUS ISSN 2179-3565 7, no. 2 (August 21, 2016): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.24212/2179-3565.2016v7i2p72-81.
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GDP growth, money growth, exchange rate and inflation play critical role in the macroeconomic stability of an economy and have a direct effect on policy making process. This paper examines the relationship between exchange rate, GDP growth, money growth and inflation in Sierra Leone from 1980 to 2013 using descriptive statistics and regression methods for the data obtained from the world development indicators (WDI) data base. Inflation was the dependent variable while its potential macro elements were explanatory variables. The correlation result revealed that, there is an absence of multicollinearity among the variables in the model. The result of the long-run co-integrating relationship in the model shows that GDP growth has significant negative effect on inflation in Sierra Leone whereas exchange rate, foreign price level and money supply growth have a positive effect. Given the implication of these macroeconomic indicators, it is imperative on government to ensure that the liquidity specifications be broaden in order to incorporate foreign currency deposits held at commercial banks so as to establish efficient control over money supply. This study would be of great value to policy makers in facilitating macroeconomic stability.
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Redvaldsen, David. "The Role of Britain in Late Modern Norwegian History: A Longitudinal Study." Britain and the World 9, no. 1 (March 2016): 10–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2016.0212.
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Concentrating on the strength of the mutual relationship, this article examines crucial periods in Anglo-Norwegian history since 1814. In the November Treaty (1855) Britain and France guaranteed the Swedish-Norwegian union's territory against Russian encroachment. Britain was not supportive of Norwegian independence in 1905, though she had wanted better terms for Norway within the union. From a Norwegian perspective, Britain was the most important signatory to the Integrity Treaty (1907) whereby the great powers guaranteed her territory. Due to her neutrality Norway could not openly support Britain, but many events prior to 1940 showed that she oriented her foreign policy primarily towards London. The German invasion and Norway's subsequent entry into the Second World War on the side of the Allies, fostered much warmer Anglo-Norwegian relations. These were cemented by the creation of NATO in 1949, in which both nations participated. In the 1950s even British officials occasionally described the ties as a ‘special relationship’. In that decade and in the 1960s, Britain preferred to work with the Scandinavian nations in multilateral organizations such as UNISCAN and EFTA. In 1973, however, Britain entered the EEC, whereas the Norwegian people had voted to reject the membership their government was recommending. The great power's interests shifted away from Scandinavia towards mainland Europe. Consequently, relations with Norway became more distant. Norway's second stalled bid to enter the EU in 1994 underlined that the two countries have drifted apart. The article nevertheless argues that Britain was Norway's lodestar between 1905 and 1973.
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Seyer, Sean. "Walking the Line – The International Origins of Civil Aviation Regulation in Canada." Scientia Canadensis 38, no. 2 (November 14, 2016): 79–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1037948ar.
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This paper explores how international considerations shaped the Air Regulations of 1920, the first regulation of civil aviation in Canada. After the First World War Allied representatives drafted the Convention Relating to the Regulation of Aerial Navigation to both constrain the revolutionary potential of heavier-than-air flight and foster international civil aviation. The Borden government considered aviation regulation a domestic matter rather than an imperial one and recognized that Canada’s geographic position necessitated regulatory coordination with the United States. In response, it crafted a postwar aeronautical policy that allowed for regulatory compatibility with the convention, facilitated cross-border flight with the United States, and promoted a more independent foreign policy. Thus Canada’s postwar regulation of the airplane represents an important element in its larger twentieth-century realignment away from Great Britain and towards the United States.
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Biletska, G., N. Кovtunovych, and N. Shkurenko. "Foreign experience of providing communication in state agencies." Legal horizons, no. 23 (2020): 102–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/legalhorizons.2020.i23.p102.
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The article is devoted to practical aspects of implementation of communication strategies by the state agencies of foreign countries. The emphasized that current globalization processes in the information area, which take place in the international arena, actualize the introduction of effective communications, which play an important role in the internal and external interaction of state agencies with the public. In the article was emphasized that in order to systematically and clearly cover the activities of state agencies, as well as the objective perception and understanding of the population of the processes implemented in the field of public policy, informing the public about planned government initiatives, communication strategies are actively implemented. Also noted that in the countries of the European Union (hereinafter – the EU) communications are considered by the national institutions as a tool for foreign and security policy, international cooperation in the format of strategic partnership with a leading international target audience and regional cooperation with European countries. The authors determined the main tasks of realization of external and internal communications of state institutions. In particular, the ways of realization of communications by the state agencies in Norway, Great Britain and Estonia. The preference of modern advanced information communications in ensuring the interaction of state agencies and the public are outlined. As today society exists in the world of global communication, which includes not only traditional media, periodicals or television, but also social networks, information and communication interaction is becoming more important. Most foreign countries use popular social networks, such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, YouTube and others. It is concluded that the establishment of comprehensive, clear and strategic communication of state authorities of Ukraine with the international and national community, taking into account foreign experience and basic principles of government communication, is important for building a democratic state.
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Apryshchenko, V. Yu, and N. A. Lagoshina. "Features of State Institutions of Ireland of XVIII Century." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 6 (June 29, 2020): 386–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-6-386-400.
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The expansion of Great Britain in the 18th century greatly strengthened its influence both on the European continent and throughout the world. The nearby existence of Catholic Ireland, which had developed trade and socio-political ties with European countries, threatened the national security of Great Britain and determined the religious orientation of restrictive politics. In the first half of the 18th century, political, economic and religious struggles both within Ireland and between the British and Irish led to the fact that Ireland actually turned into an English colony. There are still disputes among foreign scholars about the status of Ireland in the 18th century, since the powers of the parliament in Dublin were limited, and most of the country's population did not have civil and political rights. Nevertheless, in the 1760s, the Irish parliament implemented a number of bills in the field of social policy and local self-government, which indicates the significant independence of this legislative body. The legal status of the Irish state in the 18th century, its powers are compared with some widespread definitions of the term state are examined in the article.
