Academic literature on the topic 'Folk songs, Georgian History and criticism'

In "The Milman Parry Collection of Oral Literature" on Harvard University out of 131 epic songs recorded from Milovan Vojicic, several are dedicated to the popular theme of the Serbian and Balkan epic - the Kosovo Battle 1389 (Prince Lazar and Milos Obilic, The Defeat of Kosovo, ?he Kosovo Tragedy, The Kosovo Field after the Battle, The Death of Mother Jugovici, The Death of Pavle Orlovic at Kosovo, noted in 1933-34 in Nevesinje). The paper examines Vojicic?s Kosovo songs from the perspective of textual, stylistic and rhetoric criticism, poetics, and memory studies. An analysis of Milovan Vojicic?s Kosovo epic poetry leaves an impression of an active singer who has internalised tradition, and on this foundation composes new works in the traditional manner and "in the folk style". Vojicic is a literate singer who was familiar with the collections of Vuk Karadzic, Bogoljub Petranovic, the Matica Hrvatska, and the songbooks of the time. He did not hesitate to remake or rewrite songs from printed collections or periodicals, which means that his understanding of authorship was in the traditional spirit. Vojicic?s compilations lie on that delicate line between oral traditional and modern literary poetry; he is, naturally, not alone in this double role - the majority of the gusle-players who were his contemporaries could be similarly described. In the body of Kosovo epic poetry Vojicic?s songs stand out (The Death of Pavle Orlovic at Kosovo, The Kosovo Tragedy), where he abandons the printed model and achieves the kind of originality which is in fact part of tradition itself. Vojicic highly valued oral tradition and the opportunity to perform it, as part of the process of creating an image of himself as a folk gusle-player in modern terms. For this reason, his repertoire includes both old and new themes. They are sung according to the epic standard, but also in accordance with the modern standard of epic semi-literary works. In Vojicic?s world, oral tradition is an important component in viewing the historical past, and in perceiving reality and the singer?s place in it. The epic is a form of oral memory and the guardian of remembrance of past events; however it also provides a space for surveying and commenting on modern historical situations in a popularly accepted manner, at times in an ideological key, as seen in songs which gather together major historical events. This perception of the epic tradition and history is mirrored in the heterogeneity of the corpus and in the repertoire of songs, and is all a consequence of vastly changed conditions of origin, existence and acceptance, i.e. the consumption of oral works in the first half of the 20th century, in a process of interaction between literature and folklore.

Dr. Miloje Milojevic (1884-1946) was a central figure in Serbian music criticism and academic essays between the World Wars. A large part of his writings on music were dedicated to the issue of the Serbian ?national music style?, its means of expression, and the question of modernity, i. e. to what extent modernity is desirable in the ?national style?. This paper analyzes some twenty articles - reviews, essays, and writings for special occasions - published by Milojevic between 1912 and 1942 in various Serbian newspapers magazines and collections: Srpski knjizevni glasnik (The Serbian Literary Magazine, 1912, 1913, 1914, 1923, 1924, 1935), Prosvetni glasnik (The Educational Herald, 1914, 1921, 1942), Politika (The Politics, 1921, 1922 1923, 1937, 1938, 1940, 1941), Muzika (The Music, twice in 1928) Spomenica-album Udruzenja muzikanata Kraljevine Jugoslavije 1928-1930 (The Commemorative Volume - The Album of the Society of Musicians of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia 1928-1930, 1930), Smena (The Change, 1938), and Slavenska muzika (The Slavonic Music, 1940). In the course of those thirty years Milojevic passionately believed that the future of Serbian music lies in the ?national style?, i.e. in the artistic transformation of anonymous Serbian folk songs and melodies. In spite of the changes of styles that occurred over the years, he never gave up anticipating the appearance of an ingenious composer who would develop the ?national style? to its climax and enrich Serbian music with ?national? symphonies, operas and chamber music. Milojevic was in favour of a ?national style? mainly on principle. He rarely got into a discussion about the stylistic and technical means he considered most suitable for the ?national style?. In his text Nas muzicko umetnicki program (Our music and artistic programme), published in the Serbian Literary Magazine in 1913, and another article, Za folklornu muziku (In favour of Folk Music), published in the Belgrade daily newspaper Politics in 1921, he recommended that Serbian ?national style? composers followed the model of some representatives of the European national schools of romanticism impressionism and moderately modern music. In a special kind of manifesto Za ideju umetnosti i umetnickog nacionalizma kod nas (In favour of the idea of art and artistic nationalism in Serbia), published in 1935 in the Serbian Literary Magazine, he gave an indirect answer to the question of which means of musical expression he preferred in the ?national style?. For example, he singled out the composition Sever duva (North Wind) by Kosta P. Manojlovic (1890-1949), from his collection of choral songs Pesme zemlje Skenderbegove (The Songs from the Land of Skenderbeg, 1933), as an outstanding example of what he meant by ?national style?. This Albanian folk music was transformed into a relatively modern, but yet not avant-garde composition. Therein lies the answer as to what kind of ?national style? Milojevic preferred. An advocate of a moderately modern music language, he wished Serbian art music to use its very rich folk heritage as best as it could. He was well aware that times had changed, and that there was not much inclination towards this style and ideology in the interwar period. However, he never abandoned this idea. Basically, he never accepted more radical, expressionist treatments of folk elements as a solution to the problems of ?national style?. It is also very significant that he never mentioned the name B?la Bart?k in his writings, which is something we analyze in this paper. He was never able to give up romanticism, a style that never had time to fully develop in Serbian music. Serbian folk music was a perfect basis for composing in a romantic style. Nevertheless, due to many unfavourable circumstances in Serbian history, the Serbs became part of European music world only at the beginning of the 20th century, when it was too late to develop a modern romantic national style.

