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Academic literature on the topic 'Foreign Arab countries Attitudes'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Foreign Arab countries Attitudes"

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Wilkins, Karin G. "US prisms and prejudice through mediating the Middle East." International Communication Gazette 82, no. 6 (June 4, 2019): 526–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048519853752.

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Mediating the Middle East engages social and political constructions that articulate sentiment within the United States, with consequences not only to foreign policies and relationships, but also to experiences of Arab and Muslim citizens. Engagement with media narratives is expected to become particularly relevant when people do not share a resonating identity or direct experience with the community being projected. I position this research as an entry into how we might understand the primacy of dominant media narratives in shaping norms that contribute to discriminatory practices. Through this analysis, I focus on the concerns of Arab and Muslim Americans, considering the consequences of negative media characterizations of Islam, of Arab communities, and of the Middle East. This study builds on a national survey of adult United States citizens (n = 1416), with a targeted proportion of Arab American residents. These attitudes toward fellow citizens as well as foreign countries are considered in relation to extent of engagement with popular culture, specifically action-adventure given its role in Hollywood narratives featuring the Middle East. Attitudes toward Arab and Muslim communities within the United States as well as in the Middle East are demonstrated to be related to this form of media engagement.
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TURCZYŃSKI, Paweł. "LIBYAN CIVIL WAR AND INTERNATIONAL INTERVENTION IN 2011 - ATTITUDES OF THE PEOPLE OF LIBYA AND THE WEST." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 163, no. 1 (January 2, 2012): 152–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0002.3247.

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The outbreak of the civil war in Libya was part of the ‘Arab Spring’: a series of instances of Arab societies against non-democratic authorities of their countries. From the per-spective of the West, it is another conflict after the Cold War era, one in which there are no two conventional armies fighting against each other, but its start is ‘asymmetric’. The Gaddafi regime's bloody crackdown on insurgents made the international community stand in the defence of the civilian population. At the same time, with the experience of wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, there was reluctance to deploy western troops in Libya. It was clearly shown in the public opinion polls: Gaddafi was being condemned and Libyan civilians were being supported, but it was refused to expose the West to military losses. Libyan rebels also demanded more armament rather than reinforcing their forces with foreign army units. Therefore, the intervention of Western countries in Libya took the form acceptable to the public: air attacks on the forces loyal to Gaddafi.
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Malashenko, A. "Russian-Arab Relations amid the Ukrainian Crisis." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 3 (2022): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2022-3-93-104.

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The author analyzes relations between Russia and Arab world after the Russian special military operation in Ukraine has started. Mostly, despite distinctions in the approach of different Arab countries they try to keep normal relations with Russia that helps to keep their independence in their foreign politics. Also they don’t refuse from the cooperation with Russia in the economic field including technical military one. Despite pressure of the West, especially of the United States, the key exporters of oil, Saud Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, don’t participate in anti-Russian sanctions. The Arab world would avoid participating in the today’s global conflict. In the author’s view such a position could be slightly compared with the attitude of the Central Asia states.
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Mohammed, Abdulkhaliq Shamel. "American foreign policy in Middle East: new transformations under W. Bush and Obama administrations." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 1, no. 1 (February 28, 2019): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v1i1.97.

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This study attempts to diagnose the changes witnessed by the American foreign policy in the Middle East, in both of Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama administrations, this phase witnessed shift at the level of the visions, beliefs and attitudes. which reflected on the nature of the of dealing with the issues of the region , and embodied the most prominent features of change to adopt the U.S. policy toward the countries of the region in a general principle encapsulates policies , texture pressure in order to establish the values of democracy and human rights as a philosophy and a general principle , and inwardly save its interests in the Middle East , the United States sought for six decades in middle east countries to achieve stability on the expense of democracy , and through the support of totalitarian existing regimes , and cracking down on the opposition .but the events of September 11 forced them to change the approach to foreign policy encouraging democracy and claim to impose reforms. the study exposed to the George W. Bush hard doctrine, unilateral, military tool that give superiority to the implementation of the objectives of its foreign policy, on the contrast of president Obama doctrine with its realistic approach, which sees the need to combine all the tools of foreign policy to implement its objectives, Also this study return to realistic policy in its alliances and legitimacy, as well as dealt approach U.S. political discourse towards the Muslim world, and seek the main topics like, the war on Iraq in 2003and its impact on reformation in the Middle East .And the U.S. position on the Arab Spring, specifically the Syrian revolution. Also this study deals with U.S policy towards Iran Nuclear file, and The Arab-Israeli conflict .The study concluded that foreign policy changes occurred in George W. Bush second presidency is differ from his first presidency, and this transformation take a wider dimension and more comprehensive in Barack Obama's presidency.
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Zhura, Viktoria V., and Yulia V. Rudova. "A Sociocultural Perspective on Learning: Arabic And Indian Medical Students Compared." SHS Web of Conferences 69 (2019): 00141. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20196900141.