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Tan, Lan, Yifan Xu, and Alemayehu Gashaw. "Influence of Exchange Rate on Foreign Direct Investment Inflows: An Empirical Analysis Based on Co-Integration and Granger Causality Test." Mathematical Problems in Engineering 2021 (November 28, 2021): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2021/7280879.
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Although it is widely recognized that Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflows have a dominant effect on economic growth of host countries, the determinants of FDI inflows are still unclear. Especially, about the effect of exchange rate on FDI inflow, the results reached by scholars vary across countries or regions. It is of great practical and theoretical significance to explore the influencing effects of exchange rate on FDI inflow and identify the mechanisms that underlie them in close association with regional economic characters so as to help local government implement targeted government policies to achieve sustainable FDI inflow and sustainable economic growth. For this purpose, the influencing effects and the influencing mechanisms of the exchange rate on FDI inflows are investigated for Zhejiang province, China, over 1985–2019 by employing the co-integration tests, vector error correction models, Granger causality tests, and impulse response tests. Empirical results indicate that there are long-term stable and unidirectional causal relationship between the exchange rate and FDI inflow. Continuous appreciation of RMB against USD discourages FDI inflow. The mechanism which underlies the long-term relationship is the wealth effect, rather than the cost effect or the demand effect. By contrast, in the short run, neither the exchange rate nor the three influencing mechanism has a significant impact on FDI inflow. These results suggest policy recommendations for improving FDI by accumulating human capital and improving infrastructure. These findings are also applicable for other countries or regions with similar economic characters.
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Groubinko, A. V. "The Role of Great Britain in Forming of EU’s Foreign and Security Policy in the Context of Leading Theories of Eurointegration." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(40) (February 28, 2015): 18–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-1-40-18-28.
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In the article on the basis of the original chart of the theoretical conceptual system of Eurointegration's development offered by an author base principles of Great Britain's participation in common foreign and security policy (CFSP) of the European Union are examined. The country’s role in the processes of forming EU's CFSP is determined in the context of leading theories of Eurointegration. The evolution of British government's policy participation in the system of political co-operation in the European Union, character of its influence on the processes of Eurointegration in the sphere of foreign and security policies are analysed. CFSP as a specific sphere of co-operation of the EU's states fully represents conceptual dichotomy of European Union essence at level «intergovernmental - supranational». CFSP is the segment of the EU's legal reality which is historically based on intergovernmental co-operation, and in modern terms characterized by the expressed elements of funcional supranational institucialisation and insignificant strengthening of federalism. Great Britain conceptual approaches to forming EU's CFSP lie traditions of pragmatical and functional realistic approach with the elements of federalist co-operation, externalism and minimum of institucialism. For activity of British governments is inherent pistorical heredity of participating in political integration within the framework of Common Europe. It's mean a successive policy of inhibition federalist supranational tendencies, propagandas of the evolutional going to development of integration processes and it distribution on new spheres. Such approaches are correspond to the model of selective-sectoral integration or «Europe a la carte» ofThatcherist standards, which in the process of realization under influence of objective (mainly external) factors evolved to practical embodiment of such more soft models of flexible integration, as «multi-speed integration» and «Europe of variable geometries». The noted approaches to CFSP allow government on the different historical stages to have retentive or stimulant influence on the integrational processes.
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POKATAIEVA, Olha V., Lesia A. SAVCHENKO, Oleksandr M. BUKHANEVYCH, Anton O. MONAIENKO, and Olga P. GETMANETS. "Instruments of Financial Legal Policy in the Countries of the European Union." Journal of Advanced Research in Law and Economics 11, no. 4 (June 15, 2020): 1313. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505/jarle.v11.4(50).28.
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For the purpose of a more detailed analysis of the features of administrative regulation of fiscal policy, it is necessary to consider examples of fiscal regulation of business processes in individual foreign countries, as well as features of fiscal policy in the EU. For several decades in a row, the G7 countries – Great Britain, Italy, Germany, Canada, the USA, France, and Japan - determine world economic policy. Despite the periodic global economic crises, they are among the first to overcome their consequences and maintain a leading position in the global business environment. This happens due to a balanced fiscal regulation policy. Among their common features is that part of the GDP that they accumulate through leverage of fiscal regulation has a steady tendency for growth. Thus, over the past 40 years in France, this share has grown by 10.1%, and in Canada - by 10.9%. The paper shows that the theoretical basis of modern fiscal regulation in these countries is neo-conservatism, the basis of which is the importance of direct impact on production through targeted and large-scale tax cuts. The authors show that fiscal regulation in this case provides incentives for conservation and investment. Another important element is the reduction of government spending, mainly due to the implementation of targeted government programs. However, despite several common features, each country has certain features in the administrative and legal regulation of fiscal policy. The relevance of the study is determined by the fact that it is necessary to investigate these features in more detail through the lens the historical development of the administrative and legal regulation of fiscal policy in foreign countries.
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Sadykova, L. R. "German Policy Towards Muslim Communities." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(39) (December 28, 2014): 174–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-6-39-174-181.