Against certain broader context of discussing the historical reflection of relationship between pre-literate culture and writing, the author of the article pays detailed attention to the unusual transformations in folksong development that are brought about by literacy. We usually rightfully consider literacy as an unmistakable indication of cultural progress. In this regard, subsequent recording and printing of folksongs that started in later periods of literacy also merit positive evaluation. Although both modes of fixation belong to the same period of Lithuanian cultural history, however, from the middle of the 18th century until the beginning of the 19th century, printed publications of folksongs acquired immense importance. Looking from a historical distance – the present times, the author of the article reconsiders and reinterprets the sociocultural surroundings of this new mode of folklore dissemination, taking into account what aims the first folklore publishers had and whether or not they managed to achieve them. Essentially, one particular aspect in the beginning of the written Lithuanian folksong tradition is in the focus of attention – namely, how and why the state of folksong altered in the process of becoming a printed source. In the first chapter, following the historical revisions of medieval culture, the author of the article reconsiders the prehistory of folklore publication as the common European process. She takes into account the sociocultural aspects of this period: namely, creations of the “singing peasantry” – the part of the society belonging to the lower classes and engaged in agriculture, which was essentially banned from writing and ignored by the literate society. Like in the rest of Europe, in the medieval literature of the multilingual Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Lithuanian-speaking Eastern Prussia (currently, the Lithuania Minor), contemporary reflection of folk culture was almost entirely absent or obscure until the middle of the 18th century. As noted in the second chapter, the situation of folk poetry started changing in the Lithuania Minor (the early center of the Lithuanian written culture) with Philip Ruhig publishing his linguistic treatise in 1745 and including (for research purposes) three Lithuanian folksongs. Shortly after, Gotthold Ephraim Lessing reprinted two of them in one of his “Literary Letters” (1759). Subsequently, another famous figure of the German pre-Romanticism and its ideologist Johann Gottfried von Herder included as many as eight Lithuanian folksongs translated into German into his international collection “The Voices of Peoples in Songs”. Thus, the history of Lithuanian folksong publication started with altering attitude towards the so-called “third estate”; this shift is currently regarded as a sociocultural turn inspired by pre-Romanticism and clearing the way for the poetic folk creativity allegedly harboring the “national spirit”. These ideas inspired the famous theologian and pedagogue Liudvikas Rėza (Ludwig Rhesa) to edit the first book of Lithuanian folksongs. This bilingual collection (in Lithuanian and German) saw publication in Konigsberg in 1825. However, traces of the former social separation were persistent. As such, one could name the early tendency of folklore recording and publication: to indicate just the publisher (collector), leaving aside the main actors – the folk singers, although currently they stand out as representatives of the people. Folklorists would subsequently correct this situation. The author of the article goes on to discuss the losses suffered by the folk creativity under the new conditions of literacy. Comparison of the first printed folksongs with their mode of existence in the living folksong process of the 18th – beginning of the 19th century reveals clear changes in the folksong identity. The frozen printed variant loses its capacity to change, along with its former vitality granted by the oral culture; as any other product of the written culture, the printed folksong immediately becomes the past event. Besides, transition from the oral transmission to the area of written culture turns the song into some kind of literary work: therefore, the value of the songs would for a long time since be measured by literary means, and publishing of the songs as poems (leaving out the melodies) would become a common practice. The main thing is, nevertheless, that publication of folksongs in writing and their separate reading completely erase the typical folk communication of ritual culture by means of common places of folksongs – shared for many generations in the pre-literate culture. However, the emerging parallel folksong publication opens up entirely new mode of communication. Already at the very beginning of Lithuanian folksong publication, its publisher obviously acquired individual right to edit the folklore at discretion. Selection of materials for publication (including some changes and reconstructions made along the way) followed primarily the actual purposes of publication, which included presenting the folksong image that would be more readily acceptable to the contemporary readership and satisfy the community’s expectations. It is public knowledge that Rėza, the initiator of the first Lithuanian folksong book, following the nice inspiration of his pre-Romantic period (maintaining that national spirit lived in folklore) also aspired to use folksongs in order to reveal the noble and dignified picture of the ancient Lithuanian people. Part of this picture – harmonious family and correspondingly ideal relations between its members – received vivid attention in this collection. The article concludes with interpretation of a couple of folksongs discussing a case of early insignificant corrections of the motives reflecting the ritual purpose of folksongs. So far, the author leaves aside certain prominent tendencies of re-creation that already have received harsh criticism before.

Background. Art criticism, as part of the humanities, has long and productively used the terminology of related sciences. This is a systemic approach, the provisions of which significantly influenced the development of scientific thought in the XX–XXI centuries. Systematization and modeling greatly simplify the process of cognition and allow to highlight the parameters that determine the identity and ability to transform of each individual system. The same approach can be applied to the study of particular components of the meta-system of human culture. From this point of view, we will analyze the vocal culture of modern China as a whole, formed by the interaction of national and international cultural patterns – primarily by verbal and musical languages. The research methodology is determined by its objectives; it is integrative and based on a combination of general scientific approaches and musicological methods. The leading research methods are historical, genre-stylistic and interpretative analyzes. Results. In the system of artistic creativity, vocal art occupies a unique place because it is a product of the synthesis of music and words, sensual and rational, imaginative and conceptual. It is language that determines the identity of national schools of composition and performance. Chinese has an unprecedentedly long history of development – from the second millennium BC. All this time the national vocal culture of the country functioned as a system that included the following elements: – a body of philosophical works, the authors of which tried to determine the function of musical art (and, in particular, singing) in the development process of the state; – treatises, aimed at the comprehension of the art of singing as a separate area of human creativity and as a type of energy practice; – creative work of outstanding singers and epistolary testimonies about it; – the full scope of musical artifacts – folk, author’s songs, works of various vocal genres; – identifying areas of vocal performing, which for a long time had two basic locations – court and domestic; – specialists’ training system and concert establishments. Obviously, all these elements had to be united by something. Let’s point out two essential factors: mentality and language. It is known that the ethnic composition of the people who lived in ancient times in the territories of modern China was heterogeneous and only in the middle of the first millennium BC a single Chinese nation was formed. What brought people of different ethnicities together? Acceptance of common life values; gradual consolidation of Confucianism as a state-building ideology; attraction to figurative thinking and preference for contemplation. All this formed an interesting conglomeration of national artistic guidelines, which includes nature worship, philosophical understanding of the nature of art, understanding of the relationship between human existence and the laws of existence of the universe. It is from this position that the philosophers and artists of ancient China treated the art of singing, which was perceived as one of the means of communication with the world and a part of spiritual practices. This determined the uniqueness of Chinese folk song as one of the most important components of national culture. We note that, as in the culture of other countries, Chinese folk song was one of the most common musical genres, responding to changing of aesthetic dominants of society. From ancient times, the Music Department has been operating in China, one of the tasks of which was to select songs and approve the time and order of their performance. One of the most famous monuments is the famous Book of Songs «Shijing» (詩經), which presents the established genre and style typology of songwriting: domestic, labor, love songs and works that glorify the rulers. Another facet of folk art associated with the embodiment of fantastic images is reflected in another monument – «Chu Ci» or «Verses of Chu» (楚辭). These artifacts determined the development path of Chinese vocal culture. Now let’s turn to an important factor for our study – language. Due to its phonetic features, the Chinese forms a specific intonation of melos and unusual for the European listener vocal speech. Considerable attention in Chinese singing culture was paid to the emotional coloring of the “musical message”, the tension of which was achieved through timbre colors and the use of extremely high register. Another important aspect of the language that influenced China’s vocal culture is its rather complex rhythmic organization. Language affects the singer’s thinking, the formation of his organs of articulation. But can changes in vocal culture affect verbal language? Since the beginning of the twentieth century, the structure of the vocal art of the Celestial Empire has changed almost radically. Today it is practically identical to what we can find in any European country. But, in our opinion, there is something that significantly distinguishes the vocal art of modern China from other national vocal schools. It’s a question of language. After all, a singer who seeks to improve in the academic vocal art is forced to restructure the entire speech apparatus without which it is impossible to master bel canto as a basic vocal technique. Conclusions. The verbal component is an important part of vocal culture, because it is a representative of national picture of the world and through its structures embodies the specifics of thinking of a particular people. Language determines all the melodic parameters – semantic, intonation, compositional, emotional, etc. The most illustrative proof of this is the folk song culture, which is the basis for the further formation of academic genres of music. In this sense, China’s vocal culture is a unique phenomenon, in which academic culture is shaped by borrowing the cultural heritage of other countries. Moreover, one of the most important markers of this borrowing is the assimilation of music and speech resources namely.

