Academic literature on the topic 'Food Media Club Australia'

While much research has examined the composition of sport media and those charged with constructing it, namely sport journalists and editors, far less has explored an essential set of actors in the construction of news: sources. This study aimed to explore the construction of the sport media agenda from arguably the most important sport news sources: sport media relations managers. In particular, this paper asked: how do media staff in sports organisations influence the production of news? To answer this question, this paper is based on a qualitative, observational study of a professional Australian Rules football club in Australia, involving interviews, observations and document analysis. Research within a professional Australian Rules football club found that the club delivered high-quality information subsidies that met sports journalists’ newswork requirements. However, media access was almost solely limited to these information subsidies, which are highly subjective and negotiated, which in turn allowed the professional football club to significantly control the subsequent media agenda.

This article examines a soap opera club of Sri Lankan Sinhalese migrant women in Melbourne and their collective engagement with television soap operas from the home country. Teledramas, as Sri Lankan Sinhalese-language soap operas are known, have a predominantly female viewership in Sri Lanka and also constitute a significant presence in the media diets of Sinhalese migrant women in Melbourne, and elsewhere in the world. Furthermore, at a women’s teledrama club affiliated to a Sri Lankan diasporic association, Sinhalese migrant women come together to exchange and archive reproduced DVDs of teledramas broadcast in Sri Lanka, bought from Sri Lankan grocery shops in Melbourne. This article builds on ethnographic research conducted at the teledrama club to show how what may appear to be an informal gathering of female teledrama fans is complexly interwoven into the expression of identity and belonging in Australian society. The article positions trans-Asia media flows in Australia within the everyday lives of migrants by examining the Sri Lankan soap opera club as a gendered space as well as a cultural space of identity, belonging and expression. This article finds that the teledrama club provided the women a symbolic national identity as an audience and the Sri Lankan narratives offered audiovisual access to the value systems of their distant geography and past.

AbstractObjectiveThe current systematic review aimed to identify and critically appraise research on food environments in sports settings, including research into the types of food and beverages available, the extent and impact of food and beverage sponsorship and marketing, and views about food environments among key stakeholders.DesignA systematic review. Fourteen English-language studies (two were papers describing different facets of the same study), published between 1985 and 2011, were identified from searches of electronic databases and bibliographies of primary studies.SettingMost studies originated from Australia (n 10), with the remaining studies originating in the UK (n 1), New Zealand (n 1), the USA (n 1) and Canada (n 1). Data were collected from observations in stadia, websites and televised sports events, through in-depth interviews, focus groups and surveys with sports club members, parents and quick serve restaurant managers.ResultsLiterature exploring food environments in sports settings was limited and had some important methodological limitations. No studies comprehensively described foods available at clubs or stadia, and only one explored the association between food and beverage sponsorship and club incomes. Club policies focused on the impact of health promotion funding rather than the impact of sponsorship or food availability in sports settings.ConclusionsFurther research, including comprehensive studies of the food environment in sports settings, is required to document the availability, sponsorship and marketing of food and beverages at national, regional and club levels and to estimate how sports settings may influence children's diets.

In Australian public discourse food multiculturalism has been celebrated as a sign of the country’s openness to migrant cultures. Yet, as we show in this article, this apparent celebration of Australia’s ethnically diverse foodscape has emerged alongside a virulent culinary xenophobia at the level of public discourse. In particular, we identify how fears about Asian immigration are often expressed in a distaste for foreign food in the Australian media and official discourse. First, we demonstrate how an advertising campaign jointly funded by government and Australian industry deployed a xenophobic fear of contamination to encourage consumers to avoid food imports and buy Australian foods instead. We then look at how newspaper and television coverage of food poisoning in restaurants and food courts suggests a link between ethnicity and contamination. This analysis of a range of public attitudes to “foreign” foodstuffs highlights that the mainstream enjoyment of ethnic cuisines is not a panacea for long-standing xenophobic discourses.

