Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Foregin economic relations'
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1
Ponniah, Helen. "Malaysia - Japan relations : economic and political implications." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110876.
Full textAbstract:
Japanese involvement in Malaysia dates back to
the beginning of this century. From the beginning
Japanese interests were predominantly economic in nature
Japan looked upon Malaya as a source of raw materials
and also as a potential market for its finished products
Japan was initially drawn by the rubber industry which
became lucrative in 1910 and the iron ore mines which
were essential for its steel industries. In 1928 iron
ore imports from Malaya accounted for 40 percent of
Japan's total consumption. Japanese cotton goods and
other manufactures were low priced and therefore popular
in Malaysia. However Japanese efforts to make in-roads
on the Malaysian economy were impeded by the British
colonial administration. For example, the British
enacted a Rubber Restriction Act in 1917 which limited
rubber exports to Japan. The British also introduced a
quota system on Japanese manufactured imports in the
late 1930s.
2
Herrmann, John. "Japan's economic relations with the South Pacific." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/129551.
Full textAbstract:
The post-World War II decades witnessed one of the most important economic
achievements in recent world history: the rise of Japan as a global economic
power. This served notice of Japan's new status as an actor on the world stage
and ultimately, of its potential to influence developments around the world. In
the South Pacific, Japan's drive to globalise its giant economy over a period of
four decades generated a considerable impact on the economies of Pacific
Islands countries (PICs). In the period leading up to the mid-1970s, relations
between Japan and the South Pacific developed gradually with a continuing
emphasis on economic involvement initially through trade and investment.
That economic relationship expanded rapidly during the 1980s. Japan's intent
for a role beyond a continuing 'economic' emphasis became increasingly
apparent during this period with Overseas Development Assistance (ODA),
because of its strategic value, becoming a significant component in Japanese
involvement. It was the declaration of the Kuranari Doctrine in 1987 that
made clear Japan's motivation for a greater political role. Thus, from an initial
focus on economic activities in the South Pacific, strategic and political
objectives became important considerations for Japan in the growing economic
relationship.
3
Gaarder, Christopher. "California's Foreign Relations." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1147.
Full textAbstract:
Globalization has significantly increased the number of stakeholders in transnational issues in recent decades. The typical list of the new players in global affairs often includes non-state actors like non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations, and international organizations. Sub-national governments, however, have been given relatively little attention even though they, too, have a significant interest and ability to shape the increasing flow of capital, goods, services, people, and ideas that has so profoundly influenced the global political economy in recent decades. California, arguably the most significant among sub-national governments – its economy would be seventh or eighth in the world at $2.2 trillion annually, it engages in over $570 billion in merchandise trade, and has a population of nearly 40 million, out of which over 10 million are immigrants – is also one of the most active in transnational issues. The state government has opened and closed dozens trade offices abroad since the 1960s. It set up a multi-billion dollar carbon cap-and-trade system jointly with the Canadian provinces of Québec and Ontario under Assembly Bill 32, one of the most significant pieces of climate change legislation to date. California’s educational, technological, and media hubs – its public and private universities, Silicon Valley, and Hollywood – draw some of the best and brightest from around the world. California also has a long history of involvement in transnational issues. State efforts to undermine growing Chinese then Japanese “menace” immigrant populations from the mid-19th through the mid-20th centuries influenced United States foreign policy.
This thesis first takes a look at the federalism and international relations issues faced by California as it plays a greater role in transnational issues. Then, it examines the main actors and institutions, and the issues at play. The states have some leeway under the Constitution and contemporary political order to use their domestic powers to influence global issues, whether through climate legislation, public pension divestment, or non-binding “Memoranda of Understanding” with foreign governments. Such behavior, while less significant than national policy, can fill gaps in national policy, promote policy change, and deepen global ties, promoting a more complex interdependence among nations. California can also exert a moral, soft power influence in leading by example. The structures promoting California’s growing role in transnational issues are poorly organized. If the Golden State is to better leverage its political, economic, and moral authority internationally, it would do well to more explicitly develop a unified vision for its role in the world.
4
Zhang, Jianxin. "U.S. - China Bilateral Trade 1972 - 1992." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278694/.
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The main task of this thesis is to investigate economic implications of U.S.- China trade. The study period covers from 1972 to 1992. Data are available from International Financial Statistics, Survey of Current Business, Statistical Yearbook of P.R.China. Various hypotheses are employed to explain the basis and gain of trade, the impact of trade on both economies, and the major determinants of bilateral trade flows. This thesis contains five parts: I. Introduction; II. Outlook; III. Theoretical Analysis; IV. Empirical Study; and V. Conclusion. The major findings of this thesis are that both countries have gained advantages from trade and have also faced some unpleasant problems; several widely recognized theories serve as good approaches to understand these issues; the time series distributed lag models are helpful in explaining the determinants of trade flows.
5
Bonnor-Hay, Jenelle. "The politics of Asia-Pacific economic co-operation." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/128786.
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The focus of this thesis is on the political agenda underlying AsiaPacific
economic co-operation. These agenda will be explored with
reference to the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) forum, and an
attempt made to assess the feasibility of the APEC forum by examining the
discrepancies between the stated objectives of APEC and the implicit
political factors behind each participant's position.
6
Muniz, Blanca P. "EEC strategies towards Latin America : hegemony and international economic relations." Thesis, University of Essex, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.328998.
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7
Mills, Jason. "Sino-American economic relationship after the global economic slowdown." Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/33994.
Full textAbstract:
The continued funding of America's persistent trade and fiscal deficits has sparked debate among international economists. One controversial explanation argues that East Asia is pursuing "Bretton Woods II" and funding American deficits as part of a greater development policy. This paper examines the Chinese policy response to the global economic crisis and finds that China's policy actions provide evidence for "Bretton Woods II." Furthermore, the Sino-American relationship is now characterized by codependence which has implications for the policy decisions of each country.
8
Wan, Chi Shun. "Economic aspects of the Sino-Soviet Alliance, 1949-1964." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/29867.
Full textAbstract:
The characteristics of the Sino-Soviet Alliance have been analyzed extensively for more than three decades. However, the economic aspects of this Alliance remain unclear. A number of factors, such as statistical discrepancies, complexity of interpretation,
and the quality and reliability of the Chinese and Soviet sources , are accountable for this obscurity. A more narrowly focused study examining the role Sino-Soviet economic relations played in shaping the Alliance is useful to better our understanding.
After a chronological, review of the Sino-Soviet economic relationship, its significance in shaping the Alliance is examined
through the reappraisal of three major areas.
Firstly, the relative costs and benefits for each partner are assessed in an objective and detached way. The Soviet Union made a decisive contribution to China's industrialization. Soviet financial aid , though modest in figure, was provided in a timely way. Together with the provision of scientific and technological knowledge, the value of Soviet aid must be regarded as considerable.
The benefits to the Soviet Union were less impressive; but since the imported Chinese consumer goods were largely consumed
in the Soviet Far East, the benefits should not be underestimated.
The cost for both sides remains obscure; though it is obvious that the questions of "Soviet exploitation", concerning the joint-stock companies, the overvaluation of the rouble and
the pricing in Sino-Soviet trade are highly complex and should be interpreted with greater care.