Introduction. This article examines the blues music tradition from the perspective of the use of symbolic representations by the creators of this form of culture, which formed a unique “hidden transcripts” transmitted by certain socio-cultural groups that lived and worked in a certain historical era. Since the blues tradition in the United States originates in black communities, in terms of the self-representation of representatives of this groups to the dominant culture, we can talk abut the music of this socio-cultural period of American history as an instrument for conveying “hidden transcripts”.Methodology and sources. The author used the comparative-historical methodology in the context of studying the relationship of domination and subordination between groups and individuals. All subordinate groups use resistance strategies that go unnoticed by superior groups. Open public interaction between dominant and oppressed groups is defined by the term “public transcripts” and criticism of power that takes place offstage by the term “hidden transcripts”. Forms of hidden transcripts are coded demonstrations by oppressed groups to resist and oppose themselves, their way of life, and the difficulties of inequality to dominant groups.Results and discussion. In the context of any dominance-subordination relationship, spaces of autonomy for oppressed racial and social groups were formed, in which there was an opportunity for self-expression as acts of resistance to existing inequality, which found its expression in songs, folk tales, clothing, language, and religious expression. The development of hidden transcripts depends not only on the creation of relatively uncontrollable physical places and free time, but also on the active human agents who create and disseminate them. The bearers are likely to be as socially marginalized as the places where they gather.Conclusion. Oppressed or marginalized groups create not just their art and culture as a social group caught up in a certain cultural context, but a culture of integration into society, as well as a culture of interaction with the social hierarchy in which these groups have a rather low position. Groups excluded from the decision-making process or weakly involved in it, develop their own models for demonstrating their presence in society, and also try to convey their content to all other members of society, whether groups and individuals close or distant in status and hierarchy.

Problem statement. The pedagogical activity of the Merited Artist of Ukraine, Professor O. I. Nazarenko is more than fifty years old. The maestro’s name will become history of the Department of Folk Instruments of Kharkiv I. P. Kotliarevskyi National University of Arts. It is impossible to disregard O. Nazarenko’s creative achievements and multifaceted activity, first, because his enormous contribution to the development of the academic accordion in Kharkiv and his authority reaches far beyond Kharkiv and Ukraine. Well-known modern accordionists and orchestral ensembles perform the composer’s works with great respect and persistence. The artist’s pedagogical activity, his talent as a teacher and mentor was found itself in students who achieved outstanding success thanks to high-quality professional training. The object of the research is O. Nazarenko’s musical activity. The aim is to determine characteristic features of O. Nazarenko’s authorial style in the context of Kharkiv Accordion School traditions. Methodology. This study is based on historical, genre and stylystic as well as interpretive method. The methodological basis is formed by the works of Yu. Diachenko (2012), M. Pliushenko (2017), I. Sniedkov (2016), A. Strilets (2018), which partly appeal to O. Nazarenko’s work and the history of Kharkiv Accordion School. Presenting the main material. One of the brightest representatives of Kharkiv Accordion School is the teacher, performer, composer and conductor O. I. Nazarenko. In the context of Kharkiv Accordion School formation and development, O. Nazarenko was remembered for his networking with famous Kharkiv composers. From 1967 to 1987 O. Nazarenko performed many authorial programs of such Kharkiv composers as V. Bibik, F.Bogdanov, O. Zhuk, V. Zolotukhin, D. Klebanov, I. Kovach, T. Kravtsov, G. Finarovsky, S. Faintukh and N. Yukhnovska. Working as a solo accordionist and accompanist, O. Nazarenko gained richer experience and recognition of stage colleagues; he accompanied the People’s Artists of the USSR such as Ye. Chervoniuk, M. Manoilo, Yu. Bogatykov and N. Surzhina, People’s and Merited Artists of Ukraine as V. Arkanova, A. Rezilova, Yu. Ivanov and others. While setting piano vocal works by Kharkiv composers, O. Nazarenko made editions for accordion and enriched the texture of his own works in every possible way. Materials of arrangements, settings, transcriptions were periodically published in such publishing houses’ collections as “Music” (Moscow), “Musical Ukraine” (Kyiv). We cannot ignore the maestro’s creative contacts with V. Podgorny, who influenced his further activity and made a contributive mark on the path of his professional development. Mastering the technique of influencing the listener through emotional and expressive accordion playing was important for O. Nazarenko. V. Podgorny who possessed a brilliant technique of working with sound, was mentioned by O. Nazarenko as “the artist of sound”. It was communication and creative contact with V.Podgorny that enriched the professional background and stimulation of the composer’s talents in young Olexandr’s soul. O. Nazarenko’s specific performing and composing style was formed under V. Podgorny’s influence also. As one of his brightest students, he collaborated with him, was interested in new creative ideas and imitated the teacher’s manner. O. Nazarenko’s work is more connected with singing and folklore; Ukrainian, Russian, Gypsy, Georgian and Latin American motives became the basis of his musical compositions. Based on folk and authorial melodies, he created largescale complex structures with vivid musical images. A typical feature of topics for adaptation, transcription and arrangement was the idea of taking unfamiliar works, which no one had previously addressed to. This attracts performers to search for their own interpretations without imitating already known performer interpretations. Many works in the maestro’s interpretation are characterized by a waltz manner. During his life, from childhood, all the memories and experiences accumulated and became the basis for many of his works. According to his words, he actively attended music evenings in a village club and school after the war, where he could listen to modern waltz-like music by Soviet composers. The first author’s melody, “Elegy Waltz”, which represents lyrics and romantic images as memories, was a dedication to his brother Volodymyr. The author comments that it was his brother who showed him waltz and taught him to dance it in his childhood. Many accordion works by O. Nazarenko are characterized by symphonic principles of development, which are also used in fantasia genre. In this genre, a dramatic and deeply psychological work interpreting Russian folk song “Thin Rowan” was written, which absorbed the emotions of the author’s inner experiences (being a dedication to his mother Alexandra Monakova). Being an excellent accordionist, he is aware of the instrument’s possibilities and implements this knowledge in working on musical works. He pays much attention to image intonation and the specifics of imitation of other instruments. His performance methods were based on the works by S. Richter, E. Hilels, L. Kohan, Ya. Heifetz and many other maestros. These ideas gave him, as a performer, an extremely subtle feeling of timbre. In the manner of his performance, he made the audience not only listen, but also hear, which is very important for perception of musical work. O. I. Nazarenko managed to raise a large number of students for many years of pedagogical activity. They represent his name not only in Ukraine but also abroad. Conclusions. O. Nazarenko’s authorial style is original and multifaceted, it consists of composition, performance and pedagogical activities. The authorial style formation was greatly influenced by Kharkiv cultural environment, creative connection with V. Podgorny and performing traditions of Kharkiv Accordion School in general. O. Nazarenko’s original compositional style is manifested in the genres of transcription, fantasia and arrangement of folk songs for accordion. O. Nazarenko’s works include a number of ones written and dedicated to people who left a great dramatic imprint in his life. Works dedicated to his mother, father, wife and brother are a musical word where dramatic images emphasize the expression and specificity of addressing close people. Due to the bright timbres, rich texture and registers, the composer’s musical compositions become symphonic, going far beyond the basic thematic material. Based on folk and authorial melodies, he created large-scale complex structures with vivid musical images. O. Nazarenko’s works require a performer’s high level of technical training, an intellectual approach to understanding all the musical text details, fastidious work on the sound. These components of performing skills are inherent in the maestro as a representative of Kharkiv Accordion School.