In 2009, a disease survey was conducted in 97 commercial canola (Brassica napus L.) fields in Western Australia by the Department of Agriculture and Food, Western Australia (DAFWA). In about 20% of the fields from the northern agricultural region of Western Australia, small patches were observed where canola plants showed symptoms of stunting and wilting. These plants were collected and roots of affected plants were washed thoroughly and examined for the presence of root disease. Small galls and clublike structures were observed on the secondary roots and sometimes on the main root of the affected plants. Examination of thin free hand sections from the root galls revealed that several cortical cells were enlarged and full of resting spores. The diameter of resting spores ranged between 2.5 and 3.0 μm. Plasmodia and zoosporangia were also observed in the root hairs. The identity of Plasmodiophora brassicae Woronin was confirmed by PCR using a modified method of Cao et al. 2007 (1). DNA from spores and slices of the galls of 14 different samples were extracted using DNeasy plant mini kit (QIAGEN Australia) as per manufacturer's instructions. Samples were disrupted by placing them into MPBIO tube A and placed in the Fast Prep machine at speed of 6 ms–1 for 40 s. This was repeated twice. The species-specific primers TC1F (5′-GTGGTCGAACTTCATTAAATTTGGGCTCTT-3′)/TC1R (5′-TTCACCTACGGAACGTATATGTGCATGTGA-3′) and TC2F (5′-AAACAACGAGTCAGCTTGAATGCTAGTGTG-3′)/TC2R (5′-CTTTAGTTGTGTTTCGGCTAGGATGGTTCG-3′) were used (1). The primers TC1F and TC1R failed to produce a PCR product of 548-bp size but using the primers TC2F and TC2R the PCR reaction resulted in a 519- bp fragment. Seven out of 14 samples gave positive results for P. brassicae with primers TC2F and TC2R. This indicates that the P. brassicae pathotype from Western Australia may be different than the one found in Alberta, Canada. However, pathotypes of P. brassicae from brassica vegetables from Australia have been found similar to the populations of P. brassicae present in the United States (2). Pathogenicity of P. brassicae was tested by dipping roots of five 10-day-old canola plants var. Cobbler in a spore suspension (1 × 106 resting spores/ml). Roots of five control plants were dipped in sterile water. Five weeks after inoculation, small galls were observed on the roots of three inoculated plants and the control plants remained symptomless. Resting spores were recovered from the galls developed on the roots of affected plants. Presence of P. brassicae in the affected roots was further confirmed by PCR using the method described above. To our knowledge, this is the first report of club root of canola in Australia. Club root is reported from vegetable brassicas and white mustard (Sinapis alba L.) in Australia. Club root has become a serious disease of canola in Canada since its detection in Alberta in 2006 (3). The resting spores of the fungus can survive for several years in soil, and therefore, this disease could pose a significant threat to canola production in Western Australia. References: (1) Cao et al. Plant Dis. 91:80, 2007. (2) Donald et al. Ann. App. Biol. 148:239, 2006. (3) S. Streklov et al. Can. J. Plant Pathol. 28:467, 2006.

11004 Background: Medical trainees are increasingly utilizing social media platforms for professional development, networking and education. Twitter chats (TC) are a growing tool to engage health professionals in virtual multi-institutional, cross-discipline discussions. A meta-analysis of Twitter as a tool in residency education demonstrated high rates of satisfaction and concept retention. Despite rapid uptake, few studies address needs for social media use and implementation in graduate medical education. Methods: We created a Twitter account (@HOjournalclub) and registered a certified hashtag (#HOJournalClub) with healthcare symplur. For each monthly TC, a specific tumor type and relevant publication was selected. This information was disseminated and amplified to reach trainees on Twitter. A content expert was invited to each TC to provide additional commentary. During TCs, participants answer questions based on domains of critical journal appraisal. Qualitative and quantitative analysis was performed. Basic demographics and tracked hashtag use to measure impressions, participants, and tweets per TC were gathered. Responses were collated and general themes were assessed. Participants were surveyed on ease of participation, article accessibility, and prior use of social media for education. Results: Since inception, @HOJournalClub has grown to >650 followers. Most are US-based (83%) medical trainees or healthcare professionals. Additional followers are in South America, Africa, UK, Europe, Middle East, India, East Asia and Australia. Gender is evenly distributed (51% male, 49% female.) Five #HOJournalClub chats have been held to date. Each attracted a mean of 30 participants, generating a mean of 217 tweets. Chats garnered a mean of 270,000 impressions (221,000-319,000) in the 48h after TC. Most participants accessed the chat in real time, with a small subset responding at alternate times. This asynchronous use has enhanced international participation. In post-TC surveys, majority of respondents report being new (48%) or sporadic (48%) users of TCs. Survey participants reported TC participation increased interaction with others in the field, improved literature appraisal skills and led to changes in clinical practice. Conclusions: Implementation of a Twitter-based journal club is feasible and attracts participation from trainees, promoting engagement and networking. It represents a novel educational tool for engagement in multi-institutional, multi-national and cross-discipline discussion of relevant hematology/oncology literature.

