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1
Wilkins, Karin G. "US prisms and prejudice through mediating the Middle East." International Communication Gazette 82, no. 6 (June 4, 2019): 526–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048519853752.
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Mediating the Middle East engages social and political constructions that articulate sentiment within the United States, with consequences not only to foreign policies and relationships, but also to experiences of Arab and Muslim citizens. Engagement with media narratives is expected to become particularly relevant when people do not share a resonating identity or direct experience with the community being projected. I position this research as an entry into how we might understand the primacy of dominant media narratives in shaping norms that contribute to discriminatory practices. Through this analysis, I focus on the concerns of Arab and Muslim Americans, considering the consequences of negative media characterizations of Islam, of Arab communities, and of the Middle East. This study builds on a national survey of adult United States citizens (n = 1416), with a targeted proportion of Arab American residents. These attitudes toward fellow citizens as well as foreign countries are considered in relation to extent of engagement with popular culture, specifically action-adventure given its role in Hollywood narratives featuring the Middle East. Attitudes toward Arab and Muslim communities within the United States as well as in the Middle East are demonstrated to be related to this form of media engagement.
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TURCZYŃSKI, Paweł. "LIBYAN CIVIL WAR AND INTERNATIONAL INTERVENTION IN 2011 - ATTITUDES OF THE PEOPLE OF LIBYA AND THE WEST." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 163, no. 1 (January 2, 2012): 152–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0002.3247.
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The outbreak of the civil war in Libya was part of the ‘Arab Spring’: a series of instances of Arab societies against non-democratic authorities of their countries. From the per-spective of the West, it is another conflict after the Cold War era, one in which there are no two conventional armies fighting against each other, but its start is ‘asymmetric’. The Gaddafi regime's bloody crackdown on insurgents made the international community stand in the defence of the civilian population. At the same time, with the experience of wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, there was reluctance to deploy western troops in Libya. It was clearly shown in the public opinion polls: Gaddafi was being condemned and Libyan civilians were being supported, but it was refused to expose the West to military losses. Libyan rebels also demanded more armament rather than reinforcing their forces with foreign army units. Therefore, the intervention of Western countries in Libya took the form acceptable to the public: air attacks on the forces loyal to Gaddafi.
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Malashenko, A. "Russian-Arab Relations amid the Ukrainian Crisis." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 3 (2022): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2022-3-93-104.
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The author analyzes relations between Russia and Arab world after the Russian special military operation in Ukraine has started. Mostly, despite distinctions in the approach of different Arab countries they try to keep normal relations with Russia that helps to keep their independence in their foreign politics. Also they don’t refuse from the cooperation with Russia in the economic field including technical military one. Despite pressure of the West, especially of the United States, the key exporters of oil, Saud Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, don’t participate in anti-Russian sanctions. The Arab world would avoid participating in the today’s global conflict. In the author’s view such a position could be slightly compared with the attitude of the Central Asia states.
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Mohammed, Abdulkhaliq Shamel. "American foreign policy in Middle East: new transformations under W. Bush and Obama administrations." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 1, no. 1 (February 28, 2019): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v1i1.97.
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This study attempts to diagnose the changes witnessed by the American foreign policy in the Middle East, in both of Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama administrations, this phase witnessed shift at the level of the visions, beliefs and attitudes. which reflected on the nature of the of dealing with the issues of the region , and embodied the most prominent features of change to adopt the U.S. policy toward the countries of the region in a general principle encapsulates policies , texture pressure in order to establish the values of democracy and human rights as a philosophy and a general principle , and inwardly save its interests in the Middle East , the United States sought for six decades in middle east countries to achieve stability on the expense of democracy , and through the support of totalitarian existing regimes , and cracking down on the opposition .but the events of September 11 forced them to change the approach to foreign policy encouraging democracy and claim to impose reforms. the study exposed to the George W. Bush hard doctrine, unilateral, military tool that give superiority to the implementation of the objectives of its foreign policy, on the contrast of president Obama doctrine with its realistic approach, which sees the need to combine all the tools of foreign policy to implement its objectives, Also this study return to realistic policy in its alliances and legitimacy, as well as dealt approach U.S. political discourse towards the Muslim world, and seek the main topics like, the war on Iraq in 2003and its impact on reformation in the Middle East .And the U.S. position on the Arab Spring, specifically the Syrian revolution. Also this study deals with U.S policy towards Iran Nuclear file, and The Arab-Israeli conflict .The study concluded that foreign policy changes occurred in George W. Bush second presidency is differ from his first presidency, and this transformation take a wider dimension and more comprehensive in Barack Obama's presidency.
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Zhura, Viktoria V., and Yulia V. Rudova. "A Sociocultural Perspective on Learning: Arabic And Indian Medical Students Compared." SHS Web of Conferences 69 (2019): 00141. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20196900141.
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The sociocultural backdrop of international students coming to a foreign country from different cultural and social environments plays a key role in shaping their attitude towards learning. The article explores and compares the motivational drives of international students from the Arab countries and India, which underlie their attitude to academic activities and academic progress. We used the method of systematic literature review, a questionnaire survey, comparative, quantitative, and qualitative analyses to obtain data on the value systems, traditions, and worldview of international students, which will make it possible for educators to appreciate the cultural contexts these students are embedded in. Social and cultural awareness of different aspects of the students’ value systems will enable teachers in host countries to contribute effectively to international student integration into the educational process.
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Ahmad, Imad-ad-Dean, and Alejandro J. Beutel. "U.S. Foreign Policy, Not Islamic Teachings, Account for al-Qaeda’s Draw." American Journal of Islam and Society 25, no. 3 (July 1, 2008): 147–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v25i3.1464.
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Recently Michael Scheuer, a former twenty-two-year CIA analyst and headof the agency’s Bin Laden Unit, gave an interview with John Barry of Newsweek.Scheuer observes that a new generation of middle-class, well-educatedMuslims are taking up arms to fight for al-Qaeda. Furthermore, he points outthat the main reason why bin Laden remains at large is because Washingtonrefuses to acknowledge – and tell Americans – that its longstanding policiestoward the Muslim world are the root of the problem. The main quote is:Our leaders say he [bin Laden] and his followers hate us because of whowe are, because we have early primaries in Iowa every four years andallow women in the workplace. That’s nonsense. I don’t think he wouldhave those things in his country. But that’s not why he opposes us. I readbin Laden’s writings and I take him at his word. He and his followers hateus because of specific aspects of U.S. foreign policy. Bin Laden lays themout for anyone to read. Six elements: our unqualified support for Israel;our presence on the Arabian peninsula, which is land they deem holy; ourmilitary presence in other Islamic countries; our support of foreign statesthat oppress Muslims, especially Russia, China and India; our long-termpolicy of keeping oil prices artificially low to the benefit of Western consumersbut the detriment of the Arab people; and our support for Arabtyrannies who will do that.1 (emphasis added)Scheuer’s analysis is supported by opinion polls of the Muslim public.A survey by the Project on International Public Attitudes (PIPA) in April ...