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The past two-three decades can be characterized by the period of global migration and sharp jump of migratory streams is connected with globalization and with the economic factor, generating labor movement behind resources from Third World countries to the countries with deficiency of labor. The desire to receive comfort life becomes the major reason, and the migrant makes the decision being guided by private interest more often instead of external factors. Western Europe became one of the most important center of gravity of migrants. During the post-war period the need of Europe in foreign labor for restoration of the economy destroyed by war, laid the foundation of mass international migration to this region. Globalization of migratory streams, penetration of foreign culture groups into structure of accepting society and prevalence of multicultural, multiethnic societies are important characteristics of a modern era. Western Europe became one of the most important centers of gravity of migrants. During the post-war period, the need of Europe in foreign labor for restoration of the economy destroyed by war laid the foundation of mass international migration to this region. Special relevance the problem of reception of immigrants, in particular from the Muslim countries, got for the former colonial powers, in particular Great Britain, France, and the Netherlands. Germany also faced this problem; migrants workers from other countries were required for the post-war restoration. Now Germany still is one of the main centers of an attraction of migrants, and concentration of them in this country annually increases. Despite the steps taken by the German government on elimination of Muslim isolation in the German society, its efforts did not bear fruits so far. The majority of Muslims live their life and are still torn off from high life of the country. A possible threat of destruction of the German community appeared when the various ethnic groups appeared in the country.
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Corráin, Daithí Ó. "The pope’s man in London: Anglo-Vatican relations, the nuncio question and Irish concerns, 1938-82." British Catholic History 35, no. 1 (April 8, 2020): 55–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2020.3.
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Although a British mission to the Holy See was established in 1914, the diplomatic relationship was not on a basis of reciprocity. From 1938 the pope was represented in London not by a nuncio (the Vatican equivalent of an ambassador) but by an apostolic delegate whose mission was to the hierarchy alone and not the British government. The evolution of the nuncio question sheds light on the nature of Anglo-Vatican relations, the place of Catholicism in British public life, inter-church rapprochement and British foreign policy considerations. This article assesses the divergent positions of the Foreign and Home Offices. The former was sympathetic to a change of status, whereas the latter was cautious due to the opposition of the archbishop of Canterbury and concerns about anti-Catholicism. The nuncio question was also of great interest to the Irish government. It feared that a nuncio in London would exert jurisdiction over Northern Ireland and undermine the all-island unity of the Irish Catholic Church. The Northern Ireland Troubles and the support displayed by the apostolic delegate for British policy hastened the restoration of full ambassadorial relations between London and the Holy See in 1982, ending a diplomatic breach that had existed for more than four centuries. It paved the way for Pope John Paul II’s historic pastoral visit to Britain which helped to consolidate the position of Roman Catholicism in British national life.
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Young, John W. "Churchill's ‘No’ to Europe: The ‘Rejection’ of European Union by Churchill's Post-War Government, 1951–1952." Historical Journal 28, no. 4 (December 1985): 923–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00005136.
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There are several points in post-war history at which, it is argued, Britain lost an early opportunity to enter the European community. The refusals to join the Schuman Plan and Messina deliberations in the 1950s, and the failure of the E.E.C. applications of Macmillan and Wilson, are most commonly mentioned. But some commentators have pointed to another ‘missed opportunity’, following Winston Churchill's return to Downing Street in October 1951. For, in opposition, Churchill had seemed a great exponent of European unity, and several of his ministers – foremost among them the home secretary, Maxwell Fyfe, and housing minister, Harold Macmillan – had shown great enthusiasm for his ideas. Hopes that Churchill's government would favour a more positive approach to European unification were quickly disappointed, however: within weeks the foreign secretary, Anthony Eden, had ruled out any direct British role in Europe's emerging ‘supranational’ institutions, and in 1952 he defeated some determined efforts by Macmillan to change his policy. The ‘pro-Europeans’ did not forget this ‘betrayal’, however. They argued that a real opportunity to take the leadership of Europe had been lost and in the ensuing years, as Britain's failure to join the European community became more generally criticized, their thesis seemed credible. An examination of the evidence, however, allows a very different picture of this ‘missed opportunity’ to be painted.
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Goncharenko, A. V., and T. O. Safonova. "Great Britain and the tvolution of the colonial system (end 19th – beginning 20th centuries)." SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, no. 35 (2020): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2020.i35.p.60.
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The article investigates the impact of Great Britain on the evolution of colonialism in the late ХІХ and early ХХ centuries. It is analyzed the sources and scientific literature on the policy of the United Kingdom in the colonial question in the late ХІХ – early ХХ century. The reasons, course and consequences of the intensification of British policy in the colonial problem are described. The process of formation and implementation of London’s initiatives in the colonial question during the period under study is studied. It is considered the position of Great Britain on the transformation of the colonial system in the late XIX – early XX centuries. The resettlement activity of the British and the peculiarities of their mentality, based on the idea of racial superiority and the new national messianism, led to the formation of developed resettlement colonies. The war for the independence of the North American colonies led to the formation of a new state on their territory, and the rest of the “white” colonies of Great Britain had at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries had to build a new policy of relations, taking into account the influence of the United States on them, and the general decline of economic and military-strategic influence of Britain in the world, and the militarization of other leading countries. As a result, a commonwealth is formed instead of an empire. With regard to other dependent territories, there is also a change in policy towards the liberalization of colonial rule and concessions to local elites. In the late ХІХ – early ХІХ centuries the newly industrialized powers (Germany, Italy, and Japan) sought to seize the colonies to reaffirm their new status in the world, the great colonial powers of the past (Spain, Portugal, and the Netherlands) sought to retain what remained to preserve their international prestige, and Russia sought to expand. The largest colonial empires, Great Britain and France, were interested in maintaining the status quo. In the colonial policy of the United Kingdom, it is possible to trace a certain line related to attempts to preserve the situation in their remote possessions and not to get involved in conflicts and costly measures where this can be avoided. In this sense, the British government showed some flexibility and foresight – the relative weakening of the military and economic power of the empire due to the emergence of new states, as well as the achievement of certain self-sufficiency, made it necessary to reconsider traditional foreign policy. Colonies are increasingly no longer seen as personal acquisitions of states, and policy toward these territories is increasingly seen as a common deal of the international community and even its moral duty. The key role here was to be played by Great Britain, which was one of the first to form the foundations of a “neocolonial” system that presupposes a solidarity policy of Western countries towards the rest of the world under the auspices of London. Colonial system in the late ХІХ – early ХІХ century underwent a major transformation, which was associated with a set of factors, the main of which were – the emergence of new industrial powers on the world stage, the internal evolution of the British Empire, changes in world trade, the emergence of new weapons, general growth of national and religious identity and related with this contradiction. The fact that the First World War did not solve many problems, such as Japanese expansionism or British marinism, and caused new ones, primarily such as the Bolshevik coup in Russia and the coming to power of the National Socialists in Germany, the implementation of the above trends stretched to later moments.