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The sociocultural backdrop of international students coming to a foreign country from different cultural and social environments plays a key role in shaping their attitude towards learning. The article explores and compares the motivational drives of international students from the Arab countries and India, which underlie their attitude to academic activities and academic progress. We used the method of systematic literature review, a questionnaire survey, comparative, quantitative, and qualitative analyses to obtain data on the value systems, traditions, and worldview of international students, which will make it possible for educators to appreciate the cultural contexts these students are embedded in. Social and cultural awareness of different aspects of the students’ value systems will enable teachers in host countries to contribute effectively to international student integration into the educational process.
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Ahmad, Imad-ad-Dean, and Alejandro J. Beutel. "U.S. Foreign Policy, Not Islamic Teachings, Account for al-Qaeda’s Draw." American Journal of Islam and Society 25, no. 3 (July 1, 2008): 147–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v25i3.1464.

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Recently Michael Scheuer, a former twenty-two-year CIA analyst and headof the agency’s Bin Laden Unit, gave an interview with John Barry of Newsweek.Scheuer observes that a new generation of middle-class, well-educatedMuslims are taking up arms to fight for al-Qaeda. Furthermore, he points outthat the main reason why bin Laden remains at large is because Washingtonrefuses to acknowledge – and tell Americans – that its longstanding policiestoward the Muslim world are the root of the problem. The main quote is:Our leaders say he [bin Laden] and his followers hate us because of whowe are, because we have early primaries in Iowa every four years andallow women in the workplace. That’s nonsense. I don’t think he wouldhave those things in his country. But that’s not why he opposes us. I readbin Laden’s writings and I take him at his word. He and his followers hateus because of specific aspects of U.S. foreign policy. Bin Laden lays themout for anyone to read. Six elements: our unqualified support for Israel;our presence on the Arabian peninsula, which is land they deem holy; ourmilitary presence in other Islamic countries; our support of foreign statesthat oppress Muslims, especially Russia, China and India; our long-termpolicy of keeping oil prices artificially low to the benefit of Western consumersbut the detriment of the Arab people; and our support for Arabtyrannies who will do that.1 (emphasis added)Scheuer’s analysis is supported by opinion polls of the Muslim public.A survey by the Project on International Public Attitudes (PIPA) in April ...
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Kukhareva, E. V. "“Drink for the soul”: coffee tree and coffee as a symbol of the Arab national mentality." Linguistics & Polyglot Studies 8, no. 4 (December 31, 2022): 164–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2410-2423-2022-4-33-164-176.

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In the complex geopolitical situation of the beginning of the 21 century and with the change of the vector of interests towards the countries of the East, attention to all aspects of the life of the peoples of these countries is increasing due to the urgent need to understand their cultures, lifestyle, and the world around them. These peoples are increasingly active in the international arena, their role in various fields is becoming more noticeable, and it is important to interact with them at various levels. To do this, it is necessary to know what this people lives by, what their priority is, what is important or secondary for them. The complexity of intercultural communication lies in the fact that the national character and mentality of representatives of different linguistic cultures is based on the existing realities of a particular people’s life, its moral values and attitudes, through which various ethnic communities identify themselves and fix their place and purpose in this world. Symbols and images reflecting these ideas take either a material or verbal shell and convey an ethnic picture of the world of a particular people, which is completely different from the ideas of other ethnic groups about what surrounds them. To understand a representative of another linguistic consciousness, mastering the vocabulary and grammar of a foreign language may not be accurate enough. Significant elements of language in their semantic part also contain an extra-linguistic component, the socalled background knowledge, which can be gleaned from the history, mythology, literature, folklore of the people with whom we are interacting. This extra-linguistic component, according to the author, is of great importance for understanding the national mentality and national character. It helps to identify other driving forces of the actions of different peoples in the process of intercultural communication, along with their political and economic interests. In this article, the author considers one of the symbols of the national mentality of the Arabs – the coffee tree and its derivative – a coffee drink, which plays an important role in creating a national collective portrait of the Arabic society, as well as makes an attempt to show how and why they occupied such an important place in the Arab national consciousness.
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Al-Nahdi, Yousef Ali Ahmed, and Shuo Zhao. "Learning Arabic language in China: Investigation on instrumental and integrative motivations of Chinese Arabic learners." Technium Social Sciences Journal 27 (January 8, 2022): 767–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v27i1.5369.