Secondly, the effect of Sino-Soviet economic cooperation on the Alliance — whether it strengthened or weakened it — is explored.
Undoubtedly, the economic relationship had both unifying and divisive effects. It was a unifying factor because the Soviets had provided China with support and assistance that would have been difficult to obtain elsewhere . Another factor which had tied China to the USSR was the strong Soviet influences resulting from the implementation of the Soviet model and the close cooperation in the fields of education and sciences. On the other hand, these Soviet influences proved to be a divisive factor
as well, because they produced a domestic political and social
situation that Mao found profoundly distasteful. Different economic interests and competition in foreign aid programs also created tensions and frictions. The independent outlook of China's leaders made them resentful of their role as a junior partner in the early 1950's, and prevented them from entering a long-term trade agreement with the USSR or joining the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance, as the Soviets had wished.
Finally, the impact of Sino-Soviet economic relations upon China's policy-making is discussed, albeit speculatively. In the early 1950's, China's economic and military dependence on the USSR made its leaders exercise greater caution in their claim of "Mao's Road " as the model for other Asian countries. As China
gained strength, however, Soviet influence declined. While the discontinuation of Soviet financial aid can reasonably be regarded as one of the major factors contributing to China's decision to abandon the Soviet model in 1958, the economic pressure
applied by Khrushchev failed to change China's policy, and proved counterproductive.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
9
Wainer, Gwen. "Economic sanctions : an effective tool of foreign policy." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2000. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/210.
Full textAbstract:
This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science
10
Smith, Hevina N. "Economic dependence and Malawi's foreign policy posture toward South Africa." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65917.
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11
Jin, Rong. "India and China :competitive co-existance through conflict management and cooperation promotion." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954064.
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12
Gillies, David 1952. "Commerce over conscience : Canada's foreign aid programme in the 1980s." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61150.
Full textAbstract:
This study is an examination of recent changes in the organisation and activity of Canada's foreign aid programme. Three conceptually distinct categories form the theoretical framework of the study: (a) contending approaches to the study of international relations; (b) contending conceptions of economic growth and development; and (c) contending approaches to the aid policy-making process. The study examines the multiple objectives underlying Canada's aid programme, develops and interprets a series of "aid quality" indices, and undertakes a detailed examination of the aid policy process. Emphasis is placed on tracing the specific combination of domestic "push" and international "pull" factors which have pressured Ottawa into initiatives promoting a closer linkage of the aid and trade facets of government activity. Attention is also drawn to the impact of these initiatives on the developmental objectives of the programme.The principal finding of the study is that while Canada's aid programme has until recently been able to maintain a precarious balance between the opposing forces of philanthropy and self-interest, there are now unmistakable signs of a deliberate effort to tilt the programme in a more commercial direction. In this trend, the single case of Canada mirrors a more general pattern towards an increasingly commercial orientation in most donor aid programmes.
13
Angliss, John. "Turkish-british Economic Relations 2002-2012: An Intensely Political Relationship." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615531/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Over the last ten years Britain and Turkey have sustained an unusually harmonious
economic relationship. However, this has not been the outcome of undirected free
markets and the effective exploitation of comparative advantage. Instead, it has come
about as the result of a series of political compromises. This analysis looks at how
the relationship has evolved on a variety of political levels: through international
organisations, state-to-state diplomacy, the direct state sponsorship of British
business in Turkey and the varied political relations of British multinationals inside
Turkey. At each level, activist British governments have used political methods to
promote British business, even sometimes at the expense of their reputation or other
strategic interests. Complementing this is a structural power imbalance between the
two countries, which has helped open up Turkey&rsquos markets to British capital.
14
Marong, Alhagi. "Economic integration and foreign direct investment in West Africa." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=20540.
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Economic integration and foreign direct investment were adopted by developing countries particularly in Africa, as strategies for economic development. For these countries, economic integration became not only a tariff issue, but a strategy for development; hence the term "developmental regionalism". This thesis is a study of the concept of developmental regionalism in West Africa. It concentrates on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which was formed in 1975.It is argued that as a strategy for development, the ECOWAS integration effort was inadequate because of undue reliance on tariff reductions--- so called "negative integration" measures. It is suggested that to facilitate a more cohesive integration program, countries in the region ought to adopt positive integration measures in the form of common policies on money and payments, industrialization and most significantly, a common policy on investments.
With respect to investment regulation, it is my argument that because liberalization of investment laws at the national level failed to attract the desired flow of foreign investment to the region, ECOWAS Member States ought to harmonize their regulatory framework with a view to ultimately adopting a single legal regime for international investment.
As a framework for analysis, I adopt the criteria of economic efficiency. This is a cost/benefit analysis of the transformations that occur as the result of contractual transactions. Where the costs to the parties exceed or are likely to exceed the benefits of the transaction, it is said to be inefficient. Using these criteria, I argue that in order to inject a level of fairness in investor/host state relations, and to avoid the costs of FDI to host societies exceeding the gains therefrom, international law ought to make binding prescriptions to govern corporate conduct. Based on this reasoning, I suggest a framework for improving the investment climate in West Africa.
15
Yuvaci, Abdullah. "International Politics, Special Interests and Foreign Trade Policy: A Study of Turkish-American Textile Trade Relations." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1271800423.
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16
Platten, Andrew B. "The People's Republic of China's economic growth and foreign policy." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FPlatten.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Lyman Miller. "June 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p.37-39). Also available in print.
17
Yao, Ning. "BRICS cooperation mechanism and its impacts on global economic governance." Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335238.
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18
Ng, Hei Lin. "China foreign aid to Africa : features and implications." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2012. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1465.
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19
Knoetze, Christopher. "Feasting on foreign aid : a political economic examination of foreign aid's potential role in perpetuating chronic hunger and starvation in Malawi." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/20050.
Full textAbstract:
Foreign aid to Malawi has the ability to perpetuate the country's fifteen-year long hunger crisis. For millions of Malawians, chronic starvation is attributable to their inability to access food available on internationalised markets. Bilateral foreign aid to the Southern African state is aimed at stimulating development which, if successful, should also lift the country beyond threat of chronic, long-term malnourishment for the poorest of its citizens. Donor's, however, measure developmental aid's success along a narrow set of indicators - such as economic growth - dictating the direction of policy for recipient nations wishing to maintain the inflow of aid. For Malawi, this is all but inevitable as foreign aid accounts for 40% of government revenue. As a result of this dependency on external income, Malawi's government has targeted economic growth in order to maintain its aid support. Economic growth in Malawi has been fuelled by public spending and is unsustainable in the long term. The rapid growth was accompanied by high levels of inflation and the further entrenchment of a perennial trade accounts deficit, leaving the national currency weak. In addition, the majority of public spending reinforces the country's economic identity of an agricultural state, ensuring that 90% of Malawians who rely on agriculture for an income will remain poor due to the imbalance of trade. The indirect perpetuation of an agricultural economy, alongside unsustainable and unstable growth, has led to a situation where most Malawians cannot afford to buy food.
20
Askren, Jillian. "United States-middle-east relations : the role of economics in foreign policy." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1347.
Full textAbstract:
This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
21
Botha, Ilana. "China in Africa : friend or foe? : China’s contemporary political and economic relations with Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3405.
