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Journal articles on the topic 'Foreign economic policy'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 20 February 2023

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1

Garten, Jeffrey E., Robert B. Reich, and Robert Kuttner. "Rethinking Foreign Economic Policy." Foreign Affairs 70, no. 3 (1991): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044825.

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2

Wei, C. X. George. "China's Foreign Economic Policy." China Information 12, no. 3 (December 1997): 201–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x9701200352.

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3

Lorot, Pascal. "French foreign economic policy." International Spectator 33, no. 1 (January 1998): 101–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729808456800.

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4

Chimni, B. S. "Mapping Indian Foreign Economic Policy." International Studies 47, no. 2-4 (April 2010): 163–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002088171104700407.

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5

Khvostenko, Vladyslav, Marziye Memmedli, and Stanislav Milevskyi. "The role of Kazakhstan’s oil policy in foreign policy." Development Management 17, no. 4 (May 4, 2020): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/dm.17(4).2019.05.

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Since gained its independence in 1991, energy management has become the most important factor in the development of Kazakhstan’s economic and foreign policy. This is due to the presence of widespread deposits of natural energy resources in the bowels of Kazakhstan. This forms the energy security and essential basis for the economic independence of the Republic of Kazakhstan. The study, first of all, looks at Kazakhstan’s foreign policy and the links between foreign policy and energy sources. In particular, attention is paid to the role of oil in shaping Kazakhstan’s foreign policy as an active participant in the highly competitive energy resources market. The energy potential of Kazakhstan, the entry of Kazakh oil into the world market and the obstacles created by Russia for Kazakhstan in this process are investigated next. Other problems in the region are analyzed, including border issues with neighboring countries, as well as the impact of energy demand in China on Kazakhstan’s foreign policy. In this regard, the main focus of the study is the analysis of Kazakhstan’s energy resources rich in oil reserves, and the analysis of the multilateral energy policy of the Astana Government since independence and has been gained since.
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6

Rohrlich, Paul Egon. "Economic culture and foreign policy: the cognitive analysis of economic policy making." International Organization 41, no. 1 (1987): 61–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300000746.

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Political scientists researching economic foreign policy have generally taken one of two analytic approaches. The first is based on realpolitik, the traditional application of “high” politics to the “low” politics of economics. This approach considers economics subordinate to politics. The concept of the national interest dominates; the pursuit of power—what enables the state to achieve its goals of security, welfare, and other societal values—is seen to underlie most actions. The study of foreign economic policy is thus an analysis of the distribution of power among states within the international system. By understanding a state's sources of strength and areas of vulnerability in relation to other states, the analyst will better understand the creation of foreign policy. Hans Morgenthau notes that while states may sometimes pursue economic policies for their own sake (in which case they should take little interest in their success), the more important economic policies they will favor are instruments of political power.Stephen Krasner views the state as an autonomously motivated actor, able to guide policy in pursuit of state priorities while resisting interest groups and ideologies. According to this “power theory”, the state tries to increase its economic competitiveness, ensure security of material needs, and promote its broad foreign-policy objectives. Economic policy is for the most part subordinate to and best explained by state priorities and prerogatives. Robert Tucker, Klaus Knorr, Robert Gilpin and others have also adopted this framework.
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7

Naser, Mohamed. "Kuwait's Foreign Policy towards Regional Issues in the Middle East from 2003 to 2014." Asian Social Science 13, no. 11 (October 30, 2017): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v13n11p95.

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Regionally, Kuwait has a unique foreign policy that is characterized by neutrality. This study investigates Kuwait’s foreign policy towards regional issues in the Middle East in the period from 2003 to 2014. The study investigates the role of two tools of foreign policy: economics and mediation. The study investigates the role and implications of both economics and economic development assistance in activating foreign policy in Kuwait. It determines social, political, cultural and economic implications of economic development assistance in implementing and activating foreign policy in Kuwait. The study discusses some mechanisms of activating the economic foreign policy in Kuwait such as interdependence, soft power and national interests. It investigates mediation as one of foreign policy activation tools. The study suggests some ways for improving the efficiency of economic development assistance in implementing and activating foreign policy.
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8

Ulatowski, Rafał. "Außenpolitik Deutschlands aus der Perspektive der Geo-Ökonomie." Przegląd Europejski, no. 4-2014 (March 22, 2015): 132–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.4.14.4.