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There is an increasing demand in recent years for the study of the Arabic language by foreign learners as a second language, especially Chinese students. There are wide ranges of necessity to Arabic languages, such as commercial, industrial, economic, cultural, political, media, and other fields. Many foreign learners are learning this language to increase demands in all areas of life and use it in non-Arabic-speaking countries. China is one of those earliest countries that took this advantage and offered this program for an academic major. It’s almost 37 universities and institutes where the Arabic language is taught in China. The request for learning this language has increased because of the urgent need for exchange programs with Arab-speaking countries. As result, international experts believe motivations are an important factor in teaching Arabic to non-speakers that can be influential reasons for the foreign learners to practice, argue, push and motivate them to benefit more and overcome the difficulties of the Arabic language. This study examines two facial types of motivations, instrumental and integrative motivations. In this study, all participants are Chinese students currently studying in China. The number of participants was 125 students from both genders, including 4 academic directors of the Arabic language department in five public Chinese Universities. The findings show that Chinese students learning Arabic as a Second Language (ASL) are highly instrumental than integrative to studying Arabic. A lack of experience of the Arabic language in their classrooms and society guides their attitude. The findings also revealed that there is a relationship between the language structure and a classroom environment that decreases their motivation and achievements of learning Arabic.
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Soriano Díaz, Ramón Luis. "La guerra justa de Barack Obama y la Primavera Árabe. De la retórica discursiva a la experiencia práctica =The just war of Barack Obama and the Arab Spring. From the discursive rhetoric to practical experience." UNIVERSITAS. Revista de Filosofía, Derecho y Política, no. 26 (July 14, 2017): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/universitas.2017.3748.

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RESUMEN: Trata este trabajo de la actitud del presidente Barack Obama en relación con las rebeliones de la denominada Primavera Árabe, desvelando si los criterios de la guerra justa por él señalados y defendidos en sus discursos se compaginan con la real política bélica de Estados Unidos. Se insertan ambos planos en el escenario de las rebeliones acaecidas en tres países: Libia, Egipto y Túnez. La conclusión principal es que hay un largo, además de irregular, distanciamiento entre la teoría y la práctica del presidente Obama, prevaleciendo los intereses de Estados Unidos por encima de la protección de los derechos humanos, que es uno de los vectores principales de su concepto de guerra justa.ABSTRACT: This work refers the attitude of the President Barack Obama concerning the rebellions of the so-called Arab Spring, revealing if the criteria of the just war defended in his speeches correspond to the real policy of the United States. Both planes are included in the scene of rebellions occurred in three countries: Libya, Egypt and Tunisia. The main conclusion is that there is a long, as well as irregular, distance between theory and practice of president Obama, prevailing the interests of United States respect to the protection of human rights, which is one of the main vectors of their concept of just war.PALABRAS CLAVE: primavera árabe, guerra justa, rebeliones árabes, Obama y política exterior, Obama y filosofía bélica.KEYWORDS: Arab spring, just war, Arab revolts, Obama and foreign policy, Obama and war philosophy.
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Graziano, Manlio. "The Rise and Fall of ‘Mediterranean Atlanticism’ in Italian Foreign Policy: the Case of the Near East." Modern Italy 12, no. 3 (November 2007): 287–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701633767.