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O’Mara, Margaret. "The Uses of the Foreign Student." Social Science History 36, no. 4 (2012): 583–615. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001049x.
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The rise of the global university is often associated with the concomitant wave of late twentieth-century neoliberalism and privatization and correlated with universities embracing “corporate” models of governance. However, it is a phenomenon with roots in the earliest years of the Cold War that emerged out of a set of institutions and policies with diplomatic rather than explicitly economic aims. Notable among these were the programs aimed at bringing foreign students and scholars to the United States and exporting American-style educational experiences abroad. While only a fraction of these foreign visitors had the US government as their primary financial sponsor, they as a class became the object onto which political values of a particular era were projected, from the postwar internationalism of the Truman years to the Great Society liberalism of Lyndon B. Johnson to the free market ethos of Richard M. Nixon and Ronald Reagan. The decentralized and privatized means by which policy makers administered these measures obscured the degree to which they influenced the shape of the higher education system and their wider impacts on the American economy and society. This article explores international educational exchange as a critical element of American universities’ evolving public identity during the Cold War and post–Cold War periods and as an example of the governmental use of the university as an agent of state power and as a tool of political ideology.
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Tsokhas, Kosmas. "Dedominionization: the Anglo-Australian experience, 1939–1945." Historical Journal 37, no. 4 (December 1994): 861–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015120.
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ABSTRACTThe role of decolonization in the decline of the British empire has received a great deal of attention. In comparison there has been little research or analysis of the process of dedominionization affecting Australia and the other dominions. During the Second World War economic ties were seriously weakened and there were substantial conflicts over economic policy between the British and Australian governments. Australia refused to reduce imports in order to conserve foreign exchange, thus contributing to the United Kingdom's debt burden. The Australian government insisted that the British guarantee Australia's sterling balances and refused to adopt the stringent fiscal policies requested by the Bank of England and the British treasury. Australia also took the opportunity to expand domestic manufacturing industry at the expense of British manufacturers. Economic separation and conflict were complemented by political and strategic differences. In particular, the Australian government realized that British military priorities made it impossible for the United Kingdom to defend Australia. This led the Australians towards a policy of cooperating with the British embargo on Japan, only to the extent that this would be unlikely to provoke Japanese military retaliation. In general, the Australians preferred a policy of compromise in the Far East to one of deterrence preferred by the British.
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Demeshchuk, Аnatolii. "Relations of the Republic of Croatia with EU Countries (1992-1999)." European Historical Studies, no. 12 (2019): 6–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.12.6-27.
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This article considers a development and peculiar properties of relations of the Republic of Croatia with European Union countries from the moment of this state’s international recognition on 15 January 1992 to the first Croatian president Franjo Tudjman’s death on 10 December 1999. The main attention is paid to those Western European countries, that played the most significant role in dealing with the crisis on the territory of former Yugoslavia and that had the most crucial place in Zagreb’s foreign policy during the first decade of Croatian independence: Federal Republic of Germany, Austria, France, Great Britain, Italy, Sweden and Vatican (however, the two last are not EU members). The attitude of these countries towards Croatia’s diplomatic goals during 1990ies and the dynamics of their relations with Croatian government, that weren’t constant, are analyzed in this article. The special attention is focused on the reasons of firm German and Austrian support for Croatia at the very beginning of its independence and their significant humanitarian aid for Croats during the war. From the other hand, there are explained reasons of skeptical and cold French and British position on Croatian question and the role of the history in Italian-Croatian relations after 1990. And, of course, Croatian problems and real obstacles in relations with Western European countries and with prospective of European integration during the presidency of Franjo Tudjman (that were really pessimistic) are also considered in this article. The newest researches of Croatian and other foreign authors on Croatian foreign policy in 1990ies were used for preparing this small research, as well as materials of foreign media, mostly Western and Croatian.