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The aim of this paper is to assess how far the German foreign policy follows the principles of the theory of geo-economy. The paper has the following structure. First, the theory of geo-economy will be presented. Second, the characteristics of three debates relating to the German foreign policy will be pointed out. Third, German policy during the Euro crisis will be analysed. Fourth, the development of the relations between Germany and the new powers will be assessed. This paper supports the thesis that geo-economic strategy is beneficial for Germany.
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9

Smith, Alan H. "Soviet foreign economic policy under perestroika." International Affairs 67, no. 3 (July 1991): 615–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622029.

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10

Udogu, E. Ike, Kelechi A. Kalu, and Ufot B. Inamete. "Economic Development and Nigerian Foreign Policy." African Studies Review 45, no. 3 (December 2002): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1515140.

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11

Patterson, Perry L., and Leonard Geron. "Soviet Foreign Economic Policy under Perestroika." Russian Review 52, no. 1 (January 1993): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130899.

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12

Campbell, John C., and Leonard Geron. "Soviet Foreign Economic Policy under Perestroika." Foreign Affairs 70, no. 3 (1991): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044873.

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13

Narayanan, Raviprasad. "Foreign Economic Policy-Making in China." Strategic Analysis 29, no. 3 (July 2005): 448–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2005.12049818.

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14

Hufbauer, Gary Clyde, and Jeffrey J. Schott. "Economic Sanctions and U.S. Foreign Policy." PS: Political Science & Politics 18, no. 04 (1985): 727–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500022654.

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15

Bonvicini, Gianni, Isabella Falautano, and Raffaele Farella. "Italian foreign economic policy: Challenges ahead." International Spectator 33, no. 1 (January 1998): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729808456801.

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16

Hufbauer, Gary Clyde, and Jeffrey J. Schott. "Economic Sanctions and U.S. Foreign Policy." PS 18, no. 4 (1985): 727–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0030826900624682.

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17

Aidt, Toke S., Facundo Albornoz, and Esther Hauk. "Foreign Influence and Domestic Policy." Journal of Economic Literature 59, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 426–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.20201481.

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In an interconnected world, economic and political interests inevitably reach beyond national borders. Since policy choices generate external economic and political costs, foreign state and non-state actors have an interest in influencing policy actions in other sovereign countries to their advantage. Foreign influence is a strategic choice aimed at internalizing these externalities and takes three principal forms: (i) voluntary agreements, (ii) policy interventions based on rewarding or sanctioning the target country to obtain a specific change in policy, and (iii) institution interventions aimed at influencing the political institutions in the target country. We propose a unifying theoretical framework to study when foreign influence is chosen and in which form, and use it to organize and evaluate the new political economics literature on foreign influence along with work in cognate disciplines (JEL D72, D74, F51, F53, P26, P33).
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18

Milner, Helen V., and Dustin H. Tingley. "Who Supports Global Economic Engagement? The Sources of Preferences in American Foreign Economic Policy." International Organization 65, no. 1 (January 2011): 37–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818310000317.