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The article aims at studying the reasons for the new way of looking at the Palestinian-Israeli conflict by the Italian political world: the mutual recognition of Israel and the Vatican, the visit to Jerusalem by the leader of the formerly fascist party, Mr. Gianfranco Fini, and the beginnings of a movement of interest towards the Jewish State also within the political left. From a historical viewpoint, anti-Semitism in Italy found its origins in the Church's attitude toward the ‘deicide people’. Beginning with WWI, to this position was added the worry that the Holy Places might fall under Jewish control. From those times dates the Holy See's evermore manifest liking for the Arab populations of Palestine. Nowadays the line of conduct of the Church has as its basic objective the defense of Christian minorities in the Middle East, and for this reason it maintains dialogues with all actors in the region. The weight of the Church influenced also the attitude of the Italian State, even though from its inception the latter had to make adjustments because of other international requirements. This multiple subordination caused the different republican governments to always keep an official equidistant stance among the conflicting parties in the Near East. Behind this apparent neutrality, however, the feelings of benevolence for the Arab countries and the Palestinians have gradually intensified. Italian leaders have been trying to conduct a Mediterranean policy on the borders of the Western alliance, and their feelings have been oriented in consequence. During the 1970s, the governments went as far as to conclude a secret pact with Palestinian terrorists, to avoid terror acts on the Peninsula in exchange for some freedom of action. And in the mid-eighties the Craxi government did not hesitate to challenge the US in order to guarantee the continuity of that line of conduct. On that occasion Craxi, speaking in Parliament, compared Arafat to Mazzini. The end of the Yalta-established order has modified the traditional data of Italian foreign policy. However, the increased attention paid to Israel has also other causes: the changed attitude of the Church after the civil war and the Syrian occupation in Lebanon, events which both caused difficulties for the consistent Christian minorities; the hope that the Oslo process could reward the Italian ‘clear-sightedness’; last, but not least, the quarrelsome internal politics that make the Palestine conflict a mirror of the Roman conflicts. Lastly, the article connects the recent goodwill for Israel with the threats of Islamic terrorism in Italy. A political opinion trend would revisit the Middle Eastern conflict as the upturned perspective of a ‘clash of civilizations’ already existent nowadays. And a possible act of terrorism in Italy might give to this opinion a mass basis.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Foreign Arab countries Attitudes"

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Mahmoud, Khalid Salah el-Dien Taha. "Agricultural foreign trade among Arab countries /." Berlin : Köster, 2005. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=013306609&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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Haseeb, Dina Khair El-din. "Intra-Arab labor movement 1973-1985." Thesis, Kansas State University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/9915.

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Eraikat, Abdul K. "Education in the Arab-Islamic world." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2008. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/243.

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Education in the Arab countries is discussed in the light of ongoing international educational reform. It is argued that education in the Arab/Muslim world faces serious problems. Educational reform cannot be achieved in isolation; it has to be part of a full scale reform that tackles social, economic and cultural issues. It is contended that cultural values, economic, social and political factors in the Arab/Muslim societies have contributed a great deal to the backwardness of education within Arab/Muslim societies. Questions such as whether Arabs/ Muslims could cope with the new trends in education, and whether they would be able to respond to the new ICT revolution and globalisation are addressed. It is also argued that Arabs/Muslims respond to globalisation and ICT in different ways each according to their perspective. This paper explores in detail the factors that shape education in the Arab world. It also attempts to shed light on relations between Arabs/Muslims and the West, considering how they have understood or misunderstood each other throughout the course of history. It is argued here that globalisation has been understood as Westernisation in the Arab/Islamic world due to a long history of mistrust and misunderstanding between the two. However, before undertaking this exploration, a brief summary of the historical background of Arabs I Muslims is provided.
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Sohns, Olivia Louise. "Lyndon Baines Johnson and the Arab-Israeli conflict." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283940.

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Turkistani, Abdullah Qurban. "An analysis of foreign debt by the Arab countries with special reference to Egypt, Morocco and Tunisia." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/30138.

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In this study the demand for foreign debt was disaggregated into government demand and private sector demand. Hence, two demand models have been specified. Where, the government maximises an expected quadratic preference function, and the private sector maximises the expected returns from its financial portfolio. The two models are then empirically tested on data from the three Arab countries. Furthermore, the two models are then combined and empirically tested and compared to the disaggregated model. The general framework of this study is that the governments of the Arab countries under study pursue internal and external acceptance in an effort to remain in power, which is empirically supported here. Increasing government expenditure, which implies higher budget deficit, reflects the government's efforts to gain internal acceptance. On the other hand, opening up the domestic economy to the world indicates the government's efforts to gain international acceptance. This study concludes that the Arab countries under study have been undergoing imprudent economic policies that mainly accommodating the government's credit requirements. It has shown that the countries had accepted irresistible foreign loans contracts possibly to finance the current account deficits. Further, the IMF stabilisation program requirement to devalue the national currency, in order to increase foreign exchange inflows and hence reduce foreign debt, founds not to be working for the three Arab countries under study.
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Fourie, Anco. "Brain drain and brain circulation : a study of South Africans in the United Arab Emirates." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2175.