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Kukhareva, E. V. "“Drink for the soul”: coffee tree and coffee as a symbol of the Arab national mentality." Linguistics & Polyglot Studies 8, no. 4 (December 31, 2022): 164–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2410-2423-2022-4-33-164-176.
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In the complex geopolitical situation of the beginning of the 21 century and with the change of the vector of interests towards the countries of the East, attention to all aspects of the life of the peoples of these countries is increasing due to the urgent need to understand their cultures, lifestyle, and the world around them. These peoples are increasingly active in the international arena, their role in various fields is becoming more noticeable, and it is important to interact with them at various levels. To do this, it is necessary to know what this people lives by, what their priority is, what is important or secondary for them. The complexity of intercultural communication lies in the fact that the national character and mentality of representatives of different linguistic cultures is based on the existing realities of a particular people’s life, its moral values and attitudes, through which various ethnic communities identify themselves and fix their place and purpose in this world. Symbols and images reflecting these ideas take either a material or verbal shell and convey an ethnic picture of the world of a particular people, which is completely different from the ideas of other ethnic groups about what surrounds them. To understand a representative of another linguistic consciousness, mastering the vocabulary and grammar of a foreign language may not be accurate enough. Significant elements of language in their semantic part also contain an extra-linguistic component, the socalled background knowledge, which can be gleaned from the history, mythology, literature, folklore of the people with whom we are interacting. This extra-linguistic component, according to the author, is of great importance for understanding the national mentality and national character. It helps to identify other driving forces of the actions of different peoples in the process of intercultural communication, along with their political and economic interests. In this article, the author considers one of the symbols of the national mentality of the Arabs – the coffee tree and its derivative – a coffee drink, which plays an important role in creating a national collective portrait of the Arabic society, as well as makes an attempt to show how and why they occupied such an important place in the Arab national consciousness.
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Al-Nahdi, Yousef Ali Ahmed, and Shuo Zhao. "Learning Arabic language in China: Investigation on instrumental and integrative motivations of Chinese Arabic learners." Technium Social Sciences Journal 27 (January 8, 2022): 767–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v27i1.5369.
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There is an increasing demand in recent years for the study of the Arabic language by foreign learners as a second language, especially Chinese students. There are wide ranges of necessity to Arabic languages, such as commercial, industrial, economic, cultural, political, media, and other fields. Many foreign learners are learning this language to increase demands in all areas of life and use it in non-Arabic-speaking countries. China is one of those earliest countries that took this advantage and offered this program for an academic major. It’s almost 37 universities and institutes where the Arabic language is taught in China. The request for learning this language has increased because of the urgent need for exchange programs with Arab-speaking countries. As result, international experts believe motivations are an important factor in teaching Arabic to non-speakers that can be influential reasons for the foreign learners to practice, argue, push and motivate them to benefit more and overcome the difficulties of the Arabic language. This study examines two facial types of motivations, instrumental and integrative motivations. In this study, all participants are Chinese students currently studying in China. The number of participants was 125 students from both genders, including 4 academic directors of the Arabic language department in five public Chinese Universities. The findings show that Chinese students learning Arabic as a Second Language (ASL) are highly instrumental than integrative to studying Arabic. A lack of experience of the Arabic language in their classrooms and society guides their attitude. The findings also revealed that there is a relationship between the language structure and a classroom environment that decreases their motivation and achievements of learning Arabic.
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Soriano Díaz, Ramón Luis. "La guerra justa de Barack Obama y la Primavera Árabe. De la retórica discursiva a la experiencia práctica =The just war of Barack Obama and the Arab Spring. From the discursive rhetoric to practical experience." UNIVERSITAS. Revista de Filosofía, Derecho y Política, no. 26 (July 14, 2017): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/universitas.2017.3748.
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RESUMEN: Trata este trabajo de la actitud del presidente Barack Obama en relación con las rebeliones de la denominada Primavera Árabe, desvelando si los criterios de la guerra justa por él señalados y defendidos en sus discursos se compaginan con la real política bélica de Estados Unidos. Se insertan ambos planos en el escenario de las rebeliones acaecidas en tres países: Libia, Egipto y Túnez. La conclusión principal es que hay un largo, además de irregular, distanciamiento entre la teoría y la práctica del presidente Obama, prevaleciendo los intereses de Estados Unidos por encima de la protección de los derechos humanos, que es uno de los vectores principales de su concepto de guerra justa.ABSTRACT: This work refers the attitude of the President Barack Obama concerning the rebellions of the so-called Arab Spring, revealing if the criteria of the just war defended in his speeches correspond to the real policy of the United States. Both planes are included in the scene of rebellions occurred in three countries: Libya, Egypt and Tunisia. The main conclusion is that there is a long, as well as irregular, distance between theory and practice of president Obama, prevailing the interests of United States respect to the protection of human rights, which is one of the main vectors of their concept of just war.PALABRAS CLAVE: primavera árabe, guerra justa, rebeliones árabes, Obama y política exterior, Obama y filosofía bélica.KEYWORDS: Arab spring, just war, Arab revolts, Obama and foreign policy, Obama and war philosophy.
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Graziano, Manlio. "The Rise and Fall of ‘Mediterranean Atlanticism’ in Italian Foreign Policy: the Case of the Near East." Modern Italy 12, no. 3 (November 2007): 287–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701633767.
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The article aims at studying the reasons for the new way of looking at the Palestinian-Israeli conflict by the Italian political world: the mutual recognition of Israel and the Vatican, the visit to Jerusalem by the leader of the formerly fascist party, Mr. Gianfranco Fini, and the beginnings of a movement of interest towards the Jewish State also within the political left. From a historical viewpoint, anti-Semitism in Italy found its origins in the Church's attitude toward the ‘deicide people’. Beginning with WWI, to this position was added the worry that the Holy Places might fall under Jewish control. From those times dates the Holy See's evermore manifest liking for the Arab populations of Palestine. Nowadays the line of conduct of the Church has as its basic objective the defense of Christian minorities in the Middle East, and for this reason it maintains dialogues with all actors in the region. The weight of the Church influenced also the attitude of the Italian State, even though from its inception the latter had to make adjustments because of other international requirements. This multiple subordination caused the different republican governments to always keep an official equidistant stance among the conflicting parties in the Near East. Behind this apparent neutrality, however, the feelings of benevolence for the Arab countries and the Palestinians have gradually intensified. Italian leaders have been trying to conduct a Mediterranean policy on the borders of the Western alliance, and their feelings have been oriented in consequence. During the 1970s, the governments went as far as to conclude a secret pact with Palestinian terrorists, to avoid terror acts on the Peninsula in exchange for some freedom of action. And in the mid-eighties the Craxi government did not hesitate to challenge the US in order to guarantee the continuity of that line of conduct. On that occasion Craxi, speaking in Parliament, compared Arafat to Mazzini. The end of the Yalta-established order has modified the traditional data of Italian foreign policy. However, the increased attention paid to Israel has also other causes: the changed attitude of the Church after the civil war and the Syrian occupation in Lebanon, events which both caused difficulties for the consistent Christian minorities; the hope that the Oslo process could reward the Italian ‘clear-sightedness’; last, but not least, the quarrelsome internal politics that make the Palestine conflict a mirror of the Roman conflicts. Lastly, the article connects the recent goodwill for Israel with the threats of Islamic terrorism in Italy. A political opinion trend would revisit the Middle Eastern conflict as the upturned perspective of a ‘clash of civilizations’ already existent nowadays. And a possible act of terrorism in Italy might give to this opinion a mass basis.