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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006.Since the end of the Cold War, China has displayed a reinvigorated interest in the African continent. There are differing viewpoints as to whether China’s increasing involvement in Africa is beneficial to the African continent, or whether there are negative consequences. This assignment attempts to answer this question by exploring the nature of China’s political, economic, and aid relationships with the African continent, by highlighting examples from four countries: South Africa, Zimbabwe, Uganda and Sudan. China’s interests in Africa are motivated primarily by economics and diplomacy. In other words, Africa is important to China as a vast source of resources to feed its growing manufacturing base, as well as a source of energy security. In addition, China sees Africa as an important destination for its affordable manufactured goods. China’s interests in Africa, however, are not only confined to economics, but extend to diplomacy as well. China is attempting to position itself as an important power in the international system and, in so doing, promote its own views and policies within international multilateral organisations. Africa plays an important role in this regard, particularly in institutions with ‘one-country, one vote’ arrangements. Thus, China attempts to court African governments in order to secure access to Africa’s vast resources, as well as to garner support for its policies in the international arena. After an in-depth examination of the evidence, it is concluded that China’s engagement with Africa is based on strategic political and economic considerations and fits within a Realist explanatory framework. It is therefore contended that China’s presence on the African continent presents both opportunities as well as threats, although African governments need to be pro-active in order to exploit the potential opportunities. Furthermore, it is concluded that the negative consequences of China’s involvement in Africa are not only attributable to China’s behaviour in Africa, but some of the blame should also be shifted to corrupt African governments and elites who operate within a framework of neo-patrimonial politics which exacerbates corruption and mal-governance on the continent. Such behaviour stalls efforts emanating from ‘responsible’ African leaders to promote good governance and democracy on the continent, for example through institutions such as the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad) and the African Union (AU).
22
Peng, Dan Ni. "The EU-China trade relations in the context of economic globalization." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555591.
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23
Chang, Joseph. "The Gift that Keeps Giving: FDI Inflows in China." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/123.
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This paper investigates the primacy of foreign direct investment inflows in liberalizing China’s economy and whether the long-term gains from economic openness will justify its inefficient energy uses and growing regional income disparities. By examining the history of FDI inflows in China, it becomes evident that FDI inflows were an instrumental part in institutional and technological development in China. I extend the argument to take into account how these developed infrastructures react to China’s growing energy demand in light of a shrinking world supply. Lastly, I perform a meta-analysis on the Environmental Kuznets Curve theory and the Pollution Haven Hypothesis, to examine if there are negative environmental outcomes from FDI inflows. I find that the technological effect of FDI inflows tend to result in long-run improvements under most circumstances.
24
Kwak, Tae Woon. "International transmission of economic disturbances under floating exchange rates." The Ohio State University, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1278526152.
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25
Brochard, Patrick. "Political economy of China's foreign trade." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63312.
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26
Ryan, Bernard. "Political Islam and the Shaping of Iranian Foreign Relations." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2007. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1229.
Full textAbstract:
This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
27
Dreier, Tina, and Rhodes University. "China's African FDI safari : opportunistic exploitation or muturally beneficial to all participants." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001455.
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When implemented within a favourable legislative framework, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) can produce domestic growth-enhancing spillovers in host countries. Other potential positive effects include the provision of investment capital, the creation of local employment and the transfer of sophisticated technology or advanced knowledge. African nations in particular have been historically reliant on externally-provided funds. Prevailing low income levels, marginal savings rates and the absence of functioning financial markets necessary to provide local start-up capital continue to keep Africa reliant on foreign inflows. Considering China’s increasing financial commitments to Sub- Saharan Africa (SSA) over the last decade, this study examines the state of current Sino-African investment relationships. Specific attention is paid to the outcomes of this strategic bilateral alliance in order to determine whether or not a mutually beneficial investment relationship has evolved. The distinct nature and structure of, the motivation behind and the most significant determinants of Chinese FDI to SSA are all analysed in accordance with traditional FDI theories. A case study approach is used to establish whether China’s contemporary interest in SSA differs from historical investments and to also investigate country-specific commonalities and differences. Of particular relevance to SSA are resource-backed Chinese loans that finance major infrastructure projects in host nations. Interestingly, a lot of the Sino-African investment packages resemble similar deals struck between China and Japan in the 1970s. The results of this study indicate that China’s investment motives seem more diverse than initially expected. Resource-seeking, profit-seeking and market access-seeking reasons appear to be the most important motives. After establishing the Top- Ten recipients of Chinese FDI in SSA, these nations are then classified into three major categories: resource-, oil- or agricultural-rich nations. Undiversified resource- or oil-rich economies are found to have secured the largest shares of Chinese FDI. This study suggests that China’s contemporary “African Safari” is an unconventional way of providing financial assistance. Rather than solely supplying FDI, China finances a diverse mix of instruments, the most important being concessional loans, export credits, zero-interest loans and the establishment of Special Economic Zones. A profound difference to traditional Western investment packages is China’s non-interference approach. Accordingly, Beijing not only refrains from intervening in host countries’ domestic affairs but also refuses to attach formal conditionalties to its loans. China’s “financial safari” into Africa has produced many positive as well as negative effects in host countries. Nevertheless, it would seem that the positive effects outweigh the negative and China’s FDI could contribute to sustainable development in SSA
28
Kovalenko, Yulia, Diana Stepanova, Юлія Олександрівна Коваленко, and Діана Степанова. "Management of foreign economic relations of the enterprise on the basis of sustainable development." Thesis, National aviation university, 2021. https://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/53446.
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Коваленко Ю., Степанова Д. Управління зовнішньоекономічними зв'язками підприємства на основі сталого розвитку // Сучасні проблеми менеджменту: матеріали XVII Міжнародної науково-практичної конференції. - Національний авіаційний університет. - Київ, 2021. - С. 38-39Foreign economic activity is one of the most important factors in the development of the national economy. No country in the world will be able to independently develop its own production processes, ensure economic growth without effectively using the benefits of the international division of labor and the combined international scientific and technological potential. This is especially relevant in modern conditions when the processes of international economic integration, the international division of labor, globalization of the world economy are developing intensively. Foreign economic activity promotes the development of promising areas of export potential. It is due to foreign economic activity that our country solves the problem of lack of energy, new machines, and equipment, technologies, some consumer goods.
Зовнішньоекономічна діяльність є одним з найважливіших факторів розвитку національної економіки. Жодна країна у світі не зможе самостійно розвивати власні виробничі процеси, забезпечувати економічне зростання без ефективного використання переваг міжнародного поділу праці та об'єднаного Міжнародного науково-технічного потенціалу. Це особливо актуально в сучасних умовах, коли інтенсивно розвиваються процеси міжнародної економічної інтеграції, міжнародного поділу праці, глобалізації світової економіки. Зовнішньоекономічна діяльність сприяє розвитку перспективних напрямків експортного потенціалу. Саме за рахунок зовнішньоекономічної діяльності наша країна вирішує проблему нестачі енергії, нових машин і обладнання, технологій, деяких споживчих товарів.
29
Ward, Stuart. "Discordant communities : Australia, Britain and the EEC, 1956-1963." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1998. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27667.