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Thesis (MPhil (Sociology and Social Anthropology))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006.
Human resources are one of the most valuable assets of any country’s economy. Countries invest millions in the education and development of their citizens to improve knowledge, skills and productivity that will sustain and enhance their economic growth. Previously governments regarded money spent on education and training of its current and potential workforce as a ‘safe’ investment, but the situation has changed drastically in the past 50 years. Today, many highly skilled professionals are leaving their native country to work and live in another.
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Swarts, Ilze. "Organisational practices enhancing positive job attitudes of expatriates on international assignments." Thesis, Pretoria : [s.n.], 2008. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-06102008-170804.

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Nguyen, Kimthoa Thi. "How resource rich countries attract foreign direct investments: a study of Western Asian countries and strategies of industrialization and diversification." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/15058.

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Fuel is a self-depleting resource and long term dependency on this commodity alone will not suffice. An export trade oriented approach can lead to faster industrialization while diversification leads to economic sustainable growth. This research seeks to understand how countries compete for foreign direct investments, and how certain activities have the most impact in the competitive global marketplace. Research suggests that when companies decide to invest abroad, they seek only to find countries that facilitate their strategic objectives. The results conclude with appropriate levels of government accountability, credibility and visibility with the private sector, foreign direct investment is attracted by policy advocacy and policy reform. By reviewing countries such as United Arab Emirates in direct comparison to Western Asian countries, including Kuwait and Iraq with high levels of fuel exports, along with Qatar with optimistic marketplace indicators and plentitude of skills and capabilities – research seems to suggest that despite high capabilities and attractive GDP, promotional investment activities yield the highest returns using policy advocacy and reform.
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Khabbaz-Hamoui, Fayçal. "Le dialogue euro-arabe: un échec inéluctable?" Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211211.

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Lam, Hon Yeung. "An exploratory investigation of British expatriate adolescents in Hong Kong : their preferences and perceptions of being international." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2003. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/439.

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Books on the topic "Foreign Arab countries Attitudes"

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Europe through Arab eyes, 1578-1727. New York: Columbia University Press, 2008.

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Achcar, Gilbert. The Arabs and the Holocaust: The Arab-Israeli war of narratives. New York: Metropolitan Books, 2010.

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The European other in medieval Arabic literature and culture: Ninth-twelfth century, AD. New York, N.Y: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.

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Harkabi, Yehoshafat. Arab attitudes to israel. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction Publishers, 2014.

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Mahmoud, Khalid Salah El-Dien Taha. Agricultural foreign trade among Arab countries. Berlin: Köster, 2005.

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Khashan, Hilal. Arab attitudes toward Israel and peace. Washington, DC: Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 2000.

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1920-, El-Naggar Saʻid, ed. Foreign and intratrade policies of the Arab countries. Washington, D.C., U.S.A: International Monetary Fund, 1992.

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Ali, Al-Shamali, Denton John, Markaz al-Buḥūth al-ʻArabīyah, and Middle East Business Conference (1st : 1999? : Kuwait (Kuwait)), eds. Arab business: The globalisation imperative. London: Kogan page, 2000.

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Conference, Arab Women's Solidarity Association. al- Fikr al-ʻArabī al-muʻāṣir wa-al-marʼah: Al-muʼtamar al-dawlī al-thānī, al-Qāhirah, 3-5 Nūfimbir 1988. al-Qāhirah, Miṣr: Dār Taḍāmun al-Marʼah al-ʻArabīyah, 1989.

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1929-, Polk William Roe, ed. The Arab world today. 5th ed. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1991.

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Book chapters on the topic "Foreign Arab countries Attitudes"

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Elbalti, Béligh. "The Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Filiation Judgments in Arab Countries." In Filiation and the Protection of Parentless Children, 373–402. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-311-5_14.

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Tesfaye, Makonnen. "Towards a strategic culture approach to understanding and conceptualising Ethiopia’s foreign policy towards Israel and the Middle Eastern Arab countries." In African Foreign Policies, 66–88. New York: Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429328237-5.

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Baeza, Cecilia. "Chilean Foreign Policy Toward Arab Countries: Between Trade Diplomacy and the Affirmation of Principles." In Latin American Foreign Policies towards the Middle East, 59–76. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59939-1_4.

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Khatib, Dania Koleilat. "US-Arab Gulf Relations amidst Regional and Global Changes." In Foreign Relations of the GCC Countries, 102–14. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203701287-8.

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Korany, Bahgat, and Ali E. Hillal Dessouki. "Foreign Policy Approaches and Arab Countries: A Critical Evaluation and an Alternative Framework." In The Foreign Policies of Arab States, 21–42. American University in Cairo Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5743/cairo/9789774163609.003.0003.