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Zinina, Yulia Mikhailovna, and Andrei Nikolaevich Androsenko. "Research of the concept of “wedding” in modern linguistics and related traditions in the Russian and foreign worldviews." Филология: научные исследования, no. 5 (May 2021): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0749.2021.5.35660.
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This article examines the concept of “wedding” and related traditions in the Russian and foreign worldviews. Using the Russian-language and English-language explanatory dictionaries, the author analyzes the meaning of the concept of “wedding”, gives a brief description of some aspects of the wedding ceremony of the past on the example of Russia, Hungary and Great Britain; as well as provides the results of the original survey created in the Russian and English languages and conducted in electronic form on the platforms Survio and GoogleForms, which determined the attitude towards wedding traditions and customs in Russia and abroad. The survey involved unmarried 120 people, aged from 17 to 26; among them, 60 people are the residents of Russia (Russians) and 60 people are the residents of foreign countries of different nationalities – Bulgarians, Hungarians, Italians, Mexicans, Venezuelans, Vietnamese, Malaysians, Nigerians, and citizens of the United Arab Emirates. Based on the conducted survey and dictionary sampling, the author concludes that despite the identical semantic content of the concept in different languages, the national concept spheres are vary depending on the customs characteristic to each nation. If in the past, the wedding was a grand event with lots of guests and the observance of all the necessary national customs and traditions, then modern society suggests that wedding should be a memorable event, however rather unpretentious. All respondents have certain knowledge about wedding traditions and customs of their nation that should be observed and kept dearly; however most of them see their wedding day among just closest relatives and friends.
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Крыжко, Л. А. "The Formation of the US Attitude to a Military Operation against Egypt on the Eve of the 1956 Suez Crisis." Вестник Рязанского государственного университета имени С.А. Есенина, no. 1(74) (April 1, 2022): 86–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.37724/rsu.2022.74.1.008.
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В статье исследуются особенности формирования позиции США накануне англо-франко-израильской военной операции против Египта. В год 65-летия Суэцкого кризиса остается в высокой степени актуальным вопрос выработки Соединенными Штатами внешнеполитических стратегических решений в условиях нарастания конфликтности на Ближнем Востоке. Автор выделяет основные причины отказа США поддержать Великобританию и Францию в военной акции против Египта. В статье отмечается ряд негативных последствий для США, которые нес в себе период выстраивания совместной политики с Великобританией и Францией в отношении Египта. Попытки политического и экономического подчинения Египта осуществлялись посредством египетско-израильского сближения, предоставления кредита на строительство Асуанской плотины, включения Египта в инициируемый странами Запада военно-политический блок, что в итоге стимулировало активизацию антизападных настроений во внутренней и внешней политике Г. А. Насера. Основными последствиями этого стали Чехословацкая сделка и национализация Суэцкого канала. Смелые действия лидера Египта как прецедент для всего арабского мира требовали от западных стран жесткой реакции. Выделяются основные аргументы администрации США в пользу отклонения военного сценария, указываются расхождения между США и западноевропейскими лидерами по вопросу о привлечении Израиля в конфликт, что связывалось с ростом авторитета президента Египта в арабском мире. США продемонстрировали отказ от совместной политики с союзниками по НАТО в случае, когда сложившая ситуация напрямую не угрожала их стратегическим интересам в регионе и, более того, препятствовала реализации долгосрочных задач на Ближнем Востоке. The article investigates the formation of the US attitude to a military operation against Egypt on the eve of the Anglo-French-Israeli military operation against Egypt. Now when the world is commemorating the 65th anniversary of the Suez crisis, the issue of the United States working out strategic foreign policy decisions in the context of the growing conflict in the Middle East remains highly relevant. The author highlights the main reasons for the US refusal to support Britain and France in the military action against Egypt. The article underlines a number of negative consequences the United States brought about by joint actions of the USA, Great Britain and France in Egypt. Egyptian-Israeli rapprochement, the provision of a loan for the construction of the Aswan Dam, and the inclusion of Egypt in the military-political bloc initiated by the Western countries were associated with an attempt to rob Egypt of its political and economic independence. These developments resulted in anti-Western sentiments in Egypt’s domestic and foreign policy during the Nasser period, the main consequences being the Czechoslovak arms deal and the nationalization of the Suez Canal. The bold actions of the Egyptian leader as a precedent for the entire Arab world demanded a tough reaction from Western countries. The author highlights the main arguments of the US administration in favor of abandoning the military scenario. The author says that the USA and Western Europe had different views on whether or not to involve Israel, which is accounted for by the growing influence of the Egyptian president in the Arab world. The USA abstained from cooperating with NATO in what might threaten the strategic interests of the country in the region and hinder its long-term agenda in the Middle East.
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Lazić, Radojica, and Mirko Kulić. "DELOVANJE TERORISTIČKIH ORGANIZACIJA OSAMDESETIH GODINA 20. VEKA U JUGOSLAVIJI – SA POSEBNIM OSVRTOM NA „KARLOSOVU“ ORGANIZACIJU." Istorija 20. veka 40, no. 2/2022 (August 1, 2022): 513–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.laz.513-528.
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The foreign policy orientation of the Former Social Federative Republic of Yugoslavia relied mostly on “third world” countries or the so-called Non-Aligned Movement. In line with the politically proclaimed principles, the cooperation was based on “active peaceful coexistence”, equality, independence, and staying out of inner problems of other countries, as well as mutual respect and solidarity. To strengthen and improve the safety interests and the leadership position within the Non-Aligned Movement, Yugoslavia wholeheartedly supported a variety of liberation movements. As a transit country with an extremely liberal visa regime, it was exposed to potential dangers to be a hideout for certain criminal, terrorist, and other groups. This was more than enough of a reason for trying to establish a “background base” of the “Carlos” terrorist organization in Belgrade. The security issue in the country was more complicated by the fact that in that period, there were around 12,500 different people from various Arab countries (not counting over 2,000 officers and non-commissioned officers trained in military schools) who were mostly students. Those persons belonged to numerous groups and organizations, all with their own conceptual, political and religious beliefs. They acted under different international influences. The security organizations and services had an obligation to carefully track their behavior and take certain measurements against individuals, groups, and organizations, to prevent their secret and illicit activities aimed against the interests of the state. In this sense, it is perfectly understandable that when the activities of the “Carlos” terrorist group were discovered, the problem had to be solved in order not to harm the international position and the credibility of Yugoslavia. The most powerful countries in the West (primarily the USA) have openly resented the benevolent attitude of the Yugoslavia authorities towards members of certain groups and organizations that have used terrorist methods in their acts. One of those cases was Abu el Abas, the senior executive of a fraction of the Palestine Liberation Organization. After unexplained circumstances after a hostage crisis in the Middle East, el Abas found himself in Belgrade.