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AbstractIn this article we bring together opposing international relations theories to better understand U.S. foreign policy, in particular foreign trade and aid. Using votes in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1979–2004, we explore different theoretical predictions about preferences for foreign economic policy. We assess the impact of domestic factors, namely political economy and ideological preferences, versus foreign policy pressures. Our three main results highlight the differential effect of these factors in the two issue areas. First, aid preferences are as affected by domestic political economy factors as are trade preferences. Second, trade preferences, but not economic aid ones, are shaped by the president's foreign policy concerns; for economic aid, domestic political economy factors matter more than foreign policy ones. Third, aid preferences are shaped more by ideological factors than are trade ones, but ideology plays a different substantive role in each. Different constituencies support aid and trade. This finding has implications for foreign policy substitutability, “the internationalist coalition” in U.S. foreign policy, “statist” theories of foreign policy, and the connection between public opinion and legislative voting.
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19

Ikenberry, G. John, David A. Lake, and Michael Mastanduno. "Introduction: approaches to explaining American foreign economic policy." International Organization 42, no. 1 (1988): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300007116.

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Despite its relative economic decline, the United States remains the dominant power in the world economy. The foreign economic actions taken by American officials, whether they involve trade, technology transfer, or the value of the dollar, continue to have profound consequences for other states in the international system, as well as for American domestic politics and economics. Thus, it is not surprising that the study of American foreign economic policy attracts considerable scholarly attention, and presently constitutes a major portion of the subfield of international political economy.
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20

Matlock, Jack. "Foreign Policy." Nationalities Papers 20, no. 2 (1992): 43–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999208408237.

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We should not be surprised if we find each of the former republics of the Soviet Union placing foremost in their foreign policy the desire to achieve a truly recognized statehood. Obviously, developing their constitutions, and internal political and economic structures, is an internal matter, but it is closely related, of course, with the foreign policy that they can pursue. The principal aim of a foreign policy—just as perhaps the principal aim of an individual—is self-preservation. And once the entity has been created, either because of a long struggle of important forces within the society or, in a few cases, because independence is handed to them due to events elsewhere, the fact is that once you are independent you must act in a way that defends your independence. You defend the ability of whatever political system you have to make its own autonomous decisions. And I believe that what we are seeing today reflects this imperative. We see it most spectacularly, of course, in the jockeying of Russia and Ukraine within the Commonwealth of Independent States.
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21

Kļaviņš, Didzis, Toms Rostoks, and Žaneta Ozoliņa. "Foreign Policy “On the Cheap”: Latvia’s Foreign Policy Experience from the Economic Crisis." Journal of Baltic Studies 45, no. 4 (August 4, 2014): 435–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01629778.2014.942675.

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22

EICHENGREEN, BARRY. "Economic History and Economic Policy." Journal of Economic History 72, no. 2 (May 30, 2012): 289–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050712000034.

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“The lessons of history” were widely invoked in 2008/09 as analysts and policymakers sought to make sense of the global financial crisis. Specifically, analogies with the early stages of the Great Depression of the 1930s were widely drawn. Building on work in cognitive science and literature on foreign policy making, this article seeks to account for the influence of this particular historical analogy and asks how it shaped both perceptions and the economic policy response. It asks how historical scholarship might be better organized to inform the process of economic policymaking. It concludes with some reflections on how research in economic history will be reshaped by the crisis.
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23

Li, Jiaen, and Youngjun Choi. "Topic Analysis of Foreign Policy and Economic Cooperation: A Text Mining Approach." Journal of Korea Trade 26, no. 8 (December 31, 2022): 37–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.35611/jkt.2022.26.8.37.

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24

Shaikh, Khalil ur Rehman. "FOREIGN POLICY OF JAPAN." Asia-Pacific - Annual Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia 38 (February 5, 2021): 167–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol38.iss0.2333.

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In post war era, Japan emerged as a pacifist country. The constitution of Japan restrained from developing armed forces for offensive but permitted only for defensive purpose. Thus, Japan raised Self Defense Force. This posture greatly contributed in its emergence as world economic power. In post-cold war period, Japan appeared with advanced step in its foreign policy and sent its forces abroad as a part of UN Peace Keeping Force abroad. It little questioned the objective of creating SDF. 9/11 incidents changed the global politics. Japanese citizens also fall prey to it. Japan joined coalition on War on Terror and helped to fight against terrorism. In post 9/11, Japan has improved its relations with China despite territorial dispute. However, it plays its role in global political, economic, cultural and strategic areas.
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25

Tung, Rosalie L., Raymond Vernon, and Deborah L. Spar. "Beyond Globalism: Remaking American Foreign Economic Policy." Academy of Management Review 15, no. 2 (April 1990): 335. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/258163.