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Ragab, Eman. "Beyond Money and Diplomacy: Regional Policies of Saudi Arabia and UAE after the Arab Spring." In Foreign Relations of the GCC Countries, 37–53. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203701287-4.

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"Selected foreign trade indicators of ESCWA member countries 2006-2015." In External Trade Bulletin of the Arab Region, 14–20. UN, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/43f64394-en-ar.

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Stansfield, Gareth. "21. Israeli–Egyptian (in)security." In Foreign Policy. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198708902.003.0021.

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This chapter examines the Yom Kippur War of 1973 from a foreign policy perspective. It first provides a background on the Arab–Israeli Conflict that began in 1948 with the War of Independence, followed by the Suez Conflict in 1956 and the Six-Day War in 1967, and culminated in the Yom Kippur War. It then considers the Egyptian build-up to war in 1973 and why Egypt attacked Israel, as well as the peace process that eventually settled the conflict between the two countries via the Camp David Accords. It also analyses the relative normalization of the Egyptian–Israeli relations and the effective breaking of Egypt’s alliance with other Arab states opposed to the existence of Israel. It concludes with an assessment of the aftermath of the Yom Kippur War and the rapprochement between Egypt and Israel.
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Behbehani, Hashim S. H. "China’s attitudes to, involvement in, and withdrawal from, the Omani War, 1955–75." In China’s Foreign Policy in the Arab World, 1955–75, 164–88. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003074724-7.

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Al-Shehri, Saleh. "Mobile Learning in the Arab World." In Interdisciplinary Mobile Media and Communications, 48–62. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-6166-0.ch003.

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Most Arab countries started their own e-learning and mobile learning initiatives in order to cope with global integration of latest educational technologies. The high mobile phone penetration among Arabs as well as availability of good mobile infrastructure are all important factors that can enhance the shift to mobile learning. Moreover, several studies indicate positive attitudes and perceptions toward mobile learning at different Arab learning institutions. However, specific challenges may act as barriers to mobile learning in the Arab world. This chapter reviews some of the current mobile learning practices in the Arab world and provides an overview of challenges faced by Arab students, educators, and probably researchers. A description of future mobile learning in the Arab countries is then provided.
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Conference papers on the topic "Foreign Arab countries Attitudes"

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Kawar, Khaloob. "JEWISH AND ARAB TEACHERS’ ATTITUDES TOWARDS TEACHING SECOND AND FOREIGN LANGUAGE IN ISRAEL." In 15th annual International Conference of Education, Research and Innovation. IATED, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21125/iceri.2022.0421.

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Guettaoui, Amel, and Ouafi Hadja. "Women’s participation in political life in the Arab states." In Development of legal systems in Russia and foreign countries: problems of theory and practice. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02061-6-93-105.

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The level of political representation of women in different legislative bodies around the world varies greatly. The women in the Arab world, is that as in other areas of the world, have throughout history experienced discrimination and have been subject to restriction of their freedoms and rights. Many of these practices and limitations are based on cultural and emanate from tradition and not from religion as many people supposed, these main constraints that create an obstacle towards women’s rights and liberties are reflected in the participation of women in political life. Although there are differences between the countries, the Arab region in general is noted for the low participation of women in politics. Universal suffrage has become common in most countries, but there are still some Arab women who are denied such rights. There have been many highly respected female leaders in Arab history, such as Shajar al-Durr (13th century) in Egypt, Queen Orpha (d. 1090) in Yemen. In the modern era there have also been examples of female leadership in Arab countries. However, in Arabic-speaking countries no woman has ever been head of state, although many Arabs remarked on the presence of women such as Jehan Al Sadat, the wife of Anwar El Sadat in Egypt, and Wassila Bourguiba, the wife of Habib Bourguiba in Tunisia, who have strongly influenced their husbands in their dealings with matters of state. Many Arab countries allow women to vote in national elections. The first female Member of Parliament in the Arab world was Rawya Ateya, who was elected in Egypt in 1957. Some countries granted the female franchise in their constitutions following independence, while some extended the franchise to women in later constitutional amendments.
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MASHHOUR, MANAL, NOURAN ABD, and RASHA SALEH. "The Impact of the Economic Freedom on Foreign Direct Investment in the Arab Countries." In Third International Conference on Advances in Management, Economics and Social Science - MES 2015. Institute of Research Engineers and Doctors, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.15224/978-1-63248-081-1-41.