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ÇALIŞKAN, Hüseyin, and Sezgin ÖZDEN. "An evaluation on the forest products trade of Turkey and Qatar." Bartın Orman Fakültesi Dergisi 24, no. 3 (December 15, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.24011/barofd.1098912.
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Qatar, by its economic wealth, is among the most important countries in the Middle East in foreign trade. Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Egypt, which are among the other countries in the Middle East, started to impose some embargoes which is named Gulf Cries on Qatar in 2017, and Qatar was both diplomatically and politically left alone in this period. In this period, Turkey's attitude on Qatar's side has reinforced the relationship between Turkey and Qatar, which has strengthened in the last 20 years. The aim of this study is to examine how the economic and political relationship between Turkey and Qatar, which is getting stronger day by day, affects the trade of forest products. Qatar, which does not have forest assets, is also inclined to import partly raw materials, mostly finished and semi-finished products, thanks to its economic wealth. As a result of this study, which has been carried out by examining and interpreting past studies and current statistics with the qualitative research method, it is seen that 2017 Gulf Crisis affected an average of 44% increase in Turkey's total exports to Qatar. The reflection of this increase in the forest products industry, there is another increase of 211% in the Cork and wood manufactures (excluding furniture), 353% in the wood and articles of wood charcoal, and 108% in furniture. It has been observed that the conditions of 2017 Gulf crisis have caused an increase of high value-added semi-finished and finished products with Qatar. After ending the current crisis, it may be predicted that if the positive relationship of the political authority with Qatar continues, the increase in exports will continue to increase.
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El-Khoury, Gabi. "Foreign trade statistics of Arab countries: selected indicators." Contemporary Arab Affairs 10, no. 4 (October 1, 2017): 652–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2017.1399656.
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This statistical file is mainly concerned with the external merchandise trade of Arab countries, which accounts for approximately 77% of the total trade of Arab goods and services due to the large share of oil and gas in the Arab foreign trade.
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Ismail, Hosameldin H. "The impact of FDI on foreign trade in Arab countries." International Journal of ADVANCED AND APPLIED SCIENCES 9, no. 4 (April 2022): 97–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.21833/ijaas.2022.04.012.
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This study aims to identify the reality of FDI in Arab countries and analyze the relationship between FDI and foreign trade in Arab countries during the period 2000-2018. Statistical analysis tools such as the correlation coefficient and ANOVA analysis were used to test the significance of the linear regression between the variables, to analyze the relationship between FDI (independent variable) and all of the Arab exports and imports, trade balance, and Arab foreign trade (dependent variable). Despite the rapid liberalization programs of investment systems and the trend towards privatization and liberalization of economic activity and joining the WTO (hence, WTO), and other measures, the flow of foreign investments to Arab countries continues. Only three countries (UAE-Egypt-Oman) accounted for 68.5% of the total FDI coming to Arab countries in 2018. This indicates the weakness of many other Arab countries in attracting FDI. Results showed that the European Union is the leading trading partner of the Arab countries. The UAE and France topped the countries investing in the Arab countries. The statistical analysis results showed that the correlation between FDI (as an independent variable) and Arab foreign trade (as a dependent variable) is a positive, medium-strength. They also proved that (17.8%) of Arab foreign trade could be explained using FDI, while the remaining percentage is attributed to other variables.
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Tims, Albert R., and M. Mark Miller. "Determinants of attitudes toward foreign countries." International Journal of Intercultural Relations 10, no. 4 (January 1986): 471–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0147-1767(86)90046-5.
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Bolbol, Ali A., and Ayten M. Fatheldin. "Foreign and Intra-Arab Capital Flows in the Arab Countries, 1990?2003." World Economy 29, no. 9 (September 2006): 1267–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9701.2006.00811.x.
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Windasari, Ririn. "BILINGUALISME DALAM PEMBELAJARAN BAHASA ARAB." لسـانـنـا (LISANUNA): Jurnal Ilmu Bahasa Arab dan Pembelajarannya 10, no. 2 (January 31, 2021): 359. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/ls.v10i2.8835.
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Bilingualism or language dualism in learning Arabic is something that is often found in Indonesia, even in all countries in the process of learning foreign languages for native speakers. The use of two languages (bilingualism) in foreign language learning aims to provide understanding to foreign language learners, because they are accustomed to using the original language along with the types of words and sentence structure, so the need for native language interventions of speakers in learning foreign languages. The level of ability of students varies according to their level, therefore clear explanations are needed through the learner's native language as an intermediary language.
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Shkvarya, L. "Russia's Foreign Trade with Persian Gulf Countries." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2010): 77–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-10-77-83.
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The Russian Federation is ever more actively joining world economy processes, and it is important for it to diversify foreign trade relations. In this respect, the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf (CCASG) countries appears to be a quite real alternative to industrially developed countries. In the article, stages and the contemporary state of economic relations between Russia and CCASG are analyzed, key ongoing problems are specified.
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Belloumi, Mounir, and Kamel Touati. "Do FDI Inflows and ICT Affect Economic Growth? An Evidence from Arab Countries." Sustainability 14, no. 10 (May 21, 2022): 6293. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14106293.
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This article aims to examine the dynamic relationships between foreign direct investment inflows, information and communication technologies, and economic growth in a sample of 15 Arab countries over the period 1995–2019 by employing a panel ARDL approach. The results of estimation of the panel ARDL model reveal that ICT and FDI have positive and significant effects on economic growth in the long run, and ICT indicators have also positive impact on FDI inflows in the long run in the selected sample of Arab countries. From an empirical point of view, this study may have an important contribution. Its findings could be very interesting for better future management of ICT in Arab countries. Therefore, the Arab countries should further improve information and communication technology as an important infrastructure for receiving more foreign direct investment inflows and for better economic growth.
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El-Ahdab, Abdul Hamid. "The Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards in the Arab Gulf Region." BCDR International Arbitration Review 1, Issue 1 (September 1, 2014): 105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/bcdr2014009.
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Alternative dispute resolution mechanisms, and in particular arbitration, represent a major issue in the Arab Gulf region. The development of the international business market in the region has attracted a large number of foreign investors leading to an increase in the number of disputes in various sectors. Consequently, a number of Arab countries have updated their laws and regulations on arbitration. This article tackles the issue of recognition and enforcement of foreign arbitral awards in the Gulf Cooperation Council countries of Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. In each of these countries, a distinction is drawn between domestic and international arbitration in terms of the recognition and enforcement of foreign arbitral awards. The article also examines the provisions of treaties pertaining to the enforcement of arbitral awards to which these countries are parties, as well as the Riyadh Convention on Judicial Cooperation.
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Inman, Kris L. "African attitudes toward foreign countries: A hierarchical approach." Social Science Information 55, no. 2 (February 18, 2016): 208–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018416631040.