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26

Yingying Fu. "China’s Foreign Policy towards Eurasia Economic Integration." Comillas Journal of International Relations, no. 21 (July 16, 2021): 053–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.14422/cir.i21.y2021.003.

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During the period from 2005 to 2015 under the rule of Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping, China has achieved enormous success not only in the field of economy but also in the political and diplomatic areas. With the Silk Road Economic Belt’s initiative launched by the government of Xi in 2013, China was seeking to find alternatives for different affairs such as the South China Sea, the nuclear issue of North Korea, and Taiwan issues. The emergency of the “Strategic Breakthrough” whose aim is to stabilize the surrounding atmosphere makes it a pressing task for the Chinese diplomacy focused on Eurasia to overhaul the international order.
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27

Olukotun, Ayo, Gabriel O. Olusanya, Bassey E. Ate, and Adebayo Olukoshi. "Economic Development and Foreign Policy in Nigeria." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 24, no. 3 (1990): 477. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485642.

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28

Bergsten, C. Fred. "Foreign Economic Policy for the Next President." Foreign Affairs 83, no. 2 (2004): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033904.

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29

Sil'vestrov, S. S., and V. Filatov. "Russian Foreign Economic Policy: A Systemic View." Problems of Economic Transition 38, no. 5 (September 1, 1995): 54–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/pet1061-1991380554.

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30

Emese, Fayne Peter. "Economic Policy and Foreign Trade of Hungary." Artha Vijnana: Journal of The Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics 29, no. 3 (September 1, 1987): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.21648/arthavij/1987/v29/i3/116273.

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31

Diebold, William, Raymond Vernon, and Debora L. Spar. "Beyond Globalism: Remaking American Foreign Economic Policy." Foreign Affairs 68, no. 2 (1989): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043926.

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32

Diebold, William, A. Claire Cutler, and Mark W. Zacher. "Canadian Foreign Policy and International Economic Regimes." Foreign Affairs 71, no. 5 (1992): 200. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045429.

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33

Wang, Leonard F. S., Raymond Vernon, and Debora L. Spar. "Beyond Globalism: Remaking American Foreign Economic Policy." Southern Economic Journal 56, no. 2 (October 1989): 564. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1059254.

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34

Hufbauer, Gary Clyde, and Jeffrey J. Schott. "Economic Sanctions and U. S. Foreign Policy." PS 18, no. 4 (1985): 727. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/419135.

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35

Barkey, Henri J., G. John Ikenberry, David A. Lake, Michael Mastanduno, Raymond Vernon, Debora L. Spar, and Barry E. Carter. "The State and American Foreign Economic Policy." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 8, no. 4 (1989): 684. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3325058.

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36

Delgado-Ramos, Gian Carlo, and Silvina María Romano. "Political-Economic Factors in U.S. Foreign Policy." Latin American Perspectives 38, no. 4 (June 23, 2011): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x11406208.

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37

Leyton-Brown, David, A. Claire Cutler, and Mark W. Zacher. "Canadian Foreign Policy and International Economic Regimes." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 19, no. 2 (June 1993): 226. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3551691.

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38

Raipuria, Kalyan. "India's Foreign Economic Policy: Challenges and Perspectives." South Asian Survey 5, no. 2 (September 1998): 153–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097152319800500202.

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39

Liping, He. "The economic foundation of China's foreign policy." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 5, no. 1 (March 1991): 32–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557579108400056.

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40

S, Shaji. "Foreign Economic Policy of India since 1990s." Insight on Africa 1, no. 2 (July 2009): 157–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087814411112.