Dievturība (dievturi - "God keepers", "people who live in harmony with God") is a newly created religious tradition having appeared in the second part of the 1920s – 1930s, its most essential source includes materials of Latvian folklore and folk traditions. These are interpreted by construing a religious ethical theory and creating a religion which is alternative to Christianity, with its own doctrine and rituals, and the conception of Latvianness in culture and politics. Latvianness is the most essential concept of cultural politics to which all activities of the dievturi are subjected (exaltation, family celebrations (krustabas, vedības (marriage), bedības (funeral)) as well as seasonal rituals, cultural historical excursions, tidying and spiritual restoration of the sacral sites (sacred places, castle mounds), folklore activities, article publications in mass media, summer thematic camps in the countryside marked by intensive mastering and cultivation of history and culture, celebration of Latvian public holidays and the most important remembrance days. Contemporary dievturi groups are seeking for new ideas in order to develop and popularize their conceptions, which can partly be characterized as a cultural political programme for theoretical (doctrine) and practical (exaltations, ceremonies, seasonal rituals) realization of Latvianness and its components. Within this publication, creativity means the system of ideas and values that promotes the development and perspectives of dievturi groups as well as includes them into a wider cultural political environment thus performing a culture-creating job. A special attention is paid to the essential ideas and values guiding the creativity of contemporary Latvian dievturi groups, making ample use of storyteller habitus, thus intentionally allowing the domination of group participant discourse. The two main directions of dievturi group participant creativity are the development of their doctrine (teaching) and the ritual practice (exaltations). These directions allow to attract wide attention of the society and mass media, new participants and supporters, to influence the political and cultural processes in Latvia. An important part in the doctrinal reflections of the dievturi, especially in the ritual practice (exaltations), has always been taken by Latvian literature writings. A selective choice of these supplement the textual canon of the dievturi continuing the tradition in line with “the mood of Latvian folk songs” and attributing a more modern shape and world outlook concepts to dievturi undertakings. The aim of an exaltation is always associated with the main cultural political concept of the dievturi – Latvianness, namely, to make Latvianness more active, to offer an opportunity to approach Latvianness, make efforts for deeper comprehension of it, being aware and living through it, although thematically it may be dedicated to separate components of Latvianness (people, land, language, God, Māra, Laima, work, virtues, human life, and the like). Also, the most essential ideas and values of dievturība – gender equality, domesticity, antiglobalism, ecology, traditional marriage formula, life style and appearance, environment (for example, use of Latvian language), music, art and literature priorities (classical and/or national music, use of local building materials and ornaments (all ornaments have been observed in Latvia’s nature), writers, poets and playwrights who most precisely depict the “Latvian spirit” – derive from folk songs and the cultural concepts deriving thereof. Activity in the field of Latvianness (ethnicity conception) is in accord with the activity in favour of the future of the Latvian people, symbolical non-forgetting of culture correspond to generating of culture. This attributes a political and social dimension to the cultural activity of dievturi. Dievturība does not perform an official cultural politics of cultural values, heritage, traditions etc., this is a task for politicians; however, it is at least a marginal participant of the cultural political sphere. Placing ethnicity, or the Latvian discourse, at the centre of cultural politics encompasses the range of further impact when the seeming encapsulation within the margins of culture are replaced by reflections on Latvian economy, guidelines in education and science, health care system, axiological juxtaposition of the countryside and city. Also, the evaluation and criticism of the activity of the Christian Church by the dievturi is connected with the conception of Latvianness. Dievturi strongly disclaim Christianity and any chance of mutual cooperation (and also vice versa), protest against its monopoly position in Latvian society, consider Christianity a historically alien religion having been forced upon Latvians and demanding the status of a traditional religion in Latvia also for dievturība including, for example, the right to wed, to celebrate religious festivals. The results of field research do not allow to speak about dievturība today as a strong and united manifestation of Latvian religious experience and way of life. Rather, it is possible to register (after the decline of the movement at the end of the 1990s and at the beginning of the 2000s) a quite consistent and sufficiently active revival which is connected with the appearance of new persons and creative ideas among Latvian dievturi. The future events depend on the fact whether dievturi themselves would be able to solve the protracted inner inconsistencies and find a uniting grounds for further development of the movement. The article is based on the study results obtained during the 2006–2008 field research carried out in dievturi groups (interviews with group leaders, participants and individual representatives, transcripts of audio and video materials). The study was carried out with the financial support of the project “Society and lifestyles” and using its accepted methods – ethnographic description, semi-structured interviews and methods of visual anthropology (photography, filming) and instructions by the Ethical Commission (for example use of assumed names for storytellers).