With a focus on the role of social media, this article examines the ways in which Japanese food is authenticated and popularized as everyday food in Perth, Australia. Preceding the 2000s, Japanese food was scarcely available in Perth; the city with a small Japanese population was relatively far from Japan. In the 2010s, Japanese food, once mainly known as raw fish (sushi, sashimi) and high-end food, has transformed into everyday food, available at eateries, grocery stores, and farmers markets. I argue that the ever-growing popularity of social media allows consumers to exchange their experiences and knowledge of Japanese food and to create their versions of authenticity of the food. Authenticity is subjective and depends on people’s perceptions, and people share these perceptions on social media. Based on my fieldwork at Japanese eateries and one of the local farmers markets, as well as analysis of social media, this article illustrates consumers’ stories, authenticity, and their impact on Perth’s foodscape.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to compare the perspectives of actors who contribute to trust in the food system in four high income countries which have diverse food incident histories: Australia, New Zealand (NZ), the United Kingdom (UK) and the Island of Ireland (IOI), focussing on their communication with the public, and their approach to food system interrelationships. Design/methodology/approach Data were collected in two separate studies: the first in Australia, NZ and the UK (Study 1); and the second on the IOI (Study 2). In-depth interviews were conducted with media, food industry and food regulatory actors across the four regions (n=105, Study 1; n=50, Study 2). Analysis focussed on identifying similarities and differences in the perspectives of actors from the four regions regarding the key themes of communication with the public, and relationships between media, industry and regulators. Findings While there were many similarities in the way food system actors from the four regions discussed (re)building trust in the context of a food incident, their perceptions differed in a number of critical ways regarding food system actor use of social media, and the attitudes and approaches towards relationships between food system actors. Originality/value This paper outlines opportunities for the regions studied to learn from each other when looking for practical strategies to maximise consumer trust in the food system, particularly relating to the use of social media and attitudes towards role definition in industry–regulator relationships.

AbstractObjectiveTo explore consumer trust in food, especially people’s experiences that support or diminish trust in the food supply; consumer practices to strengthen trust in food; and views on how trust in the food supply could be increased.SettingAdelaide, South Australia.DesignIn-depth qualitative research interviews and focus groups.SubjectsWomen and men who are primary food providers in families (n= 24).ResultsMedia coverage of food scares and scandals and personal experience of food-borne illness challenged respondents’ trust in the food system. Poor retail food handling practices and questionable marketing ploys by food manufacturers also decreased trust. Buying ‘Made-in-Australia’ produce and following food safety procedures at home were important practices to strengthen food trust. Knowledge of procedures for local food inspection and for national food regulation to keep food safe was scanty. Having a strong regulatory environment governing food safety and quality was considered by respondents to be of prime importance for trust building.DiscussionThe dimensions of trust found in this study are consistent with key theoretical aspects of trust. The need for trust in highly complex environments, in this case the food supply, was evident. Trust was found to be integral to food choice, and negative media reports, the sources of which themselves enjoy various levels of dependability, were found to easily damage trust relationships. The lack of visibility of authoritative monitoring and surveillance, misleading food advertising, and poor retail food handling practices were identified as areas that decreased consumer trust. Respondents also questioned the probity of food labelling, especially health claims and other mechanisms designed to guide food choice. The research highlights the role trust plays in food choice. It also emphasises the importance of a visible authoritative presence in the food system to strengthen trust and provide reassurance to consumers.

Chapter 1 considers culture as a product of communication. The central problem is to understand how an array of influencing factors such as food supply, technology and physical and intellectual environment are represented, stored and shared as 'food culture'. It considers mechanisms by which culture might be transmitted from one location to another including the relevance of historical literature and Louis Hartz's notion of Australia as a 'cultural fragment' cast off from the Old World. Chapter 2 shows that the Australian literature represents a discourse in which information about various aspects of feeding was gathered from local and overseas sources and circulated for instruction, entertainment and use. The discourse and the means of conducting it were products of their age. Public participation was evident in the correspondence columns of weekly newspapers and in 'contributory' cookery books. The discourse drew on various themes that were prominent in other Western discourses and reflected social and moral values of the times. It evidenced beliefs that the manner of a society's feeding demonstrates the extent of its' civilisation and that refinement of food and feeding contributes to the improvement of society. It also reflected nationalist sentiment and demonstrated some attempts to develop a distinctive Australian cuisine. Chapter 3 supports these claims with detailed analysis of recipes published in a sample of journals and cookery books. Chapter 4 describes five instances which illustrate in more depth the influence of print media in culture development. The first two show deliberate use of print media to reform cookery practice. The third shows the role of print in cookery education, suggesting an alternative mechanism by which cookery in Australia retained its British character. The fourth tests the idea that the transmission of food and science cultural influences from the Old World to the New followed broadly similar paths and questions the origins of the domestic science movement. The fifth examines commercial influences exerted through print media and notes that food production, processing and distribution enterprise was to become increasingly influential as Australia (and other countries) turned to industrial feeding. The thesis concludes with some reflections on the processes of culture formation and the role of mass communications. It suggests that food culture is both an expression of conceptions of character and identity and a formative influence on them, that the engine of cultural change has been industrial progress and, finally, that the communication system which supports and enriches food culture may also tend to undermine it.