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41

Whang, Taehee, Youngwan Kim, Jung Taek Han, and Hannah June Kim. "US foreign aid and economic policy concessions." Policy Studies 40, no. 1 (October 30, 2018): 58–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01442872.2018.1533111.

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42

Emmott, Bill. "The economic sources of Japan's foreign policy." Survival 34, no. 2 (June 1992): 50–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396339208442641.

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43

Greenstock, Jeremy. "Reorienting Foreign Policy." National Institute Economic Review 250 (November 2019): R34—R39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795011925000115.

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Executive SummaryAfter Brexit, the UK must show that it has a voice. It will need to re-earn international respect, and in particular establish the concept of a ‘global Britain’ on the basis of performance, not rhetoric. That means re-establishing a strong network of relationships around the world in support of its security and economic health, but also continuing to play a leading role in support of the international rules-based order. For example, it should make the most of its continuing status as a Permanent Member of the UN Security Council to act as a problem-solver and system-enhancer in the collective interest.An early, first-order priority will be establishing a new, mutually beneficial partnership with the European Union, which continues to form our economic and political neighbourhood. Reconstructing a modern relationship with the United States is not secondary to that, but cannot substitute for it and must be undertaken in recognition of the differing interests and instincts of the two sides. A further challenge is building the right relationship with China based on mutual interest in trade, peace, and international respect and on confronting expansionist or opportunistic practices. With Russia, too, it is possible to design a predictable set of behaviours on either side, and with both countries good communication channels will need to be maintained.Brexit gives the UK the scope to construct a more deliberate diplomatic approach to the rest of the English-speaking world than was explicitly possible as an EU member – notably in working with Canada, Australia and New Zealand to promote the international rules-based order. But this should be complemented by more effective outreach to non-English-speaking countries, notably in support of trade and investment opportunities with emerging nations. But with them as with all the UK's interlocutors, the need to earn its place, and to show that it realises that, will be vital.In defence and security, the UK will continue in its commitment to the strength of NATO as its essential alliance under US leadership, while also liaising carefully with EU Member States as they seek to improve their own capacities to contribute to European security. But it cannot simply rely on old institutional structures. It needs to lead, for example by playing a stronger role in the control of non-military forms of aggression, such as cyber warfare, economic sanctions, rivalry in space, and commercial espionage.A strategy for realising the UK's interests in the international arena will require the Prime Minister's constant attention, but also a specific mandate for a very senior minister to supervise the interlinked policy areas of foreign affairs, international development, and international trade within a single government department.
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44

Urokboev, Iskandar, and Shahboz Doniyorov. "ECONOMIC DIPLOMACY IS A PRIORITY OF UZBEKISTAN'S FOREIGN POLICY AT THE PRESENT STAGE." CURRENT RESEARCH JOURNAL OF HISTORY 02, no. 09 (September 30, 2021): 32–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/history-crjh-02-09-09.

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Active implementation of economic diplomacy in the foreign policy of Uzbekistan is one of the priorities of today. Because, in the active promotion of economic diplomacy, it is important to attract investment, increase tourism and export potential. The growing role of economic diplomacy in the system of international relations shows that it should be applied in the foreign policy of Uzbekistan. The article discusses the current work in this direction and its prospects.
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45

Thomson, Jennifer. "What's Feminist about Feminist Foreign Policy? Sweden's and Canada's Foreign Policy Agendas." International Studies Perspectives 21, no. 4 (January 24, 2020): 424–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekz032.