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JOHNSON, GAYNOR. "BRITISH POLICY TOWARDS EUROPE, 1919–1939 Neville Chamberlain and appeasement. By R. Caputi. London: Susquehanna University Press, 2000. Pp. 271. ISBN 1-57591-027-6. £35.00. The Paris Peace Conference, 1919: peace without victory? Edited by M. Dockrill and J. Fisher. Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2001. Pp. xvi+97. ISBN 0-333-77630-5. £40.00. British foreign policy, 1919–1939. By P. W. Doerr. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998. Pp. xi+291. ISBN 0-7190-4672-6. £14.99. Neville Chamberlain. By D. Dutton. London: Edward Arnold, 2001. Pp. xii+245. ISBN 0-340-70627-9. £12.99. Austen Chamberlain and the commitment to Europe: British foreign policy, 1924–1929. By R. S. Grayson. London: Frank Cass, 1997. Pp. xviii+318. ISBN 0-7146-4758-6. £37.50. Lloyd George and the lost peace: from Versailles to Hitler, 1919–1940. By A. Lentin. Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2001. Pp. xvii+182. ISBN 0-333-91961-0. £40.00. Peacemakers: the Paris Conference of 1919 and its attempt to end war. By M. Macmillan. London: John Murray, 2001. Pp. xii+574. ISBN 0-7195-5939-1. £25.00. ‘The Times’ and appeasement: the journals of A. L. Kennedy, 1932–1939. Edited by G. Martel. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Royal Historical Society, Camden Fifth Series. Pp. xvii+312. ISBN 0-521-79354-8. £40.00. Britain and the Ruhr crisis. By E. Y. O'Riordan. London: Palgrave, 2001. Pp. x+237. ISBN 0-333-76483-8. £40.00. The Neville Chamberlain diary letters,I: The making of a politician, 1915–1920. Edited by R. Self. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000. Pp. ix+423. ISBN 1-84014-691-5. £75.00. The Neville Chamberlain diary letters, II: The reform years, 1921–1927. Edited by R. Self. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000. Pp. x+461. ISBN 1-84014-692-3. £75.00." Historical Journal 46, no. 2 (June 2003): 479–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x03003042.
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In the last eighty years, an enormous amount of scholarly attention has been devoted to explaining why Europe was at the centre of two cataclysmic conflicts in the first half of the twentieth century. The books considered here represent part of a resurgence of interest in British foreign policy in the interwar period and are primarily concerned with the policy of reconciliation towards the former Central Powers after the First World War, especially the appeasement of Germany. They offer a further opportunity to challenge the still-held misapprehension that appeasement was a strand of British policy that only appeared after Hitler's rise to power. They also offer a means of examining British foreign policy through sources inside and outside the government. Gordon Martel's volume illustrates the amount of journalistic pressure that was put on the British government to recognize and act on the likely threats to international peace. Austen and Neville Chamberlain, the sons of the great nineteenth-century Conservative politician, Joseph Chamberlain, were at the centre of the British foreign policy making process during the interwar period. Indeed, Robert Self's two volumes of letters written by Neville Chamberlain to his sisters illustrate how steeped in foreign and domestic politics the whole Chamberlain family was. Richard Grayson sees a long, unbroken attempt to accommodate Germany diplomatically starting with Austen Chamberlain and the treaty of Locarno. The importance of Neville Chamberlain's contribution to the history of British foreign policy is offered further recognition through surveys of the historiography of his premiership by David Dutton and Robert Caputi.
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ČOVIĆ, PAULINA. "FOREIGN STUDENTS AT THE UNIVERSITY OF BELGRADE AND THEIR INTEREST IN THE HISTORY OF SOUTH SLAVS (1923–1941)." ISTRAŽIVANJA, Јournal of Historical Researches, no. 30 (December 25, 2019): 197–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2019.30.197-216.
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The paper examines the schooling of foreign students, holders of the scholarships awarded by the Ministry of Education of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia, at the University of Belgrade between the two World Wars. The first competitions were opened mid 1920s, with those countries which aided the schooling of Yugoslav students at their respective universities being eligible to apply. During the 1930s student exchange continued, in an apparently more extensive and organized manner, only to be extended at the end of the period under review to include countries with which the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, in accordance with the change of foreign policy orientation, established close political and economic relations. Thus, in the beginning, students from France, Great Britain, Czechoslovakia and Poland came to study in Belgrade, whereas, during the years before World War II, students also came from Turkey, Germany and Italy. Scholarship holders most often worked on developing their knowledge of Serbo-Croatian-Slovenian, studied literature and Yugoslav culture in general. Many of them chose to study history, whether as part of their undergraduate or specialist studies. They are the particular focus of this study. The paper is based on unpublished archival sources, periodicals and relevant historiographic literature.
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Syaifuddin, Selamet. "MEMBACA KILAS REGULASI PEREKONOMIAN DI INDONESIA DAN MENAKAR PERAN PERBANKAN SYARIAH." BISNIS : Jurnal Bisnis dan Manajemen Islam 6, no. 1 (September 8, 2018): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/bisnis.v6i1.3697.
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<p>The New Order era was a time of great economic decline. Faced with the problem, the New Order government took a strategic and pragmatic step, namely with the development of the economy oriented abroad. This orientation is intended for foreign investors to enter and invest their shares in Indonesia. This policy has had a positive impact on Indonesia's economic development with the entry of foreign investors to Indonesia, especially Japan and Europe. The declining Indonesian economy, the legacy of the Old Order can be overcome. Such an overseas-oriented development strategy is supported by the surge in oil prices in the international market or known as the oil and gas boom era in the period 1973-1982.<br />It is no exaggeration if the factors: foreign aid and foreign exchange from oil and gas (oil and gas) are two of the most supportive factors in overcoming the Indonesian economy. These two factors contribute the most to national development funds. However, dependence on foreign aid as a source of development funds can no longer be a major backdrop in line with the world economic recession that occurred in the early 1980s. Of course, the world economic recession has had a huge impact on Indonesia's donor countries. The deteriorating economic condition of those affected by aid funds is being donated to recipient countries, including Indonesia</p>
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Hikmah, Dzakiyah Adalatul, Andika Maulana, and Arimurti Kriswibowo. "Public Private People Partnership as Tourism Development Strategy for Kepulauan Bawean." JURNAL GOVERNANSI 6, no. 1 (April 13, 2020): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.30997/jgs.v6i1.2651.