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Koç, Murat, and Hakkı Çiftçi. "World Investments, Global Terrorism and the New Perception of Politic Risk." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01108.

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Based on economic power struggle, the economic strength began to take the place of military power and economic security has been considered as important as military security in this new world order. Multinational companies and their feasibility studies constitute the agenda of politic risks before entering these markets. Political risk faced by firms can be defined as “the risk of a strategic, financial, or personnel loss for a firm because of such nonmarket factors as macroeconomic and social policies, or events related to political instability”. However, terrorism should be considered as a multiplier effect on some of the components mentioned above. Terrorism itself and these strict measures directly affect investments. In 2012, FDI (Foreign Direct Investment) flows into the Middle East and North Africa have been adversely affected by political risk over the past couple of years. Investor perceptions of political risks in the region remain elevated across a range of risks. The Arab Spring countries have fared worse than other developing countries in the region. The risk perception of civil disturbance and political violence, but also breach of contract, is especially prominent in Arab Spring countries. In other words, global terrorism has created a negative multiplier effect in the region. In this context, Multiplier effect can be summarized as an effect on a target, situation or event which exceed its creating strength than expected. Considering this impact, MNC’s SWOT analysis and investment analysis must signify a redefinition in a wide range by the means of political risk perceptions.
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O'Hara, Lily, Bayan Alajaimi, and Bayan Alshowaikh. "Experiences of Weight-based Oppression in Qatar." In Qatar University Annual Research Forum & Exhibition. Qatar University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29117/quarfe.2020.0187.

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Introduction: Weight-based oppression is a widespread phenomenon in Western countries. External sources of weight-based oppression include exposure to stigmatizing or exclusionary social, cultural, economic, political and built environments, weight bias and discrimination, and weight-based bullying and violence. Internal sources of weight-based oppression are the internalized negative attitudes, values and beliefs people hold about body weight. Weight-based oppression is associated with a range of psychological, physiological and behavioral harms such as depression, anxiety, disordered eating, hypertension, allostatic load, cortisol reactivity and oxidative stress. Research on weight-based oppression is largely absent from the Arab region. The objectives of the study were to examine the internalized attitudes, values and beliefs related to body weight, and experiences of external weight based oppression, including teasing, bullying, stigmatization, and discrimination among staff, faculty and students at Qatar University. Methods: We conducted in-depth semi-structured interviews with 29 participants (25 females) aged 18 to 53 years who were recruited using convenience and snowball sampling. Thematic analysis was used to identify major themes. Results: Internal and external weight-based oppression were experienced by all participants and regarded as so common in Arabic culture as to be normative. There were five major themes that related to the various types of weight based oppression experiences, internalized feelings about weight based oppression, and the timing, source and impact of weight based oppression. Conclusion: Weight-based oppression in the Arab region is an important and unrecognized public health issue. Programs should be developed to reduce exposure to weightbased oppression in all sectors. Reducing teasing, bullying and negative experiences related to body weight in childhood should be a public health priority.
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Seaton, Simon, Thomas Jelley, and Daphné Carthy. "Improving Employee Wellbeing through a Five-Phase Psychological Model to Reduce Risk and Improve Performance." In SPE/IADC International Drilling Conference and Exhibition. SPE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/204036-ms.

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Abstract In its latest US Oil & Gas workplace safety report, the American Petroleum Institute (API) noted that the industry's incidence rate has decreased by 41% since 2008 due to an increased focus on the industry-wide goal of zero incidents (American Petroleum Institute, 2020). However, there continues to be a significant number of serious incidents directly related to human behaviours rather than a lack of control or processes. In a high-risk environment such as Oil & Gas sites, onshore or offshore, it is imperative to have a healthy workforce - both physically and mentally - and there is a link between worker wellbeing, stress, overall performance, and safety attitudes. Many segments of the Oil & Gas industry require workers to leave home and family for extended periods, and this can have a significant impact on an employee's psychological wellbeing. This paper aims to inform individuals and organisations so they can better understand the effects of the experience of being away and increase the chances of maintaining their workers’ psychological wellbeing. A five-phase model - from preparing to leave home through to being back at home - has been developed in consultation with academics, trade unions, expert insight from oil and gas, military and education sector perspectives. This model offers a new and practical way to think about and manage potential adverse impacts on psychological wellbeing while away in order to reduce risk. It was first set out by Seaton and Jelley (2015) and additional research has since been completed with new data that demonstrates the impact of the five-phase model. The five-phase model has been tested among international students at universities in the UK (Smith, Smith and Jelley 2018) and in 2019 among foreign workers at an on-shore location in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Consistent with findings in the university context, the results of the latest field research suggest that greater use of strategies to cope with working away from home is associated with (a) greater positive wellbeing (happiness, life satisfaction) in life generally (b) a better quality of working life (c) more efficient operational performance.
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Zainaddin, Ibrahim. "Enhancing Operational Business Decision Making by Better Understanding Gcc's Oil and Gas Energy Sector Local Content Programs." In International Petroleum Technology Conference. IPTC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2523/iptc-22088-ms.