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This study uses a hierarchical statistical model to explore what drives African attitudes toward foreign countries, an understudied and underappreciated topic in the fields of African studies, political psychology and international relations. Enabled by increasing access to information, technology and resources, African peoples across the continent are directing their national stages like never before. Yet when it comes to international engagements on the continent, there is little scholarly focus on African sentiment toward foreign countries. The present study finds that the drivers of attitudes toward foreign countries vary, depending on which foreign country is under consideration by the respondent. For China, positive sentiment is associated with individuals who report having assets, belong to the president’s party, view domestic governance positively, are more politically interested, are more trusting, are educated and are more frequent news consumers. While political interest, trust, education, news consumption and positive evaluation of domestic governance also correspond to positive attitudes toward the USA, so does being employed and perceiving the domestic government as corrupt. When it comes to attitudes toward former colonies, trust, education, news consumption, positive evaluations of domestic governance, perceiving the domestic government as corrupt, employment, identification with the president’s party and support for democracy are associated with positive sentiment. For China, the USA and former colonies, negative sentiment is associated with individuals who identify as Muslim.
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عبد التواب, محمد, fathia salem, and naglaa Abd Elmohsen. "The efficiency of Egyptian Agricultural foreign trade with Arab countries." Journal of Sustainable Agricultural Sciences 49, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/jsas.2022.160301.1366.
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Kheir, Kamal Hamdy Aboul. "Cooperation in the Arab Countries: Common Problems." Journal of Interdisciplinary Economics 3, no. 2 (January 1990): 101–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02601079x9000300203.
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The countries forming the region classified as developing societies remain below the economic and social norms of the industrialised world. With the exception of the oil producing countries in the Gulf area and Libya, the per capita share of the GNP is notably low and is ever-decreasing in most parts of the region. The main reasons for this situation are related to the growing population with inadequate human resources management, poor planning, declining productivity and heavy debt to foreign banks. This paper explores how governments in the Arab region are endeavouring to use the principles of cooperation as an effective tool for development and their role in supporting and promoting the cooperative movement.
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Hraiba, Aymen, Mehmed Ganić, and Azra Branković. "Does the Arab spring wave affect outward foreign direct investment (FDI)? Empirical evidence from the Mideast and North Africa." Ekonomski pregled 70, no. 3 (April 30, 2019): 411–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.32910/ep.70.3.3.
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The paper aims to empirically explore the impact of the Arabic Spring on the outflow of FDI in twelve selected countries in the North Africa region (Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, Libya, Egypt and Mauritania) and the Mideast region (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Lebanon, Jordan and the United Arab Emirates). The paper employs a panel data approach to exploit the time series nature of the relationship between FDI Outwards and its determinants (the market size, trade openness, government effectiveness, inflation and three dummy variables related to the Arab Spring) between 2000 and 2016. The findings revealed that the impact of the Arab Spring estimator is negatively correlated with FDI Outflows in the countries that witnessed the Arab Spring. It implies that conflicts and instability negatively affect FDI outflows. The findings of this study reveal that countries that have been affected by the Arab Spring directly (the North Africa region) experienced a greater decline of FDI outflows than countries that have been indirectly affected (the Mideast region). When the sample is restricted to North Africa it is shown that the FDI outflows may be influenced by the post Arab Spring effect, while there is no such statistically significant effect in the Mideast region. Thus, the study finds that FDI outflows in the North African countries are more determined by the effects of Arabic Spring countries than in the Mideastern countries.
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EDDINE, Soualem Salah, and Rehahlia BILEL. "ADOPTION OF INTERNATIONAL ACCOUNTING STANDARDS (IAS / IFRS) IN THE ARAB COUNTRIES (REQUIREMRNTS AND CHALLENGES)." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 03, no. 05 (June 1, 2021): 108–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.5-3.11.
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This research aims to find out the reality of applying international accounting standards (IAS / IFRS) in the Arab countries, as these standards are of great importance in building confidence in Arab economies and achieving economic development through the development of foreign investments in the Arab world. With an attempt to shed light on the most important obstacles and challenges that Arab countries face in order to adopt international standards, and to propose some solutions that the researchers see that will greatly contribute to supporting Arab countries in reducing those obstacles and moving forward in setting up conformity mechanisms with the best standards. Key words:
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Sapronova, M. A. "RUSSIAN-ARAB COOPERATION BEFORE AND AFTER THE "ARAB SPRING"." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(36) (June 28, 2014): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-3-36-27-36.
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The article considers the main stages of the Russian- Arab economic cooperation since the beginning of the 1990s up to the present time and changing the «Middle Eastern vector» of Russian foreign policy. Analyzes the problems faced by Russia in the development of foreign policy doctrine in the region of the Arab East, becoming the successor of the Soviet Union; difficulty in building bilateral relations with Iraq, Syria, Libya, and Russia's role as a co-sponsor of the Middle East settlement. Next is considered the foreign policy in 2000 and the return of Russia to the «Greater Middle East», analyzes the problems impeding effective Russian- Arab cooperation. Special attention is paid to the strengthening of bilateral relations with the countries of the Arabian Peninsula, the implementation of joint projects in various fields and to establish a constructive dialogue with the new government of Iraq and the establishment of a sound legal framework of mutual relations. Another important direction of Russian foreign policy in the 2000s, becoming the establishment of relations with the Organization of the Islamic Conference. Simultaneously being established permanent contacts with groups «Hamas» and «Hezbollah». In the last part of the article explores the specificity of modern political, trade and economic cooperation after the events of the «Arab Spring» of 2011. Particular attention is paid to the position of Russia in relation to processes taking place in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria. The crisis in Syria has demonstrated a fundamentally different approaches to its solution by Russia and the West. Ultimately, the firm position of Russia on the Syrian issue secured her role as an important political player in the Middle East. In general, regional transformation in 2011, despite their negative consequences for the Russian-Arab economic cooperation and opened new opportunities to promote the Russian Federation for Arab markets.
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Hasbi, Muhamad. "The Attitudes of Students from ESL and EFL Countries to English." Register Journal 6, no. 1 (June 1, 2013): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/rgt.v6i1.1-16.
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This research is to study the attitudes of English students from English as a Second Language (ESL) and English as a Foreign Language (EFL) country in English and Foreign Languages University (EFL University), Hyderabad to English. This is a descriptive-quantitative research with a survey method. The attitudes researched include those to listening, speaking, reading, and writing. The data was taken through questionnaireconsisting of 20 questions. The findings of this study showed that the English students in EFL University have neutral-to-positive attitudes to Listening, positive attitudes to Speaking, positive attitudes to Reading, and poor attitudes to Writing. In addition, the English students from ESL country have better attitudes to Reading (positive) and Writing (neutral)and those from EFL country have better attitudes to Speaking (neutral-topositive)and Listening (neutral-to-positive). Keywords: Attitudes; English as Second language (ESL); English as Foreign Language (EFL).
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Hasbi, Muhamad. "The Attitudes of Students from ESL and EFL Countries to English." Register Journal 6, no. 1 (June 1, 2013): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/rgt.v6i1.220.