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Abstract Across politics and public discourse, feminism is experiencing a global renaissance. Yet feminist academic work is divided over the burgeoning use of the term, particularly in reference to economic and international development policy. For some, feminism has been co-opted for neoliberal economic ends; for others, it remains a critical force across the globe. This article explores the nascent feminist foreign policies of Sweden and Canada. Employing a discourse analysis of both states’ policy documents, it asks what the term “feminist” meant in preliminary attempts at constructing a feminist foreign policy. It argues that although both use the term “feminist,” they understand the term very differently, with Sweden centering it in domestic and international commitments to change, while Canada places greater emphasis on the private sector. This suggests that this policy agenda is still developing its central concepts, and is thus ripe for intervention on the part of policymakers and civil society organizations.
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46

Dent, Christopher M. "Singapore´s Foreign Economic Policy: The Pursuit of Economic Security." Contemporary Southeast Asia 23, no. 1 (April 2001): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs23-1a.

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47

Khuseynova, Abira. "New Uzbekistan - A New Model Of Foreign Policy." American Journal of Social Science and Education Innovations 03, no. 07 (July 28, 2021): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajssei/volume03issue07-08.

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The article analyzes the main directions of Uzbekistan's foreign policy. The author takes into account that the acceleration of globalization processes has a huge impact on the economic, socio-political, cultural spheres of society. The main strategic directions of cooperation with the countries of Central and South Asia in the period of the new Uzbekistan have been studied. The significance of the international conference “Central and South Asia: regional interconnectedness. Challenges and Opportunities”.
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48

Frieden, Jeff. "Sectoral conflict and foreign economic policy, 1914–1940." International Organization 42, no. 1 (1988): 59–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002081830000713x.

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The period from 1914 to 1940 is one of the most crucial and enigmatic in modern world history, and in the history of modern U.S. foreign policy. World War I catapulted the United States into international economic and political leadership, yet in the aftermath of the war, despite grandiose Wilsonian plans, the United States quickly lapsed into relative disregard for events abroad: it did not join the League of Nations, disavowed responsibility for European reconstruction, would not participate openly in many international economic conferences, and restored high levels of tariff protection for the domestic market. Only in the late 1930s and 1940s, after twenty years of bitter battles over foreign policy, did the United States move to center stage of world politics and economics: it built the United Nations and a string of regional alliances, underwrote the rebuilding of Western Europe, almost single-handedly constructed a global monetary and financial system, and led the world in commercial liberalization.
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49

Duskobilov, Umidjon. "Impact of Economic Regulation through Monetary Policy: Impact Analysis of Monetary Policy Tools on Economic Stability in Uzbekistan." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF INNOVATION AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 3, no. 1 (2017): 65–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/ijied.1849-7551-7020.2015.35.2005.

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Monetary policy is an integral part of economic development strategy in any economy due to its significant impact on economic sustainability. It has been an effective tool for regulating the economy through several tools. Nowadays the use of monetary policy tools to manage economic growth processes is a common practice in all market economies by balancing money supply and demand in domestic markets, increasing the benefits from foreign trade by exchange rate and overall financial flows by monitoring inflation rate trends. However, most effective tools are refinancing rate, mandatory reserve requirements and sterilization operations, which have direct linkages to financial flows, money supply, inflation, and exchange rate. In this paper, the author examined the impact of monetary policy tools on economic regulation in Uzbekistan by analyzing the relationship between monetary policy tools and economic growth. Empiric analysis revealed that monetary policy tools influenced positively on economic growth with a long-term relationship.
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50

Keum, Hieyeon, and Joel R. Campbell. "China Joins the Game: Beijing’s Foreign-Economic Policy Strategies in the Globalization Era." International Studies Review 13, no. 2 (October 15, 2012): 27–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01302002.

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Post-Maoist China has experienced a major reorientation of both economic and foreign policy. Foreign policy has been largely determined by the needs of China’s economic reforms, and is intimately linked to the political economy and concomitant efforts to use globalization as a tool to attain high growth, trade, and investment. Economics determines China’s foreign policy, along with its approach to the world. China has made major efforts to join international organizations and economic and political forums, and employs its new resources to remold its military forces. In this article, we examine patterns of Chinese foreign policy, the state’s responses to globalization, and the potential future directions for China’s emerging political economy.
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