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This work is concerned with the demise of ‘British race patriotism’ in Australian political culture in the late 19505 and early 1960s. The organic ideal of British racial community was a founding ideological pillar of Australian nationality for much of this century, yet the declining relevance of these ideas, and the emergence of a more limited, exclusive conception of Australian ‘community’ has not been adequately addressed in the existing historical literature. In
many respects, the waning appeal of ‘Britishness’ in Australia was a gradual and piecemeal process, but at the level of Australian political culture the shifts in outlook and assumptions occurred surprisingly rapidly, and converged largely around a single key event; namely, the first British application for membership of the European Economic Community in the years 1961 to 1963. The Macmillan Govemment’s painful choice between the discordant communities of ‘Europe’ and the ‘the British race’ provoked a crisis of British race patriotism in Australia, and prompted long overdue reflection, discussion and debate about the changing determinants of Australian nationhood in the post-war world. This occurred, not under the impetus of an instinctive dawning of an innate and assertive Australian nationalism as is often suggested, but in reaction to the demise of British race patriotism as a viable and credible framework for the
ordering of Australian loyalties, priorities and policies. In the case of Britain's EEC membership application, it is significant that the revision of sentimental assumptions took place after it had become painfully self-evident that the United Kingdom was determined to pursue national interests and a national destiny that could no longer be reconciled with the traditional conception
of organic Anglo-Australian community. The tensions and contradictions between ‘sentiment’ and 'self—interest‘, long inherent in Australia's political and economic ties to Great Britain, imploded under the impetus of the Macmillan Government's EEC aspirations. Before any limited. sovereign, national community could become fully imaginable in Australian political culture, it was a necessary precondition that the wider sense of British racial community should
become ‘unimaginable’.
30
Ho, Choong Sin. "The critical importance of the Soviet role in Vietnam's economic reforms - fact or fallacy?" Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/118455.
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At its Sixth National Party Congress in December 1986, a
drastic leadership change occurred in the Communist Party of
Vietnam (CPV). Truong Chinh, Pham Van Dong and Le Due Tho
all stepped down from top Party positions, accepting most of
the blame for the country's appalling socio-economic condition.
The new leadership that replaced them, led by Nguyen Van
Linh, is now faced with the task of reforming the country's
ailing economy.
To do this, it has embarked on a wide-ranging series of
economic reforms. As these reforms gain momentum in the
second half of the 1980s, it has seen the concomitant rise of a
new class of leaders in the Politburo labelled as "reformers",
the most prominent of whom are the country's new leader,
Nguyen Van Linh, and the State Planning Commission
Chairman. Vo Van Kiet.
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Yang, Zi Wei. "Economic integration in Greater China : drawing lessons from European Union." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555596.
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Quan, Wei. "Sino-US strategic and economic dialogue mechanism : is it a trouble-shooter or just empty talk?" Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595576.
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Jordaan, Johannes Cornelius. "Foreign direct investment and neighbouring influences." Thesis, Pretoria : [s.n.], 2004. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-04182005-094319.
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Sithole, Abel Moffat. "The People’s Republic of China’s “strategic partnerships” with South Africa : 1998-2013." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97006.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The emergence of the People‘s Republic of China (PRC) as an economic superpower has become one of the most significant developments in world affairs in recent times. As the PRC has grown in economic significance, it seeks to translate this to all areas of its relationship with the rest of the world. Africa and African countries are a region where the PRC‘s involvement and engagement has elicits major consternation, especially from Western countries. However, this region, relative to its geographic and population size, natural endowments, and engagement with other regions andWestern countries in particular, remains insignificant in the PRC‘s external relations. South Africa enjoys very good diplomatic relations with the PRC, disproportionate to its significance with regard to the PRC‘s quest for resource that fuels its phenomenal economic resurgence. South Africa and the PRC‘s relationship has, within a decade, grown in depth and complexity that supersedes despite major asymmetries between them. South Africa is the first developing and African country with which the PRC established a comprehensive strategic partnership. While the concept of a ‗strategic partnership‘ remains unclear in international relations, it conveys a relationship of significance and stature that supplements ordinary bilateral relationships, although the latter are better defined and binding than the former. Clearly, the Chinese government attaches great importance to its relationship with South Africa. The advent of democracy and a thriving pluralistic socio-economic and cultural society that is admired despite the challenges it faces, makes South Africa an exemplar and desirable partner. South Africa‘s international stature and role in the international system, matches the PRC‘s objectives in this regard, making South Africa a good foil for PRC. However, this study contends that there are reasons that are beyond the well-worn natural resource extraction and diplomacy arguments that make South Africa attractive to the PRC. It uses asymmetry theory of international relations to explore and elucidate this. It explores what underpins, motivates and accounts for the rapid progression of this relationship and the implications this may have on their relationship in the future This thesis uses Womack‘s (2001, 2003, 2003a, 2006, 2006a, 2010) terminology and methodology to look at how South Africa and the PRC concentrate on areas of complementarity and cooperation and seek and foster mutual understanding and appreciation of each other‘s societies and histories. The thesis explore how they work to actively convert hostility to friendship and adroitly manage the relationship to prevent it drifting from friendship to hostility, as well as using what Womack calls routinization, neutralization and diplomatic ritual, in managing their partnership. From the perspective of asymmetry theory, the PRC and South Africa are complementary. South Africa is the largest; most sophisticated, developed and diversified economy in Africa and the developing world. It possesses or has access to technical and managerial knowhow that the PRC would have difficulty accessing elsewhere. South Africa remains a strategic maritime and naval route for the PRC‘s trade and accesses to key resources on the African continent and elsewhere. The study finds that asymmetry theory is useful in understanding how South Africa and the PRC manage their relationship. Asymmetry theory provides a framework to analyse the motivations and dynamic interactions that drive the progression of their diplomatic relations. The findings of the thesis imply a diplomatic relationship between South Africa and the PRC that is based on more than just the PRC‘s need for resources and diplomatic support in the international system.