The article analyses how the folk singing tradition of the Lithuania Minor developed in the late 20th and in the early 21st centuries. It examines the activities of the folklore groups in the Klaipėda Region during the period of 1971–2020, focusing on those that assert fostering of the lietuvininkai singing tradition as their mission or one of their goals. The study employs the previously unused materials, which allow revising the former research results regarding the revival of the Lithuanian ethnic music and show the folklore ensembles working in the Klaipėda Region as a significant part of the Lithuanian folklore movement and the revival of the ethnic music, emerging from the 1960s. Special emphasis is placed on the early phase in adoption of the lietuvininkai singing tradition related to the activities of the folklore ensemble “Vorusnėˮ established in 1971 at the Klaipėda faculties of the State Conservatory of the former LSSR, and the role it had in prompting the creation of other folklore groups in Klaipėda, as well as its impact on the broader cultural and educational processes taking place in the Klaipėda Region.In the 20th century, the prevailing narrative regarding the Lithuanian inhabitants of the Lithuania Minor maintained that books, hymns, schools, church, social and cultural organizations, and choral or theatre activities were the most significant factors influencing the cultural expression of lietuvininkai, while the Lithuanian folklore was hardly practiced anymore or even considered an inappropriate thing. Judging from the folklore recordings, the folk singing tradition supported by the lietuvininkai themselves disappeared along with the singers born in the late 19th century. However, after the WWII, it was adopted and continued by the folklore groups appearing the Klaipėda Region. These groups included people from the other regions of Lithuania who had settled there. This is essentially the process of reviving the ethnic music, which began in Europe during the Enlightenment period and continues in many parts of the world.“Vorusnėˮ was founded in 1971 as the first institutional student folklore ensemble in Klaipėda Region. For 27 years, its leader was a young and talented professor of the Baltic languages Audronė Jakulienė (later Kaukienė). She became the founder of the linguistic school at the Klaipėda University (KU). In the intense and multifaceted activities of the “Vorusnėˮ ensemble, two different stages may be discerned, embracing the periods of 1971–1988 and 1989–2000.In 1971–1988, the ensemble mobilized and educated students in the consciously chosen direction of fostering the Lithuanian ethnic culture, sought contacts with the native lietuvininkai, collected and studied ethnographic and dialectal data, prepared concert programs based on the scholarly, written, and ethnographic sources, gave concerts in Lithuania and abroad, and cooperated with folklore groups from other institutions of higher education.In 1989–2000, the “Vorusnėˮ ensemble engaged in numerous other areas of activity. The children‘s folklore ensemble “Vorusnėlėˮ was established in 1989; both “Vorusnėˮ and “Vorusnėlėˮ became involved in the activities of the community of the Lithuania Minor founded in 1989. The leader of the ensemble and its members contributed to the establishment of the Klaipėda University, which became an important research center of the Prussian history and culture. The leader of the ensemble and her supporters created a new study program of the Lithuanian philology and ethnology at the KU, which during its heyday (2011–2014) had developed three levels of higher education, including bachelor’s, master’s and doctoral studies. The Folklore Laboratory and Archive was established at the Department of the Baltic Linguistics and Ethnology, headed by Kaukienė, and young researchers in philology, ethnology, and ethnomusicology were encouraged to carry out their research there. In the course of over two decades, Kaukienė initiated organizing numerous research conferences dealing with lietuvininkai language and culture.Until 1980, “Vorusnėˮ was the only folklore ensemble in the Klaipėda Region, but in 1985, there were already ten folklore ensembles. These ensembles developed different creative styles that perhaps most notably depended on the personal structure of these ensembles and their leaders’ ideas and professional musical skills. Generally, at the beginning of their activity, all these ensembles sang, played and danced the folklore repertoire comprising all the regions of Lithuania. The activities of “Vorusnėˮ and other folklore ensembles in Klaipėda until 1990 showed that revival of folklore there essentially followed the lines established in other cities and regions of Lithuania.During the first decade after the restoration of independence of Lithuania in 1990, folklore was in high demand. In Klaipėda, the existing ensembles were actively working, and the new ones kept appearing based on the previous ones. The folklore ensembles of the Klaipėda Region clearly declared their priorities, embracing all the contemporary contexts. Some of them associated their repertoire with the folklore of lietuvininkai, others with Samogitian folklore.The lietuvininkai singing tradition was adopted and developed in two main directions.The first one focused on authentic reconstruction, attempting recreation with maximumaccuracy of the song‘s dialect, melody, and manner of singing, as well as its relationship tocustoms, historical events or living environment. The second direction engaged in creativedevelopment, including free interpretations of the songs, combining them with other stylesand genres of music and literature, and using them for individual compositions. These twoways could be combined as well. Lietuvininkai are not directly involved in these activities, butthey tolerate them and participate in these processes in their own historically and culturallydetermined ways.The contemporary artistic expression of the promoters of the lietuvininkai singing tradition is no longer constrained by the religious and ideological dogmas that were previously maintained in the Lithuania Minor and in a way regulated performance of these songs. It is determined nowadays by consciousness, creativity, resourcefulness, and knowledge of its promoters. The dogmas of the Soviet era and modernity have created a certain publicly displayed (show type) folklore. The ensembles took part of the institutionalized amateur art, subsequently becoming subject to justified and unjustified criticism, which is usually levelled on them by the outsiders studying documents and analyzing processes. However, favorable appreciation and external evaluation by the participants of the activities and the local communities highlight the meaning of this activity.

Introduction This paper offers a survey of familiar popular music performers and songwriters who reference coffee in their work. It examines three areas of discourse: the psychoactive effects of caffeine, coffee and courtship rituals, and the politics of coffee consumption. I claim that coffee carries a cultural and musicological significance comparable to that of the chemical stimulants and consumer goods more readily associated with popular music. Songs about coffee may not be as potent as those featuring drugs and alcohol (Primack; Schapiro), or as common as those referencing commodities like clothes and cars (Englis; McCracken), but they do feature across a wide range of genres, some of which enjoy archetypal associations with this beverage. m.o.m.m.y. Needs c.o.f.f.e.e.: The Psychoactive Effect of Coffee The act of performing and listening to popular music involves psychological elements comparable to the overwhelming sensory experience of drug taking: altered perceptions, repetitive grooves, improvisation, self-expression, and psychological empathy—such as that between musician and audience (Curry). Most popular music genres are, as a result, culturally and sociologically identified with the consumption of at least one mind-altering substance (Lyttle; Primack; Schapiro). While the analysis of lyrics referring to this theme has hitherto focused on illegal drugs and alcoholic beverages (Cooper), coffee and its psychoactive ingredient caffeine have been almost entirely overlooked (Summer). The most recent study of drugs in popular music, for example, defined substance use as “tobacco, alcohol, marijuana, cocaine and other stimulants, heroin and other opiates, hallucinogens, inhalants, prescription drugs, over-the-counter drugs, and nonspecific substances” (Primack 172), thereby ignoring a chemical stimulant consumed by 90 per cent of adult Americans every day (Lovett). The wide availability of coffee and the comparatively mild effect of caffeine means that its consumption rarely causes harm. One researcher has described it as a ubiquitous and unobtrusive “generalised public activity […] ‘invisible’ to analysts seeking distinctive social events” (Cooper 92). Coffee may provide only a relatively mild “buzz”—but it is now accepted that caffeine is an addictive substance (Juliano) and, due to its