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This research is to study the attitudes of English students from English as a Second Language (ESL) and English as a Foreign Language (EFL) country in English and Foreign Languages University (EFL University), Hyderabad to English. This is a descriptive-quantitative research with a survey method. The attitudes researched include those to listening, speaking, reading, and writing. The data was taken through questionnaireconsisting of 20 questions. The findings of this study showed that the English students in EFL University have neutral-to-positive attitudes to Listening, positive attitudes to Speaking, positive attitudes to Reading, and poor attitudes to Writing. In addition, the English students from ESL country have better attitudes to Reading (positive) and Writing (neutral)and those from EFL country have better attitudes to Speaking (neutral-topositive)and Listening (neutral-to-positive). Keywords: Attitudes; English as Second language (ESL); English as Foreign Language (EFL).
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Perry, David K. "News Reading, Knowledge About, and Attitudes toward Foreign Countries." Journalism Quarterly 67, no. 2 (June 1990): 353–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909006700212.
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Al-Gamrh, Bakr, Redhwan Al-Dhamari, Akanksha Jalan, and Asghar Afshar Jahanshahi. "The impact of board independence and foreign ownership on financial and social performance of firms: evidence from the UAE." Journal of Applied Accounting Research 21, no. 2 (April 15, 2020): 201–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jaar-09-2018-0147.
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PurposeThis study examines the impact of two different types of foreign ownership—by Arab and non-Arab investors on firms' financial and social performance. It then goes on to investigate how the degree of board independence affects the aforementioned relationship between these two types of foreign investors on firm performance.Design/methodology/approachThe sample for the study is a panel of all listed firms in the Dubai Financial Market (DFM) and the Abu Dhabi Securities exchange (ADX) from 2008 to 2012.FindingsResults indicate that while Arab foreign ownership affects firms' financial and social performance negatively, non-Arab foreign ownership does so, positively. Further tests indicate that board independence weakens the negative relationship between firm financial and social performance with foreign Arab ownership and deteriorate the relationship between firm financial and social performance and non-Arab foreign ownership.Research limitations/implicationsFuture studies may extend the coverage of the study by including other countries in the region and other identities of the foreign investors.Practical implicationsThis study may help policy makers in the UAE to improve the implementation and enforcement of existing regulations concerning corporate social responsibility (CSR) and board independence. It also highlights the need to look into the monitoring role of independent board members.Originality/valueThis is the first study to examine the role of board independence on the relationship between foreign ownership and firm's financial and social performance. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first paper that attempts to enrich the understanding of foreign ownership by classifying it into Arab versus non-Arab.
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Abhari, A. Sh. "Political elites of the Arab world and their influence." BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 70, no. 2 (June 25, 2020): 107–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2020-2.1728-8940.15.
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The debate between political scientists about the "Arab Spring" revolutions is still escalating. Especially regarding the forces operating at the scene. Attempts by the military elite to retain power and try to maintain the status quo at any cost, leaving the doors wide open for foreign intervention The foreign interventions of countries that are trying to use the wave of the Arab spring to achieve their goals have especially complicated the situation in the Arab world. In this article I will try to shed light on some factors influencing the results of the “Arab Spring” revolutions.
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Louail, Bilal. "Determinants of foreign direct investment in Arab countries during 1970– 2016." International Journal of ADVANCED AND APPLIED SCIENCES 6, no. 3 (March 2019): 102–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.21833/ijaas.2019.03.015.
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Fox, Ashley M., Sana Abdelkarim Alzwawi, and Dina Refki. "Islamism, Secularism and the Woman Question in the Aftermath of the Arab Spring: Evidence from the Arab Barometer." Politics and Governance 4, no. 4 (December 23, 2016): 40–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i4.767.
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The uprisings that led to regime change during the early period of the Arab Spring were initially inclusive and pluralistic in nature, with men and women from every political and religious orientation engaging actively in political activities on the street and in virtual spaces. While there was an opening of political space for women and the inclusion of demands of marginalized groups in the activists’ agenda, the struggle to reimagine national identities that balance Islamic roots and secular yearnings is still ongoing in many countries in the region. This paper seeks to deepen understanding of the extent to which the pluralistic sentiments and openness to accepting the rights women have persisted following the uprising. We aim to examine changes in attitudes towards women’s equality in countries that underwent regime change through popular uprisings during revolutionary upheavals of the Arab Spring and in countries where regimes have remained unchanged. Using available data from consecutive rounds of the Arab Barometer survey, we examine changes in attitudes in nine countries with two rounds of Arab Barometer during and post Arab Spring (Egypt, Yemen, Tunisia, Algeria, Lebanon, Sudan, Jordan, Iraq, Palestine). We find that support for “Muslim feminism” (an interpretation of gender equality grounded in Islam) has increased over the period and particularly in Arab Spring countries, while support for “secular feminism” has declined. In most countries examined, relatively high degrees of support for gender equality co-exist with a preference for Islamic interpretations of personal status codes pertaining to women. We discuss the implications of these findings for academics and activists concerned with women’s rights in the Middle East North Africa (MENA).
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Kemp, Simon. "Lay attitudes to trade with low-wage countries." Judgment and Decision Making 3, no. 4 (April 2008): 335–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1930297500000905.
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AbstractThree studies presented scenarios to lay people to investigate their willingness to restrict imports. Greater restriction was preferred when similar goods were made at home, when the owners of the foreign businesses made very good profits, and, less consistently, when the goods came from a low wage country. Particular reluctance to import from a low-wage country did not vary with whether a home firm was likely to lose business or the level of understanding of comparative advantage, but was related to the profits made by foreign business owners. The results show that lay people views are based on concern for people in other countries as well as in their own.
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Spierings, Niels. "The Influence of Islamic Orientations on Democratic Support and Tolerance in five Arab Countries." Politics and Religion 7, no. 4 (July 24, 2014): 706–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048314000479.
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AbstractConclusions from empirical analyses on how Islam influences democratic attitudes in Arab countries differ widely, and the field suffers from conceptual ambiguity and largely focuses on “superficial” democratic support. Based on the non-Middle Eastern literature, this study provides a more systematic theoretical and empirical assessment of the linkages between Islamic attitudes and the popular support for democracy. I link belonging (affiliation), commitment (religiosity), orthodoxy, Muslim political attitudes, and individual-level political Islamism to the support for democracy and politico-religious tolerance. Statistical analyses on seven WVS surveys for Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Morocco, and Saudi Arabia show that tolerance levels are remarkably lower than “democratic support”; the influence of being (committed or orthodox) Muslim and Muslim political attitudes are negligible however. Political Islamist views strongly affect tolerance negatively. They also influence “support for democracy,” but if the opposition in an authoritarian country is Islamic, these attitudes actually strengthen this support.
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Liang, Lemeng, Yongai Jin, Jie Zhou, and Yu Xie. "Stereotype contents, emotions, and public attitudes: How do Chinese people stereotype nations and national groups?" Chinese Journal of Sociology 8, no. 1 (January 2022): 52–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057150x211072961.