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die onlangse toetrede van die VolksRepubliek van China (VRC) tot die geledere van die ekonomiese supermoondhede het een van die mees beduidende verwikkelinge in wêreldaangeleenthede geword. Soos die VRC ekonomies belangriker geword het, is gepoog om hierdie sukses te herhaal op ander terreine van die land se buitelandse betrekkinge met die res van die wêreld. Afrika en Afrika lande is ‗n streek waar die VRC se betrokkenheid en verbindnisse groot konsternasie ontlok het, veral vanaf Westerse lande. Maar hierdie streek, relatief tot sy geografiese en demografiese grootte, natuurlike hulpbronne en betrokkenheid by ander streke en veral Westerse lande, bly onbeduidend in die VRC se buitelandse betrekkinge. Die aandag wat Suid Afrika van die VRC geniet is disproporsioneel in vergelyking met die belang van die VRC se soeke na hulpbronne om haar fenomenale ekonomiese groei te stook. Die verhoudinge tussen Suid-Afrika en die VRC het in die bestek van ‗n dekade gegroei in diepte en kompleksiteit wat als oorskadu ten spyte van groot ongelykhede tussen hulle. Suid- Afrika is die eerste ontwikkelende land met wie die VRC ‗n omvattende strategiese vennootskap gesluit het. Terwyl die konsep van ‗n ‗strategiese vennootskap‘ onduidelik bly in internasionale betrekkinge, vergestalt dit betrekinge van beduidenis en statuur wat gewone bilatirale betrekkinge aanvul, alhoewel laasgenoemde beter gedefinieer en bindend is as eersgenoemde. Dit is duidelik dat die Chinese regering groot belang heg aan betrekkinge met Suid-Afrika Die oorgang na demokrasie en ‗n florerende plurale sosio-ekonomiese kulturele samelewing wat bewonder word ten spyte van die uitdagings wat dit in die gesig staar, maak van Suid- Afrika ‗n navolgingswaardige en wenslike vennoot. Suid-Afrika se internasionale statuur en rol in die internasionale stelsel pas die VRC se doelwitte in hierdie opsig en maak van Suid- Afrika ‗n goeie skerm floret vir die VRC. Maar, hierdie tesis betoog dat daar ook ander redes is buiten die wel bekende natuurlike hulpbron onttrekking en diplomatieke argumente wat Suid-Afrika vir die VRC aantreklik sou maak. Womack se ongelykheidsteorie in internasionale betrekkinge word gebruik om dit te ondersoek en toe te lig. Ongelykheidsteorie is nog nie voorheen in studies oor hierdie betrekkinge gebruik nie. Hierdie tesis verskaf dus ‗n belangrike alternatiewe metode om hierdie betrekkinge te bestudeer. Die tesis ondersoek Suid-Afrika en die VRC se betrekkinge na aanleiding van Womack (2001, 2003, 2003a, 2006, 2006a, 2010) se terminologie en metodologie en fokus op gebiede waar die twee lande mekaar komplimenteer en kan saamwerk; wedersydse verstaan van, en waardering vir, mekaar se mense en geskiedenisse kan koester; om aktief vyandigheid te omskep in vriendskap en om verhoudings so bedrewe te bestuur dat vriendskap nie in vyhandigheid verander nie; en om ook wat Womack roetiene, neutraliteit en diplomatieke ritueel noem te gebruik in die bestuur van hul vennootskap. Deur die lens van ongelykheidsteorie kyk die tesis na wat die vinnige progressie wat hierdie betrekkinge onderskraag, motiveer en verklaar. Vanuit die perspektief van ongelykheidsteorie vind die VRC Suid-Afrika komplimenterend. Dit is die grootste, mees gesofistikeerde, ontwikkelde en gediversifiseerde ekonomie in Afrika en die ontwikkelende wêreld. Dit besit of het toegang tot tegniese en bestuurskennis wat die VRC moeilik elders toegang toe sou kon kry. Suid-Afrika bly ‗n strategiese maritime en vloot roete vir VRC handel en toegang tot sleutel hulpbronne op die Afrika kontinent en elders. Een van die bevindings van die studie is dat ongelykheidsteorie ‗n nuttige metode is om die bestuur van die verhouding tussen Suid-Afrika en die VRC te verstaan. Dit verskaf ‗n raamwerk vir die analise van die motiverings en dinamiese interaksies wat die vordering van hul diplomatieke betrekkinge bepaal. Die bevindings van die tesis impliseer dat die diplomatieke betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en die VRC nie net op die VRC se behoefte aan bronne en diplomatieke steun in die internasionale stelsel gebaseer is nie.
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Duho, Drapeau Dann. "The parameters of Japan's political economic strategy : impact of national identity, national interests, and role conceptions on Japanese foreign policy (1980-97)." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28266.
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Research on Japanese current foreign policy suffers from neglect of the influence of domestic factors on Japan's decisions and behaviour in world politics. The question of the nature of Japanese foreign policy needs to go beyond the exogenous cause of state behaviour in international affairs. The object of inquiry of this thesis is the influence of social factors on the orientation of Japan's foreign policy. The central concern is: "how" and "why" Japan behaves as it does in world affairs. This examination addresses the question of the interaction of endogenous and exogenous factors on the foreign economic policy of Japan, and postulates that Japanese national identity, national interests, and role conceptions, are the essence of Japan's defensive attitudes in world affairs on the one hand, and that Japanese behavioural patterns in international relations are in conformity with the ends of Japan's foreign policy: economic security and growth under the Japan-US alliance. Japanese response to US pressure and trade adjustment to the changing framework of the world economy from the 1980s up to the present give a relevant outlook to the defensive character of Japan's foreign policy. For Japanese policy-makers, the stability of Japan's economic performance in the world economy, its pacifist attitude in world affairs, its trade relations with the United States, and its protectorate status as a result of the Japan-US Security Treaty, are beyond question.
36
Eyck, Tobias Albert Ten. "A Cross-national Study of Attitudes and Group Labeling: Multinational Corporation (MNC) Workers in Canada, Brazil, and West Germany." PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4840.
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Many studies concerning multinational corporations {MNCs) are replete with theoretical models and case studies that treat MNCs as stand-alone entities. Very little time and effort is given to understanding the context in which MNCs operate. This context includes not only the fact that MNCs transcend national boundaries (political as well as geographical), but also the meaning of work and being part of a multinational work force for those employed within MNCs. This thesis is an effort to elucidate how the political/societal/cultural contexts of different host countries affect the attitudes of those workers most directly involved with foreign-owned MNCs. By shifting the focus from the MNC to the political/societal/cultural environment of host countries, foreign-owned MNCs can be compared across national boundaries (foreign-owned MNC workers from three different countries are compared in this thesis -- Canada, Brazil, and West Germany). Finally, by grounding the workers' attitudes within social identity theory, divergent attitudes between the workers from the different countries are not only explained, but expected as well.
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Di, Mauro Francesca A. "Essays on foreign direct investment and economic integration: a gravity approach." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211356.
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Hachem, Daniel R. (Daniel Raymond). "A Study on U.S. Japanese Foreign Trade." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278155/.
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This research presents an in depth discussion and analysis on U.S. Japanese foreign trade. It is divided into two parts. The first hypothesis states that the appreciation of the dollar in the early eighties is positively correlated with the U.S. trade deficit, especially with Japan. The second hypothesis states that Friedrich Von Hayek's Theory of Social Order applies to the development of capitalism in that country. This can also be divided into two parts, a) this generation of Japanese consumes, saves, and invests differently than previous generations, and b) Japanese consumption and investment patterns follow U.S. consumption and investment patterns with a lag.
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Que, Wen Jun. "String of pearls, myth or reality? : Sino-Indian interaction in Indian Ocean." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595577.
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Jia, Meng Qi. "Promoting stability and sustainability of China's natural resource investments in Africa through BIT approach." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3959453.
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Traylor, John Christopher 1960. "American business and United States foreign economic policy in East Asia, 1953-1960." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/276538.
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The Eisenhower Administration sought to create a large role for U.S. multinational corporations, who could provide a significant amount of the capital needed for trade expansion and industrial growth. This policy became known as "trade not aid." The trade not aid policy reflected both the fiscal conservatism and ideological beliefs of the Eisenhower Administration. By 1957 Eisenhower shifted to a policy of trade and aid. This study examines three foreign economic policies in the context of American-East Asian relations. It focused primarily on Japan, since that country served as the center of the American regional "workshop economy" concept in Asia. Tracing the development of the trade/aid program, this thesis then compares and contrasts governmental policies with business activity and opinion during the 1950s. It concludes that the foreign economic policy of the Eisenhower Administration contained serious flaws, served the needs of only a few countries in the region, and was weighted heavily toward a military support role rather than economic development. (Abstract shortened with permission of author.)