universal legality, coffee is also the world’s most extensively traded and enthusiastically consumed psychoactive consumer product (Juliano 1). The musical genre of jazz has a longstanding relationship with marijuana and narcotics (Curry; Singer; Tolson; Winick). Unsurprisingly, given its Round Midnight connotations, jazz standards also celebrate the restorative impact of coffee. Exemplary compositions include Burke/Webster’s insomniac torch song Black Coffee, which provided hits for Sarah Vaughan (1949), Ella Fitzgerald (1953), and Peggy Lee (1960); and Frank Sinatra’s recordings of Hilliard/Dick’s The Coffee Song (1946, 1960), which satirised the coffee surplus in Brazil at a time when this nation enjoyed a near monopoly on production. Sinatra joked that this ubiquitous drink was that country’s only means of liquid refreshment, in a refrain that has since become a headline writer’s phrasal template: “There’s an Awful Lot of Coffee in Vietnam,” “An Awful Lot of Coffee in the Bin,” and “There’s an Awful Lot of Taxes in Brazil.” Ethnographer Aaron Fox has shown how country music gives expression to the lived social experience of blue-collar and agrarian workers (Real 29). Coffee’s role in energising working class America (Cooper) is featured in such recordings as Dolly Parton’s Nine To Five (1980), which describes her morning routine using a memorable “kitchen/cup of ambition” rhyme, and Don't Forget the Coffee Billy Joe (1973) by Tom T. Hall which laments the hardship of unemployment, hunger, cold, and lack of healthcare. Country music’s “tired truck driver” is the most enduring blue-collar trope celebrating coffee’s analeptic powers. Versions include Truck Drivin' Man by Buck Owens (1964), host of the country TV show Hee Haw and pioneer of the Bakersfield sound, and Driving My Life Away from pop-country crossover star Eddie Rabbitt (1980). Both feature characteristically gendered stereotypes of male truck drivers pushing on through the night with the help of a truck stop waitress who has fuelled them with caffeine. Johnny Cash’s A Cup of Coffee (1966), recorded at the nadir of his addiction to pills and alcohol, has an incoherent improvised lyric on this subject; while Jerry Reed even prescribed amphetamines to keep drivers awake in Caffein [sic], Nicotine, Benzedrine (And Wish Me Luck) (1980). Doye O’Dell’s Diesel Smoke, Dangerous Curves (1952) is the archetypal “truck drivin’ country” song and the most exciting track of its type. It subsequently became a hit for the doyen of the subgenre, Red Simpson (1966). An exhausted driver, having spent the night with a woman whose name he cannot now recall, is fighting fatigue and wrestling his hot-rod low-loader around hairpin mountain curves in an attempt to rendezvous with a pretty truck stop waitress. The song’s palpable energy comes from its frenetic guitar picking and the danger implicit in trailing a heavy load downhill while falling asleep at the wheel. Tommy Faile’s Phantom 309, a hit for Red Sovine (1967) that was later covered by Tom Waits (Big Joe and the Phantom 309, 1975), elevates the “tired truck driver” narrative to gothic literary form. Reflecting country music’s moral code of citizenship and its culture of performative storytelling (Fox, Real 23), it tells of a drenched and exhausted young hitchhiker picked up by Big Joe—the driver of a handsome eighteen-wheeler. On arriving at a truck stop, Joe drops the traveller off, giving him money for a restorative coffee. The diner falls silent as the hitchhiker orders up his “cup of mud”. Big Joe, it transpires, is a phantom trucker. After running off the road to avoid a school bus, his distinctive ghost rig now only reappears to rescue stranded travellers. Punk rock, a genre closely associated with recreational amphetamines (McNeil 76, 87), also features a number of caffeine-as-stimulant songs. Californian punk band, Descendents, identified caffeine as their drug of choice in two 1996 releases, Coffee Mug and Kids on Coffee. These songs describe chugging the drink with much the same relish and energy that others might pull at the neck of a beer bottle, and vividly compare the effects of the drug to the intense rush of speed. The host of “New Music News” (a segment of MTV’s 120 Minutes) references this correlation in 1986 while introducing the band’s video—in which they literally bounce off the walls: “You know, while everybody is cracking down on crack, what about that most respectable of toxic substances or stimulants, the good old cup of coffee? That is the preferred high, actually, of California’s own Descendents—it is also the subject of their brand new video” (“New Music News”). Descendents’s Sessions EP (1997) featured an overflowing cup of coffee on the sleeve, while punk’s caffeine-as-amphetamine trope is also promulgated by Hellbender (Caffeinated 1996), Lagwagon (Mr. Coffee 1997), and Regatta 69 (Addicted to Coffee 2005). Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night: Coffee and Courtship Coffee as romantic metaphor in song corroborates the findings of early researchers who examined courtship rituals in popular music. Donald Horton’s 1957 study found that hit songs codified the socially constructed self-image and limited life expectations of young people during the 1950s by depicting conservative, idealised, and traditional relationship scenarios. He summarised these as initial courtship, honeymoon period, uncertainty, and parting (570-4). Eleven years after this landmark analysis, James Carey replicated Horton’s method. His results revealed that pop lyrics had become more realistic and less bound by convention during the 1960s. They incorporated a wider variety of discourse including the temporariness of romantic commitment, the importance of individual autonomy in relationships, more liberal attitudes, and increasingly unconventional courtship behaviours (725). Socially conservative coffee songs include Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night by The Boswell Sisters (1933) in which the protagonist swears fidelity to her partner on condition that this desire is expressed strictly in the appropriate social context of marriage. It encapsulates the restrictions Horton identified on courtship discourse in popular song prior to the arrival of rock and roll. The Henderson/DeSylva/Brown composition You're the Cream in My Coffee, recorded by Annette Hanshaw (1928) and by Nat King Cole (1946), also celebrates the social ideal of monogamous devotion. The persistence of such idealised traditional themes continued into the 1960s. American pop singer Don Cherry had a hit with Then You Can Tell Me Goodbye (1962) that used coffee as a metaphor for undying and everlasting love. Otis Redding’s version of Butler/Thomas/Walker’s Cigarettes and Coffee (1966)—arguably soul music’s exemplary romantic coffee song—carries a similar message as a couple proclaim their devotion in a late night conversation over coffee. Like much of the Stax catalogue, Cigarettes and Coffee, has a distinctly “down home” feel and timbre. The lovers are simply content with each other; they don’t need “cream” or “sugar.” Horton found 1950s blues and R&B lyrics much more sexually explicit than pop songs (567). Dawson (1994) subsequently characterised black popular music as a distinct public sphere, and Squires (2002) argued that it displayed elements of what she defined as “enclave” and “counterpublic” traits. Lawson (2010) has argued that marginalised and/or subversive blues artists offered a form of countercultural resistance against prevailing social norms. Indeed, several blues and R&B coffee songs disregard established courtship ideals and associate the product with non-normative and even transgressive relationship circumstances—including infidelity, divorce, and domestic violence. Lightnin’ Hopkins’s Coffee Blues (1950) references child neglect and spousal abuse, while the narrative of Muddy Waters’s scorching Iodine in my Coffee (1952) tells of an attempted poisoning by his Waters’s partner. In 40 Cups of Coffee (1953) Ella Mae Morse is waiting for her husband to return home, fuelling her anger and anxiety with caffeine. This song does eventually comply with traditional courtship ideals: when her lover eventually returns home at five in the morning, he is greeted with a relieved kiss. In Keep That Coffee Hot (1955), Scatman Crothers supplies a counterpoint to Morse’s late-night-abandonment narrative, asking his partner to keep his favourite drink warm during his adulterous absence. Brook Benton’s Another Cup of Coffee (1964) expresses acute feelings of regret and loneliness after a failed relationship. More obliquely, in Coffee Blues (1966) Mississippi John Hurt sings affectionately about his favourite brand, a “lovin’ spoonful” of Maxwell House. In this, he bequeathed the moniker of folk-rock band The Lovin’ Spoonful, whose hits included Do You Believe in Magic (1965) and Summer in the City (1966). However, an alternative reading of Hurt’s lyric suggests that this particular phrase is a metaphorical device proclaiming the author’s sexual potency. Hurt’s “lovin’ spoonful” may actually be a portion of