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Previous studies have provided various explanations for people's attitudes toward foreign countries, but we still know very little about causal mechanisms of attitude formation. In this study, we propose that stereotypes play an important role in affecting individuals’ attitudes toward foreign countries. Drawing on survey data collected in 2019 and 2020 in China, we apply the stereotype content model to analyze Chinese people's attitudes toward five countries: the United States, Japan, India, Tanzania, and China itself. Our analyses show that: (a) Chinese respondents stereotype the five countries differently along two dimensions—warmth and competence—with the extremely high evaluations of China itself, indicating in-group favoritism; (b) warmth–competence combinations are closely linked with four emotions—admiration, envy, pity, and contempt—but are also affected by historical and cultural contexts; (c) stereotype contents can predict favorable attitudes toward foreign countries, with warmth stereotypes being more predictive than competence stereotypes; emotions can also predict favorability; and (d) stereotypes of countries are similar to stereotypes of persons from those countries, as is the case for emotions and attitudes.
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Ziadé, Roland, Claudia Annacker, and Robert T. Greig. "How Bilateral Investment Treaties Can Protect Foreign Investors in the Arab World or Arab Investors Abroad." Journal of International Arbitration 25, Issue 2 (April 1, 2008): 257–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/joia2008018.
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Bilateral investment treaties generally provide investors with neutral, effective protections when investing abroad. Arab countries have been active in entering such treaties and at present the Arab world offers one of the world’s largest bilateral investment treaty networks. This article discusses the substantive protections and the procedural remedies available to foreign investors in the Arab world or to Arab investors abroad and presents ways of structuring investments in order to maximize bilateral investment treaty protections.
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Magued, Shaimaa. "Changes in Turkish Regional Policy from an Arab Perspective in the aftermath of Arab Uprisings." Contemporary Arab Affairs 14, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 39–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2021.14.2.39.
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This study presents Arab perspectives on changes in Turkish policy in the Middle East from 2010 until 2020. It examines how Arab countries perceive changes in Turkish regional policy after the 2010–11 uprisings. Unlike Western and Turkish literature that has highlighted identity–security combinations behind changes in Turkish regional policy, this study argues that the Arabic research literature provides a different perspective. Based on a foreign policy analysis concept of operational milieu, this study argues that Arab countries negatively perceive the changes in Turkish policy due to structural transformations in the region during and after the uprisings that paved the way for the reemergence of psychological barriers between both sides.
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Nadir, Nadia. "SISTEM PEMERITAHAN DAN KEBIJAKAN LUAR NEGERI ARAB SAUDI." Qaumiyyah: Jurnal Hukum Tata Negara 1, no. 2 (August 17, 2021): 161–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24239/qaumiyyah.v1i2.11.
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The focus of this paper is to discuss the Gulf Arab region, especially Saudi Arabia. This area is known as a region that has a very rich economic source from an abundance of petroleum. There are several countries in the Arab Gulf region, namely, Oman, Qatar, Bahrain, United Arab Emirates, Yemen, Kuwait, Iran and also Saudi Arabia. However, this paper is focused on Saudi Arabia. For the first reason, that Saudi Arabia is the center of the spread of Islam in which there are two holy cities of Mecca and Medina which are the center of the gathering of Muslims worldwide, especially during the Hajj seasons. Second, Saudi Arabia's foreign relations with other countries which are part of Saudi Arabia's foreign policy, which is known to be very close to the anti-terrorist country, namely the United States. The fundamental problem in the discussion of Saudi Arabia lies in the monarchical government system which is still surviving and undergoing a transition from absolute monarchy to constitutional monarchy and Saudi Arabia's foreign relations with other countries that are experiencing unfavorable situations, especially with the United States.
Abstrak
Fokus kajian tulisan ini adalah membahas tentang kawasan Arab Teluk khususnya Arab Saudi. Kawasan ini dikenal sebagai wilayah memiliki sumber ekonomi yang sangat kaya dari melimpahnya minyak bumi. Ada beberapa negara yang berada pada kawasan Arab Teluk ini yaitu, Oman, Qatar, Bahrain, Uni Emirat Arab, Yaman, Kuwait, Iran dan juga Arab Saudi. Namun, tulisan ini di fokuskan pada Arab Saudi. Dengan alasan pertama, bahwa Arab Saudi adalah merupakan sentral penyebaran agama Islam yang di dalamnya terdapat dua kota suci Mekkah dan Madinah yang menjadi pusat pertemuan umat Islam sedunia khususnya pada musim-musim haji. Kedua, hubungan luar negeri Arab Saudi dengan negara lain yang merupakan bagian dari kebijakan politik luar negeri Arab Saudi yang dikenal sangat dekat dengan negara anti teroris yaitu Amerika Serikat. Masalah mendasar dalam pembahasan tentang Arab Saudi terletak pada sistem pemerintahan monarki yang masih bertahan dan mengalami transisi dari monarki absolut menjadi monarki konstitusional dan hubungan luar negeri Arab Saudi dengan negara lain yang mengalami situasi yang kurang baik khususnya dengan Amerika serikat.
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Melkumyan, E. S. "Israel in Foreign Policy of the United Arab Emirates: from Confrontation to Normalization." MGIMO Review of International Relations 14, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2021-2-77-107-118.
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The article analyzes the transformation of the UAE policy towards Israel. Special at- tention is paid to the development of the country’s foreign policy priorities amid consolida- tion of the federal state. Strengthening relations with the Arab states during the first decades of the UAE history, participation in the Arab League, which consolidated the states of the Arab world, support of its opposition to Israel were the factors determining the anti-Israeli policy of the Emirates. The official position of the UAE was formulated under the influence of pan-Arab rhetoric and in no way differed from the position reflected in the documents of the Arab League summits. The peace process around the Arab-Israeli conflict launched since the 1991 in the framework of the Madrid Peace Conference did not result in the establish- ment of contacts between the UAE and Israel. The adjustment of Emirates’ foreign policy began after the aggravation in the Middle East, when countries such as Syria, Yemen and Libya were engulfed in conflicts. During this period, the Arab-Israeli conflict gradually lost its central role for the Arab world; the states of the Persian Gulf began to establish contacts with Israel, united by common fears about the strengthening Iran. The article discussed the path of stabilization between the United Arab Emirates and Israel including the role of their informal ties. The normalization between the UAE and Israel, outlined in August 2020 with the active participation of the United States, gave impetus to the establishment of relations between the two countries in various areas of mutual interest. The article traces the connec- tion between the specific areas of cooperation with Israel and those which were set byа Abu Dhabi as the key priorities of its national strategic development.
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Martin, Justin D., and Klaus Schoenbach. "Predictors of blogging activity in six Arab countries." International Communication Gazette 78, no. 8 (July 27, 2016): 733–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048516640484.
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This study examines predictors of blogging in six Arab countries in a secondary analysis of population surveys of, in total, 7,525 respondents in Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Lebanon, Bahrain, Jordan, and the United Arab Emirates in 2013. The surveys assessed a wide variety of Internet uses, news and information consumption, and also levels of political efficacy, media trust, and attitudes toward free speech, among other cultural and political indicators. Despite the oft-referenced supposition that blogging in the Arab world is associated with political disaffection, results here suggest that in the six countries investigated blogging is mainly connected to online engagement in general—such as sharing photos online, participating in online chats, and reading others’ blogs—rather than to sociopolitical indicators. In none of five of the six countries, for example, does a sense that one’s country was not ‘on the right track’ significantly predict blogging behavior. Also, distrust of mainstream news organizations only played a minimal role.