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Yang, Dexin 1960. "Transaction efficiency, division of labour and foreign direct investment." Monash University, Dept. of Economics, 2002. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/7614.
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Wick, Shelley D. "Constructing Threat: How Americans Identify Economic Competitors." FIU Digital Commons, 2013. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/860.
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China’s emergence as an economic powerhouse has often been portrayed as threatening to America’s economic strength and to its very identity as “the global hegemon.” The media’s alarmist response to an economic competitor is familiar to those who remember US-Japanese relations in the 1980s. In order to better understand the basis of American threat perception, this study explores the independent and interactive impact of three variables (perceptions of the Other’s capabilities, perceptions of the Other as a threat versus as an opportunity, and perceptions of the Other’s political culture) on attitudes toward two different economic competitors (Japan 1977-1995 and China 1985-2011). Utilizing four methods (historical process tracing, public polling data analysis, social scientific experimentation, and content analysis), this study demonstrates that increases in the Other’s economic capabilities have a much smaller impact on attitudes than is commonly believed. It further shows that while perceptions of threat/opportunity played a significant role in shaping attitudinal response toward Japan, perceptions of political culture are the most important factor driving attitudes toward China today. This study contributes to a better understanding of how states react to threats and construct negative images of their economic rivals. It also helps to explain the current Sino-American relationship and enables better predictions as to its potential future course. Finally, these findings contribute to cultural explanations of the democratic peace phenomenon and provide a boundary condition (political culture) for the liberal proposition that opportunity ameliorates conflict in the economic realm.
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Leung, Wai Man. "The exchange rate system of China : an empirical study with institutional factors." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2006. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/721.
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Rammutle, Radithebe. "Foreign aid and NGO-state relations in South Africa : post-1994 developments." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53429.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates the impact of foreign aid on the relations between Non- Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and the state in South Africa since 1994. There are three different ways in which NGOs can interact with the state and public policy: viz. they can support and help to implement policies, attempt to reform policies, or oppose them. During apartheid, the nature of NGO-state relations was characterised by political confrontation and distrust. NGOs primarily served as organisations of opposition to the state's exclusivist and dehumanising policies. Many NGOs, however, also provided developmental and social services to communities who were neglected by the apartheid state. After the first democratic election in 1994, the role of NGOs underwent a significant process of change. Various factors contributed to this change. This study, however, primarily focuses on the role of foreign aid and its effect on NGO activities in South Africa, post-1994. This study relied on secondary data sources (both qualitative and quantitative) available in the area of NGO state relations. The study also focused on two major donor agencies in South Africa: European Union (EU) and United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Analysis of data reveals that, since 1994 much of the funding that was previously directly channeled to civil society now goes to the state, which distributes it to targetted NGOs. As a result many NOOs have collapsed because of a shortage of financial resources to sustain their work. Secondly, since 1994 the rationale and purpose behind international donor policies has been to advance the New Policy Agenda (NPA), which is aimed at promoting free market-orientated reforms and the consolidation of liberal democracy. As a result, foreign aid donors have endorsed the liberal economic policies, which are set out in the government's macroeconomic strategy, viz. Growth, Employment, and Redistribution (GEAR). Thus, both government and donors have prioritised NGOs who are involved in service delivery rather than those that are likely to challenge and oppose liberal market policies. They have also shown preference to NGOs that are more concerned with the norms and practices of procedural democracy as opposed to those that are concerned with issues of participatory and social democracy. This has resulted in constraining the overtly political and advocacy role, which characterised NGOs during the apartheid era. International donors, via government disbursement institutions such as the National Development Agency (NDA), have also constrained the work of NGOs by insisting on numerous managerial related requirements that have been made conditional for the receiving of financial support. Many small, informal, rural community based organisation that lack the required administrative capacity have, as a result, been facing serious financial crises. Subsequently, NGO-state relations, since 1994, have become less adversarial and confrontational. Most NGOs, complement and support the state's social services delivery programmes and also serve as organisations which help shape the norms and practices of procedural democracy. The study concludes, that the persistent inequality, poverty and unemployment which is associated with the GEAR macroeconomic policy and endorsed by international donor agencies, will lead to the resurgence of advocacy NGOs. Furthermore, in order to resuscitate their role and to ensure their vitality as organisations, which promote participatory democracy, it is essential to focus on strategies, which can effectively challenge the current funding environment to NGOs. These include, building the administrative capacity of both the NDA and NGOs, ensuring NDA independence, and ensuring recognition by funding institutions of the importance of advocacy NGOs in the consolidation of economic democracy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die impak van buitelandse hulp op die verhoudinge tussen Nie-Regeringsorganisasies (NRO'S) en die staat sedert 1994. Daar is drie verskillende wyses waarop NRO's interaksie kan bewerkstellig met die staat en met openbare beleid, naamlik, hulle kan help om beleid te implementeer, hulle kan help om beleid te verander, of hulle kan beleid teenstaan. Tydens apartheid, is die aard van NRO - staat verhoudings gekenmerk deur konfrontasie en wantroue. Die NRO's het primêr gedien as organisasies van opposrsie teen die staat se eksklusiwistiese en onmenslikingsbeleid. Talle NRO's het egter ook ontwikkelings- en sosiale dienste voorsien aan gemeenskappe wat afgeskeep is deur die apartheidstaat. Na die eerste demokratiese verkiesing in 1994, het die rol van NRO's 'n beduidende proses van verandering ondergaan. 'n Verskeidenheid faktore het bygedra tot hierdie verandering. Hierdie studie fokus egter primêr op die rol van buitelandse hulp en die uitwerking daarvan op NRO's se aktiwiteite in Suid-Afrika na 1994. Hierdie studie het staatgemaak op sekondêre bronne (kwalitatief sowel as kwantitatief) in die gebied van NRO's - staat verhoudinge. Die studie fokus ook op twee belangrike donateur agentskappe in Suid-Afrika: die Europese Unie (EU) en die Verenigde State Agentskap vir Internasionale Ontwikkeling (VSAlO). 'n Analise van die data toon aan dat, sedert 1994, heelwat van die befondsing wat voorheen direk gekanaliseer is aan die openbare gemeenskap, nou na die staat gaan, wat dit versprei na geteikende NRO's. Gevolglik het talle NRO's ineengestort vanweë 'n tekort aan finansiële bronne om hulle werk vol te hou. Tweedens, sedert 1994 was dit die rasionaal en doelstelling van internasionale donateurskapsbeleid om die Nuwe Beleid Agenda (NBA) te bevorder, wat as doelstelling het die bevordering van vrye mark-georiënteerde hervormings en die konsolidasie van 'n liberale demokrasie. Gevolglik het buitelandse hulp donateurs liberale ekonomiese beleidvorming onderskryfwat uiteengesit word in die regering se makro-ekonomiese strategie, nl. Groei, Werkverskaffing en Herverdeling (GEAR). Dus het sowel die regering as donateurs prioriteit gegee aan NRO's wat betrokke is in dienslewering, eerder as dié wat geneig is om liberale markbeleid teen te staan. Hulle het ook voorkeur gegee aan NRO's wat meer besorg is oor die norme en praktyke van 'n prosedurele demokrasie in teenstelling met dié wat besorgd is oor die vraagstukke van 'n deelnemende en sosiale demokrasie. Dit het die resultaat gehad dat die openlike politiese en kampvegtersrol wat kenmerkend van die NRO's was gedurende die apartheidsera, beperk is. Internasionale donateurs het, Vla regerings-instellings soos die Nasionale Ontwikkelingsagentskap (NOA), ook die werk van NRO's beperk deur die aandrang op talle bestuursverwante vereistes wat as voorwaarde gestel is vir die ontvangs van finansiële ondersteuning. Talle klein, informele landelike gemeenskaps-gebaseerde organisasies wat die vereiste administratiewe kapasiteit kort, het gevolglik ernstige finansiële krisisse begin ondervind. Daaropvolgend, het NRO-staat verhoudinge sedert 1994 minder konfronterend begin raak. Die meeste NRO's ondersteun die staat se diensleweringsprogramme en dien ook as organisasies wat help om die norme en praktyke van 'n prosedurale demokrasie te vorm. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat die voortdurende ongelykheid, armoede en werkloosheid wat geassosieer word met die makro-ekonomiese beleid van die regering se program vir Groei, Werkskepping en Herverdeling (GEAR) sal lei tot In nuwe opkoms van kampvegter NRO's. Voorts, ten einde hulle rol te stimuleer en hulle lewenskragtigheid as organisasies te verseker, kan ons die huidige befondsingsomgewing van NRO's doeltreffend uitdaag. Dit sluit in die bou van die administratiewe kapasiteit van beide die NOA en NRO's, die versekering van NOA onafhanklikheid, en die versekering van die erkenning deur befondsingsinstellings van die belangrikheid van kampvegter NRO's in die konsolidasie van 'n ekonomiese demokrasie.