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Indonesia has great potentials in the field of tourism. The cumulative data of the Central Statistics Agency in January-August 2019 indicated that the number of foreign tourist visits to Indonesia reached 10.87 million visits or up 2.67 percent compared with the number of foreign tourists visiting the same period in 2018, which amounted to 10.58 million visits. These data indicate that the number of tourists continues to increase and will impact on foreign exchange income both central and regional. However, in reality, tourism potentials in the regional scope lack the spotlight for the central government, and the local government has not been able to manage it. Kepulauan Bawean saves a lot of variety of maritime tourism charm and has an amazing underwater ecological wealth in the form of a group of islands, each of which has its uniqueness. Kepulauan Bawean lies 80 miles from the mainland of Gresik Regency. The purpose of this research is to recommend a strategy for developing tourism model through public-private-people partnerships (4Ps) for Kepulauan Bawean, Gresik Regency. The method used in this research is qualitative descriptive with data collection techniques through interviews and literature review. The results of this research provide a conceptual description of 4Ps and 4Ps implementation steps for Kepulauan Bawean by using the analysis of the application of three-flow theory in the agenda setting consisting of problem stream, policy stream, and political stream. The concept of public-private-people partnership is very suitable to be applied because it involves government, private and community actors to be partner as a tourism development strategy for Kepulauan Bawean.Key words: Kepulauan Bawean, Public-Private-People Partnership, Tourism, Public Service.
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Zueva, Anna S. "FOREIGN EXPERIENCE IN ASSESSING THE EFFECTIVENESS OF TAX INCENTIVES FOR R&D." Scientific Review. Series 1. Economics and Law, no. 6 (2021): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.26653/2076-4650-2021-6-04.
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The article describes the applied measures of tax incentives for scientific, development and innovation activities on the example of foreign countries: Great Britain, Finland, New Zealand, Mexico, Latvia, etc. A generalized analysis of the effectiveness of tax incentives for R&D provided to large companies and small and medium-sized businesses is given. On the example of the legislation of Ireland, the study of the categorical apparatus is carried out. The role of the International Monetary Fund and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development in the study of tax incentives for R&D is determined. The work is based on the application of general scientific and private scientific methods: statistical, comparative legal, historical, etc. A comparative analysis of direct government financing and tax support of R&D for business is provided. Several methods of evaluating the effectiveness of stimulating research and development are considered. Conclusions are drawn about the key global patterns in the field of assessing the effectiveness of tax incentives for R&D. In conclusion, the author notes that depending on the size of the economy and the level of its development, governments of different countries choose different types and sizes of tax instruments within the framework of fiscal policy. There is also a lack of unity in the methodology for calculating the impact of the proposed benefits on the growth rate of R&D financing.
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Gupta, Sonika. "Frontiers in Flux: Indo-Tibetan Border: 1946–1948." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 77, no. 1 (February 10, 2021): 42–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928420983095.
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On the eve of Indian Independence, as Britain prepared to devolve the Crown’s treaties with Tibet to the Indian government, the Tibetan government was debating its future treaty relationship with India under the 1914 Simla Convention and associated Indo-Tibetan Trade Regulations. Soon after Indian independence, Tibetan government made an expansive demand for return of Tibetan territory along the McMahon Line and beyond. This led to a long diplomatic exchange between Lhasa, New Delhi and London as India deliberated its response to the Tibetan demand. This article decodes the voluminous correspondence between February 1947 and January 1948 that flowed between the British/Indian Mission in Lhasa, the Political Officer in Sikkim, External Affairs Ministry in Delhi and the Foreign Office in London, on the Simla Convention and the ensuing Tibetan territorial demand. Housed at the National Archives in New Delhi, this declassified confidential communication provides crucial context for newly independent Indian state’s relationship with Tibet. It also reveals the intricacies of Tibetan elite politics that affected decision-making in Lhasa translating to a fragmented and often contradictory policy in forging its new relationship with India. Most importantly, this Tibetan territorial demand undermined the diplomatic efficacy of Tibet’s 1947 Trade Mission to India entangling its outcome with the resolution of this issue. This was a lost opportunity for both India and Tibet in building an agreement on the frontier which worked to their mutual disadvantage in the future.
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Abdullah, Ragimun, Haula Rosdiana, and Milla Sepliana Setyowati. "Strengthening of the Coal-Gasification Industry: Evidence from Indonesia." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 13, no. 5(J) (November 9, 2021): 55–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v13i5(j).3221.
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The purpose of this research is to analyze Indonesia's coal-gasification industry policy. This research needs to map the undeveloped coal-gasification industry. In fact, the coal-gasification industry can increase the economic value of coal, increase local income, absorb the labor force, and reduce pollution. It also has some strategic roles in national fiscal revenue and foreign exchange reserves and is of great significance to regional development. The research methods used are quantitative and qualitative. The results of this study indicate that government needs to provide some financial incentives for the coal-gasification industries, especially for pioneer companies for having coal-gasification works, and ensure that policies taken will be able to encourage economic growth and investment in Indonesia’s coal-gasification industry. To support investment in the coal-gasification industry, it is necessary to formulate policies and rules to provide a sign for its implementation.