This thesis examines news representations of Canadian, American and Australian military personnel involved in military 'sex scandals'. I explore what the representations of military personnel involved in well-publicized sex scandals reveal about scripts of soldiering and militarized masculinities. Despite a history of systemic violence in the military, I ask how and why the systemic nature of militarized masculinities are able to remain invisible, driving representations to focus on the ‘bad’ behaviour of individuals? By engaging with feminist scholarship in International Relations, I present the longstanding culture of misogyny, racism, homophobia and ableism in the Canadian, American and Australian militaries, focusing on the ways in which militarized masculinities are guided by these violent structures, and fundamental to the military's creation of soldiers. My dissertation uses the tools of critical discourse analysis to unpack the ways blame is individualised in cases of sexual and racist violence involving military personnel, while the military’s ableism, rape culture and imperial militarized masculinities are commonly naturalized or celebrated without regard for how they are fundamentally violent. My thesis presents an intersectional feminist project that intervenes in emerging questions in the field of transnational disability studies, tracing how militarism, hegemonic militarized masculinities and imperial soldiering (re)produce categories of ability and disability.

In the age of globalisation dominated by mass communication, the flow of information contributes to a big extent to the worldviews of its "global citizens". From this point of view the mass media can be seen as one of the most salient sources of cross-cultural communication. This study investigates mass communication across cultures, focusing on South East Asia (Malaysia and Singapore), Australia and Germany. The centre of attention is the Western media coverage of South East Asia and vice versa. In this context a content analysis of newspapers of the three regions has been conducted. In addition, working practices and conditions of Western foreign correspondents in South East Asia have been examined. Apart from the investigation of inter-cultural media coverage, another focus of attention will be the examination of two levels of communication: The business level, concentrating on issues like e.g. the Asian business etiquette; and the private level, looking into the transition to a different culture from the perspective of Australian and German expatriates. Apart from investigating mass communication across cultures and to provide a written analysis of the findings, a series of radio documentaries in English and in German has been produced. They cover the following issues: Foreign correspondents in South East Asia, the expatriate-lifestyle of Australians and Germans in South East Asia, business etiquette in Asia, student exchange Germany-Asia, image and prejudices East-West and Tourism.

The role of food writers has changed - no longer are they concerned only with recipes and lifestyle issues. Today's food writers are faced with writing on a broad scope of topics that stretch from recipes and restaurant through to health, nutrition, and social and ethical eating issues. This study first outlines the professional role and responsibilities of food writers, and then examines the idea that, in a professional capacity, food writers are journalists. As such, food writers are faced with the responsibility of acting in the best interest of the public when they report information on food and food related issues. Yet, unlike their international colleagues, Australian food writers do not have their own code of ethics, although they do have an active professional association, the Food Media Club of Australia. This study identifies the ethical dilemmas faced by the Australian food media, and looks at how they are currently dealing with issues such as accepting junkets, and the idea of food being a subjective topic. It then considers the potential consequences of unethical professional practices by food writers before recommending the development of a professional code of ethics for Australia’s food media. Academic literature on the media and media ethics is considered, although there is little written specifically on the food media itself. Therefore, in order to ascertain specific insight and knowledge as well as some understanding of the current operations of Australia’s food media, interviews with industry professionals and an ethics expert were conducted. Additionally, information was gathered from members of international food media associations. The various interviews revealed a common concern over the lack of information published by the food media on social and ethical food issues such as genetic modification, and sustainable agriculture. Consequently, after examining approaches used by food writers in the United Kingdom to publish such information, recommendations also include a more strident and proactive approach by the Australian food media in order to reach the general public with information that they, the food media, deem important to the future of Australian food.
Thesis (LCB M.A.(Gast.)) -- School of History and Politics, 2005