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Abstract Operational business decisions have become more difficult due to the rapid increase in local content programs in the Arab Gulf states. Many companies operate in more than one Gulf country, and therefore, they became committed to many various local content programs. This due to the various obligations to the requirements of these programs. In general, these programs are issued by the local governments. However, a good number of these programs are issued by parastatal and private sector companies as well. These programs contain various requirements. This includes the use of locally made goods and services, local manpower, transfer of foreign technology, establishing research and development centers, and on. To reach the desired goals, companies must spend the largest amount of costs locally. These programs require the interaction of many departments in the companies such as HR, Training, payroll, and procurement. As a result, many companies had established special administrative units to monitor the performance of the local level process. The performance of companies is measured by different and often complicated formulas. The goal is to reach the highest local percentage in the final product. The GCC supply chain localization programs are made to support and drive growth, development, and income diversification for the GCC countries. They have critical impact on GCC business environments due to their supply chain and other legal requirements. Any business decisions need to address the requirements of these programs as local supply chain activities and systems need to fill any expected gaps as mandated by these programs. Investment attractiveness is highly impacted by the rules and regulation imposed by these programs. The legal implications are of very high concern to business leaders as well. Hence, organizations need to take high care and pay great attention to the requirements of these programs. As there is not enough research available about this subject in the industry and academia, this paper was created with the intention to discuss and analyze the different GCC supply chain localization programs and their impact on supply chain decisions. The paper should help leaders to take informed decisions in the GCC market they operate as these programs are evolving at very fast paste. A review of the programs across GCC countries will be presented. These supply chain localization programs cover both the government and private sectors. Programs basics, models, incentive, and achievements will be shown. These programs have some similar concepts and models, but they differ in some other respects. Hence, a comparison will be made across these different programs for similarities and differences. The structures for the government and private sector's programs are somehow complex and require interactions of many areas such as human resources, supply chain, training and development, and research initiatives. The paper will use publicly available resources and market intelligence tools to gain in-depth details for each program as there are not much scientific researches in the industry about this topic. To facilitate the business environment for companies, It is necessary for the governments in the same country and at the level of the Gulf state to unify these different programs Adherence to these programs should not be a hindrance to the current and future investment environment. Companies must be prepared to address the different and possibly newly created requirements as local content programs are getting of a very high attention by all GCC countries.
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Yılmaz, Durmuş. "Global Economy and Turkey: 2016 and Beyond." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01815.

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Irrespective of whether advanced economies (AEs) or emerging market economies (EMEs), the number one problem of the global economy is not being able to generate a satisfactory growth. Income levels is in some countries are barely above the per-crisis level. Despite ample liquidity due to quantitative monetary policies, consumption and investment demands are weak. Because high level of indebtedness deter economic agents from using credit. Credit markets still do not function well either. Quantitative easing policies have been successful in containing further deterioration. Despite ample liquidity inflation has not risen, but it did delivered the expected growth. Because banking system in AEs is weak and monetary transmission mechanisms are not functioning well. As for EMEs, commodity prices and World trade appears to be weak; economic growth are slowing down, capex is visibly falling in heavy industrial sectors due to already existing excess capacity. The academia as well as the business community are worried about the appropriateness of the present policies in case another recession comes, central banks will have little ammunition to deal with it. The option being talked of now is what is dubbed as “helicopter Money”. Turkey being an open economy, has been and will be effected by the developments in the global economy through trade, capital flows and expectation channels. By international standards, Turkey have a reasonable growth rate of 3 to 4 %, implying a new growth era where high growth cycle ended due to changing global financial conditions and its structural problems. Future growth performance will depend on the level of investments and savings to finance it. As her own saving is low, foreign capital flows is crucial. High inflation and interest rate are the two negatives, but it has a strong fiscal position, debt / GDP is 32.3%, the budget is almost balanced, producing primary surplus which proved it is resilience in the face of recent failed coup and the negative attitudes displayed by the rating agencies.
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