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Trunov, Philipp. "Germany’s security and defense policy : transformation in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 1 (2022): 254–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.01.10.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has created significant obstacles to the implementation of national foreign policies, including the reduction of the resource base. This article analyzes the schemes and forms of government activities that can reduce the negative impact of the pandemic factor. The object of the study is the Federal Republic of Germany, which is currently at a turning point in its development: the end of A. Merkel’s «era» (autumn 2021) is accompanied by a large number of unresolved foreign policy tasks that prevent Germany from establishing itself as a world power. The article provides a detailed overview of these tasks and the ongoing efforts to solve them, presented on a problem-geographic principle. Issues related to the restart of relations between Germany and the United States under the Biden administration, the FRG’s involvement in building up the political and military potential of the EU, as well as the dynamics and nature of the FRG’s dialogue with the leading European NATO member states – Great Britain, Italy and especially France – are analyzed in the context of the ongoing pandemic crisis. Particular attention is paid to the problems associated with deepening cooperation within the framework of the German-French tandem. The paper also explores the difficulties that have appeared during the pandemic and new opportunities for expanding the political and military presence of Germany in Libya, «G5 Sahel» countries, Syria and Iraq. The consequences that a decision of the United States to carry out the «deal» with the Afghan Taliban may have for Germany are analyzed. The FRG’s attempts to strengthen its positions in the post-Soviet space and the Far East are presented in the context of deteriorating relations with the Russian Federation and China. In conclusion, an assessment of Germany’s activity in the sphere of security and defense during the first year of the pandemic is given.
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Bazylchuk, V. B. "Сomparative analysis of the development of students' rukhovoyi activity using sports games in foreign institutions of higher education." Scientific Journal of National Pedagogical Dragomanov University. Series 15. Scientific and pedagogical problems of physical culture (physical culture and sports), no. 7(152) (July 30, 2022): 20–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31392/npu-nc.series15.2022.7(152).05.
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The article analyzes the foreign experience of physical education classes in higher education institutions, conducted by domestic and foreign experts. The physical culture experience of work in establishments of Germany, Belgium, Great Britain, England is analyzed. It was found that in Germany the main incentive for physical education is the promotion of a healthy lifestyle, in particular through the reduction of the effects of daily stress, mental stress and the negative impact of the environment; in Belgium, student sports unions have a significant influence.
It was found that the university committee on sports and the relevant department of the student council are responsible for the organization, coordination and conduct of physical education classes; in the UK, the attitude to the process of physical education largely depends on government policy, strategic plans, and university development strategy, one of the motives for classes is the dependence of the student's academic performance rating on active participation in university sports activities.
The analysis of the organization of physical education classes in Polish educational institutions is carried out. Casimir the Great University in Bydgoszcz, which established the School of Physical Education and Sports, which is an organizational unit of didactic and sports nature to implement the tasks of physical culture and sports in the academic environment of the university. At the University of Wroclaw, special attention is paid to the development of motor activity of students by means of sports games in the educational environment. Classes are held in sports sections of aerobics, badminton, sports bridge, karate, korfball, basketball, athletics, skiing and snowboarding, football, handball, swimming, volleyball, chess, tennis, table tennis, floorball, rowing and rowing.
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Alabdullah, Tariq Tawfeeq Yousif. "The relationship between ownership structure and firm financial performance." Benchmarking: An International Journal 25, no. 1 (February 5, 2018): 319–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/bij-04-2016-0051.
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Purpose Previous studies that dealt with corporate governance have witnessed gradually significant growth that created some new trends. The purpose of this paper is to be involved in such trends through examining the link between ownership structure as one of the important corporate governance mechanisms and firm performance in Jordan as one of emerging economies. Design/methodology/approach The current study used the multiple regression method to analyze available data for non-financial firms listed in the Amman Stock Exchange for the fiscal year 2012. Findings The findings revealed that managerial ownership has a positive impact on performance. On the other hand, the findings surprisingly showed no evidence to support the impact of foreign ownership on performance. Moreover, there is a significant evidence to support the fact that company size has no impact on firm performance. The findings also revealed that industry type has no impact on firm performance. Practical implications The practical implications of the current study demonstrated that good corporate governance is imperative to all organizations and must be encouraged for the interest of all stakeholders. Unlike the majority of the previous studies, the current study unexpectedly found that foreign ownership is not significantly contributing to the firm performance. Thus, Jordanian Government and other related/responsible parties should formulate policies for the foreign investors. Originality/value Interestingly, from developed and developing countries perspective, the study is the first of its kind that exclusively chose the mechanisms of ownership structure in its relationship with firm performance represented by market share, where no previous study has tested foreign ownership in such relationship. In that, this study is the first study in emerging economies to investigate such a link. Such new insights on this relationship by current study provide helpful information that is of great value to the government, academics, policy makers, and other stakeholders.
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Shelly Christiani Saputri, Putri Hergianasari, and Wilson M. A. Therik. "Yogyakarta Tourism Office's Strategy in Economic Recovery of the Tourism Sector During the Covid-19 Pandemic." KEMUDI : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan 7, no. 1 (September 30, 2022): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31629/kemudi.v7i1.4746.
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This study aims to explain the strategy of the Yogyakarta Tourism Office in the economic recovery of the tourism sector during the Covid-19 period. So far, tourism has become the fourth largest sector that contributes to the country's foreign exchange after palm oil (CPO), oil and gas and mining (coal). The world of tourism has been hit by the Covid-19 pandemic. Since the Covid-19 outbreak, all sectors have experienced a drastic decline, including the tourism sector, which has been in the second position as Indonesia's second largest foreign exchange contributor. This pandemic condition is forcing tourists to cancel their travel plans to Indonesia, one of which is the city of Yogyakarta. Based on statistics, Yogyakarta has the title of the tourism city most affected by the Covid-19 pandemic. In just over a year, the tourism industry in the city of Yogyakarta suffered losses of up to Rp. 10 trillion. This is because Yogyakarta is the second most popular tourist destination in Indonesia after Bali. It is undeniable that Yogyakarta tourism has a great influence on the community's economy. The method used in this study is a qualitative method with a descriptive type of research. The findings of this study are the Yogyakarta’s Government Tourism Office (Dinpar) in its efforts to restore the tourism sector economy through the implementation of the Covid-19 protocol; new normal policy; implementation of CHSE (Cleanliness, Health, Safety, and Environment Sustainability); restoration of MICE (meetings, incentives, conventions, exhibitions); domestic tourism; and events gradually; revitalization of the agrarian sector through the development of agribusiness.