University of Technology Sydney. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences.
Since the 1990s, the issue of advertising to children, especially the role of food advertising and childhood obesity, has been the subject of much debate. Advertising to tweens in the US has been well studied; however, research into Australian food marketing has yet to examine its significance for the vulnerable tweenage viewer. The Australian ‘tweenage’ market (children aged 6 to 12) consists of $10 billion in spending each year in the Australian economy, yet very little is known about the Australian tweenage market. To examine the techniques and tactics advertisers use to market food products to tweens through Australian free-to air television, branded websites and Facebook pages, a mixed- methods approach was employed, combining content analysis, semiotic analysis and narrative literature review. Building on the work of Williamson (1978a), semiotic analysis was used to investigate the advertisements’ ideological underpinnings. Chapters 4 to 7 demonstrate that food advertisements broadcast during C-classified time describe the taste of the advertised food products in terms of freshness; they promote the advertised products as healthy on the basis of their weight management, energy giving and mood-enhancement properties; they use humour-, fantasy- and happiness-related themes to bestow a particular brand identity, image or personality on the products; and they employed humour and fantasy as vehicles for evoking happiness. Content analysis of the selected internet pages revealed that food company websites and Facebook pages promoted during children’s television programming contain advertisements, contests, social networking activities and membership benefits but, in order to engage in such activities, children have to register online as members by entering their names, addresses, ages, email addresses and other personal information into the companies’ online data gathering processes. The research uses narrative literature review to examine the responses of the industry’s self-regulation system to the changing media environment. This study found that the government, public health organisations and the food industry responded to rapid changes within the advertising, marketing and media industries by formulating, evaluating and amending advertising codes. This analysis concluded by demonstrating that the industry self-regulatory system has been unsuccessful in protecting children from exposure to unhealthy food advertising. Drawing upon the discoveries made during these investigations, conclusions and recommendations are presented, highlighting the need for a fresh approach to regulation and enforcement to protect tweens from the likely impacts of food and beverage advertising.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

Instagram’s emergence has created tensions between amateurs and professionals in food and food media industries. Using two Australian case studies, this chapter analyzes key aspects of Instagram’s influence on food media and culture. Canberra café Pâtissez’s FreakShake creation brought immense success, but Instagrammable food porn has consequences for chefs, businesses, health, and waste. Meanwhile former MasterChef Australia contestant Marion Grasby’s use of IGTV to promote her line of sauces highlights Instagram’s blurring of boundaries between amateur and professional, and what constitutes a cooking show. These cases document how Instagram has instigated renegotiations of power and food conventions.

Millions of human beings are affected COVID-19 worldwide, but the constellation of health and socioeconomic effects of the pandemic varies between developed and developing countries. While the crisis has drawn attention in media as life and livelihood hazard, the differences in human perceptions between developed and developing worlds remain under-documented. The authors explain how different human perceptions are embodied in Australia and Bangladesh in the pandemic by examining the countries' health measures and community initiatives. The rates of COVID-19 infections and deaths were consistently higher in Bangladesh than in Australia. While the Australian government and the Australians showed maturity in managing effects of COVID-19, erratic lockdown measures and imprudent policy decisions by the Bangladesh government together with its inadequate acute care services and income concerns influenced the people's psychosocial perceptions. The study highlights the importance of strengthening the health system and food and income security and investing in community programs in Bangladesh.

Abstract The business of meat eating and other forms of animal consumption has been globally institutionalized, with most governments such as those in Aotearoa New Zealand and Australia, providing large subsidies to ensure their continued viability. This transfer of public funds continues in spite of extensive evidence of animal agricultures environmental impact with justifications on the protection of rural and regional jobs—especially for traditional, non-Indigenous men. This reflects how animal farming is still etched in the dominant masculine representations of ‘true’ ‘Kiwi’ and ‘Aussie’ national identities. Carnism, or the assumed naturalness of meat eating, and associated practices of animal consumption are, however, being challenged. Worldwide there has been a notable rise in veganism, especially by women, who have long been part of animal welfare and rights movements. These competing discourses about the ethics and morality of using animals for food, clothing, entertainment, and testing have been enlivened by social media, where discussions can become intensely emotive, if not hostile. The chapter explores the competing discourses about animal consumption promoted by dairy farmers and vegans respectively based on analysis of The Dairy Farmers’ Wellbeing Project (2017–19) and the Vegan Wellbeing Project (2019–20). From this data, the tendency for dairy farmers to portray vegans as feral and vegans to portray dairy farmers as barbaric are explored. And as the chapter shows, this struggle over morality is not only gendered and very active in public life but there is a significant impact on markets, jobs, and future industry directions.