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Arkhiiereiev, Sergii I. "Bilateral trade relation of Ukraine and Germany." Thesis, Національний технічний університет "Харківський політехнічний інститут", 2018. http://repository.kpi.kharkov.ua/handle/KhPI-Press/45691.
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"Pushing the envelope for transnational political advocacy: unconventional channels in EU-DPRK relations." 2008. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5893677.
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Chung, Lok Wai.Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 254-271).
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
Abstract / --- p.i
Acknowledgments/ --- p.iii
Table of Content / --- p.iv
List of Tables / --- p.ix
Introduction --- p.1
Chapter 1. --- Theoretical background --- p.2
Chapter 2. --- Research questions --- p.6
Chapter 3. --- Explanatory Variables and Hypothesis: --- p.7
Chapter 4. --- Main Findings --- p.9
Chapter 5. --- Research methodology --- p.10
Chapter 6. --- Research significance --- p.11
Chapter 7. --- Structure of the thesis --- p.12
Chapter Chapter One: --- Literature Review --- p.15
Chapter 1. --- Debate between ideas and interests in International Relations --- p.16
Chapter 1.1. --- Conceptualization --- p.17
Chapter 1.2. --- How idea affects policy: three pathways? --- p.19
Chapter 1.3. --- Interest matter? --- p.20
Chapter 1.4. --- How is it formed? --- p.22
Chapter 1.5. --- End of idealism and rationalism debate? --- p.23
Chapter 2. --- Debate between epistemic community with other communities --- p.28
Chapter 2.1. --- How expert group works --- p.31
Chapter 2.1.1. --- Uncertainty --- p.31
Chapter 2.1.2. --- Cause and effect relationships --- p.32
Chapter 2.1.3. --- Define self-interests --- p.33
Chapter 2.1.4. --- Formulate policy --- p.33
Chapter 2.2. --- Difference between epistemic community with other groups --- p.33
Chapter 2.3. --- How to affect policy --- p.35
Chapter 2.4. --- Transnational Advocacy Network --- p.38
Chapter 2.4.1. --- What is network --- p.38
Chapter 2.4.2. --- What is transnationalism --- p.40
Chapter 2.4.3. --- What is transnational advocacy network? --- p.42
Chapter 2.4.4. --- How Transnational Advocacy Network works? --- p.44
Chapter 2.4.5. --- What conditions do advocacy networks have influence? --- p.46
Chapter 3. --- Application to the North Korea case --- p.47
Chapter Chapter Two: --- North Korea Economy: General Review and Trend Development --- p.50
Chapter 1. --- History of North Korea --- p.50
Chapter 2. --- Overview: From 50s to 2002 --- p.52
Chapter 1.1. --- Economic Philosophy: Juche --- p.53
Chapter 1.2. --- 70-80s --- p.55
Chapter 1.3. --- After the Cold War --- p.56
Chapter 1.4. --- Famine: 1995 --- p.58
Chapter 1.5. --- 2002 Reform --- p.58
Chapter 1.5.1. --- Prices rising and increase in wages based on performance --- p.60
Chapter 1.5.2. --- Enhancement of self-management of enterprises --- p.61
Chapter 1.5.3. --- Devaluation of exchange rate --- p.62
Chapter 1.5.4. --- Farm reform --- p.62
Chapter 1.5.5. --- Attracting foreign direct investment --- p.63
Chapter 3. --- North Korean Economy in 2005-2007 --- p.63
Chapter 3.1 --- Lack of substantial changes --- p.64
Chapter 3.1.1. --- Slow down the rapid change --- p.64
Chapter 3.1.2. --- Focus on security/nuclear issue --- p.65
Chapter 3.1.3. --- Adverse feedback from the July Reform --- p.67
Chapter 3.2. --- Detrimental Economic Situation --- p.70
Chapter 4. --- Conclusion --- p.71
Chapter Chapter Three: --- EU-DPRK Relations: From Governmental to Non-Governmental … --- p.73
Chapter 1. --- EU-Asia Relations: In general --- p.73
Chapter 2. --- EU-DPRK: Historical review --- p.76
Chapter 2.1. --- Cold War Era --- p.76
Chapter 2.2. --- Post Cold War era --- p.78
Chapter 2.3. --- After 9-11 --- p.80
Chapter 3. --- EU-DPRK Relations: Governmental Level --- p.82
Chapter 3.1. --- EU Perspective --- p.82
Chapter 3.1.1. --- Motives --- p.82
Chapter 3.1.2. --- Strategy: Quiet and Engagement diplomacy --- p.83
Chapter 3.1.3. --- Political perspective --- p.85
Chapter 3.1.3.1. --- Political dialogue --- p.85
Chapter 3.1.3.2. --- Diplomatic recognition --- p.87
Chapter 3.1.3.3. --- Nuclear and security problem --- p.88
Chapter 3.1.4. --- Economic perspective --- p.89
Chapter 3.1.4.1. --- Trade --- p.89
Chapter 3.1.4.2. --- Economic Assistance --- p.91
Chapter 3.1.4.3. --- Food aid --- p.91
Chapter 3.1.4.4. --- Technological Transfer --- p.93
Chapter 3.2. --- DPRK Perspective --- p.96
Chapter 3.2.1. --- Motives --- p.96
Chapter 3.2.2. --- Strategy: Pragmatic but gradually open --- p.98
Chapter 3.2.2.1. --- Pragmatic policy --- p.98
Chapter 3.2.2.2. --- Open Policy --- p.100
Chapter 4. --- EU-DPRK relations: Non-Governmental Level --- p.103
Chapter 4.1. --- NGOs and North Korea --- p.104
Chapter 4.2. --- Humanitarian NGOs in North Korea --- p.105
Chapter 4.2.1. --- Period: 1995-1998 --- p.106
Chapter 4.2.2. --- Period: 1998 -1999 --- p.108
Chapter 4.2.3. --- Period: 1998 to present --- p.110
Chapter 4.3. --- Debate among European NGOs: Hard-landing vs. Change through Rapproachment? --- p.111
Chapter 5. --- Conclusion --- p.114
Chapter Chapter Four: --- Pushing the envelope: new forms of political advocacy generated by NGOs: analysis on the two EU-DPRK Workshops organized by the Friedrich Naumann Foundation --- p.116
Chapter 1. --- FNF and the expert group generated by it --- p.117
Chapter 1.1. --- Shared Normative and Principled Belief --- p.119
Chapter 1.2. --- Shared Causal Belief --- p.122