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Aziz, Omar Ghazy. "Dose the FDI Flow into Arab Region Influenced by the Global Financial Crisis?" Risk and Financial Management 2, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): p9. http://dx.doi.org/10.30560/rfm.v2n1p9.
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This study provides an overall view of the Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflows for the Arab region during the global financial crisis (GFC) in 2008. There a little attention has given to the FDI flows in Arab region as the main focus was on the countries where the GFC started. The objective of this study is to compare and analyses the global FDI inflows with Arab region during the GFC. It attempts to answer the question whether the FDI flow into Arab region was impacted immediately by the GFC? It provides a case analysis of FDI inflows in the Arab countries to test what is the reduction in these inflows? Are FDI inflows hold due to the assumption of that the region is considered as preferable distention to FDI? The study gives better understanding to the share of each individual Arab country over the period. It also introduces a case analysis of FDI inflow for Arab countries then compare it with other global regions.
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Mansurov, Uktam. "The History Of Trade Relations Of Central Asian Countries With Foreign Countries." American Journal of Social Science and Education Innovations 02, no. 10 (October 24, 2020): 110–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajssei/volume02issue10-17.
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The article describes the history of trade relations of Central Asian countries with foreign countries in ancient and medieval times, the importance of the Great Silk Road, the impact of these relations on political, economic, diplomatic, ethnic and cultural relations. It states that due to diplomatic and trade relations with foreign countries, mutual relations have been established, and the movement of citizens abroad and their entry is based on certain rules. Attention is paid to such factors as the impact of such relations on the socio-political and economic situation in those countries, the specific way of life of the peoples of the region, the way in which diplomatic relations are established. The article focuses on the development of trade relations with foreign countries during the reign of ancient Khorezm, Sogdiana, Parthia and the medieval Hephthalites, the Turkish Khanate, the Arab Caliphate, Amir Temur and the Temurids, the Central Asian khanates, Khiva, Kokand, Bukhara khanates.
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Aatif, Mohammed. "Attitude and motivation of arab learners learning chinese language in china." International Journal of Chinese Education 11, no. 1 (January 2022): 2212585X2210891. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2212585x221089103.
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Attitude and motivation play a fundamental and complementary role in the learning process of any foreign language acquisition. Correspondingly, Previous studies have indicated that learners' high attitude and motivation always help them acquire foreign languages efficiently. However, the present study investigated whether Arab learners are integratively or instrumentally motivated to learn Chinese as a foreign language in China. Likewise, how attitude could affect their learning. 271 Arab learners from 10 different nationalities participated in this study. The study was a mixed-methods design, and data were collected through a questionnaire then followed by semi-structured interviews. Descriptive statistics analysis, means and standard deviations using SPSS 25 were employed to analyse collected data. The findings of this study revealed that Arab learners have positive attitudes and motivations to learn Chinese language. Additionally, they were a bit high integratively motivated toward learning Chinese language. This study has concluded limitations and recommendations to help institutions and interested researchers shed light on these further research studies.
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Aatif, Mohammed. "Attitude and motivation of arab learners learning chinese language in china." International Journal of Chinese Education 11, no. 1 (January 2022): 2212585X2210891. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2212585x221089103.
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Attitude and motivation play a fundamental and complementary role in the learning process of any foreign language acquisition. Correspondingly, Previous studies have indicated that learners' high attitude and motivation always help them acquire foreign languages efficiently. However, the present study investigated whether Arab learners are integratively or instrumentally motivated to learn Chinese as a foreign language in China. Likewise, how attitude could affect their learning. 271 Arab learners from 10 different nationalities participated in this study. The study was a mixed-methods design, and data were collected through a questionnaire then followed by semi-structured interviews. Descriptive statistics analysis, means and standard deviations using SPSS 25 were employed to analyse collected data. The findings of this study revealed that Arab learners have positive attitudes and motivations to learn Chinese language. Additionally, they were a bit high integratively motivated toward learning Chinese language. This study has concluded limitations and recommendations to help institutions and interested researchers shed light on these further research studies.
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Lakkis, N. A., G. J. Maalouf, D. M. Mahmassani, and G. N. Hamadeh. "Insulin therapy attitudes and beliefs of physicians in Middle Eastern Arab countries." Family Practice 30, no. 5 (June 1, 2013): 560–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fampra/cmt022.
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Alshumaimeri, Yousif, Amani Gashan, and Ebrahim Bamanger. "Virtual worlds for collaborative learning: Arab EFL learners' attitudes toward Second Life." World Journal on Educational Technology: Current Issues 11, no. 3 (July 31, 2019): 198–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/wjet.v11i3.4235.
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In the Arab world, there is a lack of research investigating the use of virtual games to support learning English as a foreign language (EFL). The aim of this study was to examine EFL learners' attitudes towards the integration of the Second Life virtual game as a collaborative instructional tool. A descriptive inquiry method was followed, and data gathered using a questionnaire that had been tested for validity and reliability. Forty-one undergraduates, enrolled in two computer-assisted language learning classes, at a school of education represent the study sample. Findings indicated that the majority were in favor of using virtual worlds as collaborative learning contexts. Recommendations include that: 1) EFL teachers be trained to utilize virtual games; 2) EFL learners be encouraged to utilize virtual portals as collaborative learning opportunities to engage with target foreign language speakers around the world, and 3) EFL instructors create learning tasks requiring learners to interact with other language speakers in virtual games to ensure rich language exposition. Moreover, it is recommended that further studies consider a qualitative design that makes use of in-depth observations and interviews to explore learners’ attitudes about the integration of this technology in an EFL context.
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Ceyhun, Hüseyin Emre. "Determinants of Public Attitudes Towards Immigrants: Evidence from Arab Barometer." Refugee Survey Quarterly 39, no. 1 (January 23, 2020): 100–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/rsq/hdz016.
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Abstract What factors determine public opinion towards immigrants? This inquiry is especially crucial in the context of developing countries since they hold 80 per cent of global refugee populations. Lebanon, with the burden on its shoulders due to hosting about one million Syrians, offers a unique case to study the mechanisms driving the formation of attitudes towards immigrants. In this article, I examine how Syrian density is associated with Lebanese attitudes towards immigrants. Using Arab Barometer Wave IV data (2016), I test three arguments linking public attitudes to natives’ economic, security, and sectarian concerns. My analysis suggests that there is no relationship between employment status and negative attitudes towards immigrants. Instead, I argue that perceived economic situation and sense of security provide better mechanisms for the formation of natives’ attitudes towards immigrants. Moreover, I present the observational evidence that Lebanese attitudes towards immigrants are driven by one’s sectarian affiliation. Notably, Christians are more likely to adopt positive attitudes towards immigrants as Syrian density increases, compared with Shi’as more likely to cite prejudice.