his seminal emission. In the 1950s, Horton identified country as particularly “doleful” (570), and coffee provides a common metaphor for failed romance in a genre dominated by “metanarratives of loss and desire” (Fox, Jukebox 54). Claude Gray’s I'll Have Another Cup of Coffee (Then I’ll Go) (1961) tells of a protagonist delivering child support payments according to his divorce lawyer’s instructions. The couple share late night coffee as their children sleep through the conversation. This song was subsequently recorded by seventeen-year-old Bob Marley (One Cup of Coffee, 1962) under the pseudonym Bobby Martell, a decade prior to his breakthrough as an international reggae star. Marley’s youngest son Damian has also performed the track while, interestingly in the context of this discussion, his older sibling Rohan co-founded Marley Coffee, an organic farm in the Jamaican Blue Mountains. Following Carey’s demonstration of mainstream pop’s increasingly realistic depiction of courtship behaviours during the 1960s, songwriters continued to draw on coffee as a metaphor for failed romance. In Carly Simon’s You’re So Vain (1972), she dreams of clouds in her coffee while contemplating an ostentatious ex-lover. Squeeze’s Black Coffee In Bed (1982) uses a coffee stain metaphor to describe the end of what appears to be yet another dead-end relationship for the protagonist. Sarah Harmer’s Coffee Stain (1998) expands on this device by reworking the familiar “lipstick on your collar” trope, while Sexsmith & Kerr’s duet Raindrops in my Coffee (2005) superimposes teardrops in coffee and raindrops on the pavement with compelling effect. Kate Bush’s Coffee Homeground (1978) provides the most extreme narrative of relationship breakdown: the true story of Cora Henrietta Crippin’s poisoning. Researchers who replicated Horton’s and Carey’s methodology in the late 1970s (Bridges; Denisoff) were surprised to find their results dominated by traditional courtship ideals. The new liberal values unearthed by Carey in the late 1960s simply failed to materialise in subsequent decades. In this context, it is interesting to observe how romantic coffee songs in contemporary soul and jazz continue to disavow the post-1960s trend towards realistic social narratives, adopting instead a conspicuously consumerist outlook accompanied by smooth musical timbres. This phenomenon possibly betrays the influence of contemporary coffee advertising. From the 1980s, television commercials have sought to establish coffee as a desirable high end product, enjoyed by bohemian lovers in a conspicuously up-market environment (Werder). All Saints’s Black Coffee (2000) and Lebrado’s Coffee (2006) identify strongly with the culture industry’s image of coffee as a luxurious beverage whose consumption signifies prominent social status. All Saints’s promotional video is set in a opulent location (although its visuals emphasise the lyric’s romantic disharmony), while Natalie Cole’s Coffee Time (2008) might have been itself written as a commercial. Busting Up a Starbucks: The Politics of Coffee Politics and coffee meet most palpably at the coffee shop. This conjunction has a well-documented history beginning with the establishment of coffee houses in Europe and the birth of the public sphere (Habermas; Love; Pincus). The first popular songs to reference coffee shops include Jaybird Coleman’s Coffee Grinder Blues (1930), which boasts of skills that precede the contemporary notion of a barista by four decades; and Let's Have Another Cup of Coffee (1932) from Irving Berlin’s depression-era musical Face The Music, where the protagonists decide to stay in a restaurant drinking coffee and eating pie until the economy improves. Coffee in a Cardboard Cup (1971) from the Broadway musical 70 Girls 70 is an unambiguous condemnation of consumerism, however, it was written, recorded and produced a generation before Starbucks’ aggressive expansion and rapid dominance of the coffee house market during the 1990s. The growth of this company caused significant criticism and protest against what seemed to be a ruthless homogenising force that sought to overwhelm local competition (Holt; Thomson). In response, Starbucks has sought to be defined as a more responsive and interactive brand that encourages “glocalisation” (de Larios; Thompson). Koller, however, has characterised glocalisation as the manipulative fabrication of an “imagined community”—whose heterogeneity is in fact maintained by the aesthetics and purchasing choices of consumers who make distinctive and conscious anti-brand statements (114). Neat Capitalism is a more useful concept here, one that intercedes between corporate ideology and postmodern cultural logic, where such notions as community relations and customer satisfaction are deliberately and perhaps somewhat cynically conflated with the goal of profit maximisation (Rojek). As the world’s largest chain of coffee houses with over 19,400 stores in March 2012 (Loxcel), Starbucks is an exemplar of this phenomenon. Their apparent commitment to environmental stewardship, community relations, and ethical sourcing is outlined in the company’s annual “Global Responsibility Report” (Vimac). It is also demonstrated in their engagement with charitable and environmental non-governmental organisations such as Fairtrade and Co-operative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere (CARE). By emphasising this, Starbucks are able to interpellate (that is, “call forth”, “summon”, or “hail” in Althusserian terms) those consumers who value environmental protection, social justice and ethical business practices (Rojek 117). Bob Dylan and Sheryl Crow provide interesting case studies of the persuasive cultural influence evoked by Neat Capitalism. Dylan’s 1962 song Talkin’ New York satirised his formative experiences as an impoverished performer in Greenwich Village’s coffee houses. In 1995, however, his decision to distribute the Bob Dylan: Live At The Gaslight 1962 CD exclusively via Starbucks generated significant media controversy. Prominent commentators expressed their disapproval (Wilson Harris) and HMV Canada withdrew Dylan’s product from their shelves (Lynskey). Despite this, the success of this and other projects resulted in the launch of Starbucks’s in-house record company, Hear Music, which released entirely new recordings from major artists such as Ray Charles, Paul McCartney, Joni Mitchell, Carly Simon and Elvis Costello—although the company has recently announced a restructuring of their involvement in this venture (O’Neil). Sheryl Crow disparaged her former life as a waitress in Coffee Shop (1995), a song recorded for her second album. “Yes, I was a waitress. I was a waitress not so long ago; then I won a Grammy” she affirmed in a YouTube clip of a live performance from the same year. More recently, however, Crow has become an avowed self-proclaimed “Starbucks groupie” (Tickle), releasing an Artist’s Choice (2003) compilation album exclusively via Hear Music and performing at the company’s 2010 Annual Shareholders’s Meeting. Songs voicing more unequivocal dissatisfaction with Starbucks’s particular variant of Neat Capitalism include Busting Up a Starbucks (Mike Doughty, 2005), and Starbucks Takes All My Money (KJ-52, 2008). The most successful of these is undoubtedly Ron Sexsmith’s Jazz at the Bookstore (2006). Sexsmith bemoans the irony of intense original blues artists such as Leadbelly being drowned out by the cacophony of coffee grinding machines while customers queue up to purchase expensive coffees whose names they can’t pronounce. In this, he juxtaposes the progressive patina of corporate culture against the circumstances of African-American labour conditions in the deep South, the shocking incongruity of which eventually cause the old bluesman to turn in his grave. Fredric Jameson may have good reason to lament the depthless a-historical pastiche of postmodern popular culture, but this is no “nostalgia film”: Sexsmith articulates an artfully framed set of subtle, sensitive, and carefully contextualised observations. Songs about coffee also intersect with politics via lyrics that play on the mid-brown colour of the beverage, by employing it as a metaphor for the sociological meta-narratives of acculturation and assimilation. First popularised in Israel Zangwill’s 1905 stage play, The Melting Pot, this term is more commonly associated with Americanisation rather than miscegenation in the United States—a nuanced distinction that British band Blue Mink failed to grasp with their memorable invocation of “coffee-coloured people” in Melting Pot (1969). Re-titled in the US as People Are Together (Mickey Murray, 1970) the song was considered too extreme for mainstream radio airplay (Thompson). Ike and Tina Turner’s Black Coffee (1972) provided a more accomplished articulation of coffee as a signifier of racial identity; first by associating it with the history of slavery and the post-Civil Rights discourse of African-American autonomy, then by celebrating its role as an energising force for African-American workers seeking economic self-determination. Anyone familiar with the re-casting of black popular music in an industry dominated by Caucasian interests and aesthetics (Cashmore; Garofalo) will be unsurprised to find British super-group Humble Pie’s (1973) version of this song more recognisable. Conclusion Coffee-flavoured popular songs celebrate the stimulant effects of caffeine, provide metaphors for courtship rituals, and offer critiques of Neat Capitalism. Harold Love and Guthrie Ramsey have each argued (from different perspectives) that the cultural micro-narratives of small social groups allow us to identify important “ethnographic truths” (Ramsey 22). Aesthetically satisfying and intellectually stimulating coffee songs are found where these micro-narratives intersect with the ethnographic truths of coffee culture. 