Chapter 1.3. --- Shared Notions of Validity --- p.125
Chapter 1.4. --- A Common Policy Enterprise --- p.126
Chapter 2. --- "Experts groups in FNF matters: How did the ideas developed, transferred and influenced the policymakers in North Korea" --- p.128
Chapter 2.1. --- Transnational actor characteristics --- p.131
Chapter 2.1.1. --- Participants of the expert group --- p.131
Chapter 2.1.1.1. --- Workshop in 2004 --- p.132
Chapter 2.1.2. --- Consensus among community members --- p.134
Chapter 2.1.3. --- Density among members --- p.136
Chapter 2.1.4. --- Resources of FNF --- p.137
Chapter 2.2. --- The specific need of policy suggestion from North Korea --- p.140
Chapter 2.2.1. --- The existence of uncertainty --- p.141
Chapter 2.3. --- Communication Process --- p.145
Chapter 2.3.1. --- Networking Building --- p.145
Chapter 2.3.1.1. --- Seminar --- p.145
Chapter 2.3.1.2. --- Study Tour/ Training seminar --- p.147
Chapter 2.3.2. --- Channels --- p.149
Chapter 2.3.2.1. --- Conference --- p.149
Chapter 2.3.2.2 --- Presentation --- p.151
Chapter 2.3.2.3. --- General Discussion and working groups --- p.152
Chapter 2.3.2.4. --- Field Visit --- p.154
Chapter 2.3.2.5. --- Lunch/Coffee Break and Dinner --- p.155
Chapter 2.4. --- Institutionalization of advice --- p.155
Chapter 2.5. --- Communication strategies --- p.158
Chapter 2.6. --- Policies recommendation and ideas shared during the two conferences --- p.160
Chapter 2.6.1. --- Workshop on Economic Reforms and the Development of Economic Relations between the EU and the DPRK (31 August to 4 September 2004) --- p.160
Chapter 2.6.2. --- Second Workshop on Economic Reform and the Development of Economic Relations between the EU and the DPRK (12-14 October 2005) --- p.171
Chapter 3. --- Conclusion --- p.188
Chapter Chapter Five: --- The Distinctive Path of North Korean Reform and the Policy Impacts of the Expert Group --- p.190
Chapter 1. --- Similarities between North Korea and Central and Eastern Europe --- p.190
Chapter 2. --- From ideas to policy: What are policy impacts from the expert group to the North Korea economic reform? --- p.195
Chapter 2.1 --- IT and software development --- p.195
Chapter 2.1.1. --- Case one: Nosotek --- p.196
Chapter 2.1.2. --- Case two: Pyongyang International Technology and Infrastructure Exhibition (PITIE) 2006 --- p.198
Chapter 2.2. --- The strengthening of the small and medium enterprises (SMEs)in mining industry --- p.200
Chapter 2.3. --- Policies to attract FDI --- p.204
Chapter 2.4. --- Legal development --- p.205
Chapter 2.4.1. --- Case one: Pyongyang Law Office --- p.206
Chapter 2.4.2. --- Case two: Birindelli & Associati --- p.207
Chapter 2.4.3. --- "Law on the Assessment of Environmental Effects in North Korea (Mar. 10, 2006)" --- p.208
Chapter 2.5. --- Trade fairs --- p.210
Chapter 2.5.1. --- The Pyongyang Autumn International Trade Fair (PAITT) 2006-2008 --- p.211
Chapter 3. --- Conclusion --- p.212
Conclusion: --- p.214
Chapter 1. --- Research Implications --- p.215
Chapter 1.1. --- Revisit the debate between scholarship and policy-making in Political Science --- p.215
Chapter 1.1.1. --- Bridge-Building Perspective --- p.216
Chapter 1.1.2. --- Independence Perspective --- p.218
Chapter 1.2. --- Revisit of the theory of epistemic community and transnational advocacy network --- p.221
Chapter 1.3. --- Re-examine the debate between shock therapy and gradualism --- p.223
Chapter 1.4. --- Re-evaluate the importance of EU on North Korea --- p.225
Chapter 2. --- Conclusion --- p.227
Appendix 1: Participants of the two EU-DPRK Workshops --- p.229
Appendix 2: Debate between shock therapy and gradualism approach in economic transformation --- p.240
Chapter 1. --- Shock therapy --- p.241
Chapter 1.1. --- Agent analysis --- p.242
Chapter 1.2. --- Programs analysis --- p.243
Chapter 1.2.1. --- Price liberalization --- p.243
Chapter 1.2.2. --- Privatization --- p.243
Chapter 1.2.3. --- Institutional design --- p.244
Chapter 1.2.4. --- Monetary policy --- p.245
Chapter 1.2.5. --- Fiscal Policy --- p.245
Chapter 1.2.6. --- International trade --- p.246
Chapter 1.3. --- Ideas analysis --- p.247
Chapter 2. --- Gradualism --- p.249
Chapter 2.1. --- Agent analysis --- p.250
Chapter 2.2. --- Progress analysis --- p.251
Bibliography --- p.254
48
Saito, Tadashi. "Trade without diplomatic relations : a comparative study of China-Japan and China-Australia trade relations in the 1960s." Master's thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/128709.
Full textAbstract:
This sub-thesis deals with Sino-Japanese and Sino-Australian trade
relations from 1960 to 1972. During this period, both Japan and Australia
maintained trade ties with China (the People's Republic of China), although
they had broken off diplomatic relations with her.1 The main interest here
is how and why these trade relations were maintained without diplomatic
relations. This, then, is a study of trade relations between states which
have no diplomatic relations.
49
Okamoto, Jiro. "Australia's foreign economic policy and ASEAN." Phd thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149958.
Full text
50
"Beyond containment: market derivation of United States foreign policy toward China." 1997. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6073060.
Full textAbstract:
by Gordon C.K. Cheung.Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1997.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 248-265).
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest dissertations and theses, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.