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Okoye, Peter Uchenna, Chukwuemeka Ngwu, Oluchukwu Precious-Favour Nzeneri, and Gilbert Chidi Ohazulume. "Estimating the Size of Construction Industry Expenditure for Economic Development and Sustainability in Nigeria: Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) Approach." Journal of Social and Economic Statistics 10, no. 1-2 (December 1, 2021): 76–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jses-2021-0006.
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Abstract The expansion of annual capital budget over the years without a corresponding increase in the volume and quality of infrastructural development in Nigeria has been attributed to those factors assumed to have great impact on the economic performance of the country. This study examined the effect of selected economic factors on the size of construction sector expenditure in Nigeria using economic data from 1981-2020. It employed econometrics statistics. The result revealed that there was a long-run co-integration among the variables with ARDL bound estimate values of F-stat. (7.40) and t-stat. (-6.56) respectively. These are higher than both the lower and upper bound critical values at 1%, 2.5%, 5% and 10% respectively. The result further revealed that exchange rate, oil prices, population, trade openness, foreign direct investment, unemployment rate, public debt and real GDP were important determinants of the size of construction sector expenditure in Nigeria. It also revealed that construction output, inflation rate, government revenue and taxation had trivial determinants due to issues relating to policy, management and execution of capital budget. The study suggested that government should make and implement apposite policies, and be diligent in allocation and management of public fund to ensure a sustainable economy through infrastructural development.
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Kordos, Marcel. "British-Slovak Foreign Trade Relations: Consequences of Brexit." Marketing and Management of Innovations, no. 3 (2019): 341–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/mmi.2019.3-26.
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The possibility of the UK's withdrawal from the European Union has never been more realistic and up-to-date since joining the European Communities (EC) as it is today. The UK is facing a unique situation. At present, this depends solely on the capabilities of European and British government officials, who negotiate the terms of withdrawal and future cooperation between the two entities. The main goal of this paper is based on the British – Slovak trade relations development analysis to figure out their impact within the Brexit consequences on the future Slovak economy and its current status in international economic relations. The paper also provides a basic overview of Brexit process and its possible impact on the EU's further functioning. Basic data will be drawn from generally accepted institutions, evaluating the UK and Slovak trade and economic performance. To accomplish this goal, methods such as analysis and comparison to illustrate the UK-Slovak foreign trade development, synthesis and logical deduction to discuss the Brexit impact on Slovak economic environment in the future are to be used; data from scientific and professional publications, periodical and non-periodical press. The paper presents the results of an empirical analysis, which showed that because of the size of economic relations between Slovakia and the United Kingdom and the number of goods and services being exported to the UK, the «hard» Brexit will be very unfavourable for Slovak foreign trade due to the possible tariffs being imposed. The research empirically confirms and theoretically proves that it can cause a significant weakening and slowdown in the Slovak economy. Either way, the upcoming Brexit process, that is the withdrawal of Great Britain from the European Union, would have a major impact not only on British, European but also on the world economy. The impact of Brexit on Slovakia's economy will not only be in reducing the possible growth of the economy, but also in employment and price increases. Keywords: EU single market, Britain's withdrawal from the EU, foreign trade policy instruments analysis, international economics, Slovak economy slowdown prediction, Slovak foreign trade commodity structure analysis.
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Serediuk, V. V. "The role and meaning of the state in neoconservatism." INTERPRETATION OF LAW: FROM THE THEORY TO THE PRACTICE, no. 12 (2021): 227–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/2524-017x-2021-12-39.
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Neoconservatism as an ideological and political-economic system of knowledge contains a number of ideas about the role, tasks, purpose and meanings of the modern state, its relationship with social institutions (family, church, NGOs), as well as its role in economic relations. American neoconservatism, in contrast to British or German, is also characterized by attention to the foreign policy function of the state. Reconsideration of the role, tasks and significance of the state in various spheres of society and in international relations in modern conditions determines the relevance of our study of this issue. Neoconservatism, the ideas of which were implemented in the policies of the conservative parties of the United States, Great Britain, and Germany in the 1970-1990s, continues to influence the implementation of national and international policies of various states to this day. Neoconservatism, unlike neoliberalism, offers a different understanding of the role and meaning of the modern state. Traditional values are ideologically substantiated and promoted: family, religion, morals, community, and the state. An important place in neoconservatism is given to social institutions, the need to overcome isolation of the individual from the institution of community (religious, social, government). The integration of the individual into social institutions and the return of the importance of the state authority in the worldview of the individual are considered priorities of state influence. American neoconservatism substantiates the US foreign policy function – to protect the democratic values in international relations. In the economic sphere, neoconservatives insist on reducing government intervention in market relations, returning to the ideals of classical economic liberalism, and taking a number of fiscal and monetary policy measures to reduce inflation, unemployment, and stimulate economic development. Although neoconservatism recognizes the need to build a strong state, it is not seen as authoritarian, encroaching on,restricting or abolishing human and civil rights and freedoms recognized in democracies after World War II. However, freedom is understood as a sphere of free behavior of the individual, which exists in relations with other members of society and is limited by the freedom of another person. Keywords: neoconservatism, state, role, individual, social institutions, traditional values, intervention, economy, law.