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Could we also imagine a language in which a person could write down or give vocal expression to his inner experiences -- his feelings, moods, and the rest -- for his private use? Well, can't we do so in our ordinary language? -- But that is not what I mean. The individual words of this language are to refer to what can only be known to the person speaking; to his immediate private sensations. So another person cannot understand the language. -- Ludwig Wittgenstein, Philosophical Investigations par. 243 I will be using 'audience' in two ways in the following essay: as a phenomenon that produces and is produced by media technologies (readers, hearers, viewers, Internet-users), and as something, audiens, that is essential to language itself, something without which language cannot be. I shall do so in specific references to invented languages. Who, then, are the 'consumers' of invented languages? In referring to invented languages, I am not talking about speakers of Esperanto or Occidental; I am not concerned with the invention of international auxiliary languages. These projects, already well-debated, have roots that go back at least as far as the 17th-century language philosophers who were at pains to undo the damage of Babel and restore a common language to the world. While Esperanto never became what it intended to be, it at least has readers and speakers. I am also not even talking about speakers of Klingon or Quenya. These privately invented languages have had the good fortune to be attached to popular invented cultures, and to media with enough money and publicity to generate a multitude of fans. Rather, I am talking about a phenomenon on the Internet and in a well- populated listserv whereby a number of people from all over the globe have discovered each other on-line. They all have a passion for what Jeffrey Schnapp calls uglossia ('no-language', after utopia, 'no-place'). Umberto Eco calls it 'technical insanity' or glottomania. Linguist Marina Yaguello calls language inventors fous du langage ('language lunatics') in her book of the same title. Jeffrey Henning prefers the term 'model language' in his on-line newsletter: 'miniaturized versions that provide the essence of something'. On CONLANG, people call themselves conlangers (from 'constructed language') and what they do conlanging. By forming this list, they have created a media audience for themselves, in the first sense of the term, and also literally in the second sense, as a number of them are setting up soundbytes on their elaborately illustrated and explicated Webpages. Originally devoted to advocates for international auxiliary languages, CONLANG started out about eight years ago, and as members joined who were less interested in the politics than in the hobby of language invention, the list has become almost solely the domain of the latter, whereas the 'auxlangers', as they are called, have moved to another list. An important distinguishing feature of 'conlangers' is that, unlike the 'auxlangers', there is no sustained hope that their languages will have a wide-body of hearers or users. They may wish it, but they do not advocate for it, and as a consequence their languages are free to be a lot weirder, whereas the auxlangs tend to strive for regularity and useability. CONLANG is populated by highschool, college, and graduate students; linguists; computer programmers; housewives; librarians; professors; and other users worldwide. The old debate about whether the Internet has become the 'global village' that Marshall McLuhan predicted, or whether it threatens to atomise communication 'into ever smaller worlds where enthusiasms mutate into obsessions', as Jeff Salamon warns, seems especially relevant to a study of CONLANG whose members indulge in an invention that by its very nature excludes the casual listener-in. And yet the audio-visual capacities of the Internet, along with its speed and efficiency of communication, have made it the ideal forum for conlangers. Prior to the Web, how were fellow inventors to know that others were doing -- in secret? J.R.R. Tolkien has been lauded as a rare exception in the world of invention, but would his elaborate linguistic creations have become so famous had he not published The Lord of the Rings and its Appendix? Poignantly, he tells in "A Secret Vice" about accidentally overhearing another army recruit say aloud: 'Yes! I think I shall express the accusative by a prefix!'. Obviously, silent others besides Tolkien were inventing languages, but they did not have the means provided by the Internet to discover one another except by chance. Tolkien speaks of the 'shyness' and 'shame' attached to this pursuit, where 'higher developments are locked in secret places'. It can win no prizes, he says, nor make birthday presents for aunts. His choice of title ("A Secret Vice") echoes a Victorian phrase for the closet, and conlangers have frequently compared conlanging to homosexuality, both being what conservative opinion expects one to grow out of after puberty. The number of gay men on the list has been wondered at as more than coincidental. In a survey I conducted in October 1998, many of the contributors to CONLANG felt that the list put them in touch with an audience that provided them with intellectual and emotional feedback. Their interests were misunderstood by parents, spouses, lovers, and employers alike, and had to be kept under wraps. Most of those I surveyed said that they had been inventing a language well before they had heard of the list; that they had conceived of what they were doing as unique or peculiar, until discovery of CONLANG; and that other people's Websites astounded them with the pervasive fascination of this pursuit. There are two ways to look at it: conlanging, as Henning writes, may be as common and as humanly creative as any kind of model-making, i.e., dollhouses, model trains, role-playing, or even the constructed cultures with city plans and maps in fantasy novels such as Terry Pratchett's Discworld. The Web is merely a means to bring enthusiasts together. Or it may provide a site that, with the impetus of competition and showmanship, encourages inutile and obsessive activity. Take your pick. From Hildegard von Bingen's Lingua Ignota to Dante's Inferno and the babbling Nimrod to John Dee's Enochian and on, invented languages have smacked of religious ecstacy, necromancy, pathology, and the demonic. Twin speech, or 'pathological idioglossia', was dramatised by Jodie Foster in Nell. Hannah Green's 'Language of Yr' was the invention of her schizophrenic protagonist in I Never Promised You a Rose Garden. Language itself is the centre of furious theoretical debate. Despite the inventive 'deformities' it is put to in poetry, punning, jest, singing, and lying, human language, our most 'natural' of technologies, is a social machine, used by multitudes and expected to get things done. It is expected of language that it be understood and that it have not only hearers but also answerers. All human production is founded on this assumption. A language without an audience of other speakers is no language. 'Why aren't you concentrating on real languages?' continues to be the most stinging criticism. Audience is essential to Wittgenstein's remark quoted at the beginning of this essay. Wittgenstein posits his 'private languages theory' as a kind of impossibility: all natural languages, because they exist by consensus, can only refer to private experience externally. Hence, a truly private language, devoted to naming 'feelings and moods' which the subject has never heard about or shared with others, is impossible among socialised speakers who are called upon to define subjective experience in public terms. His is a critique of solipsism, a charge often directed at language inventors. But very few conlangers that I have encountered are making private languages in Wittgenstein's sense, because most of them are interested in investing their private words with public meaning, even when they are doing it privately. For them, it is audience, deeply desireable, that has been impossible until now. Writing well before the development of CONLANG, Yaguello takes the stance that inventing a language is an act of madness. 'Just look at the lunatic in love with language', she writes: sitting in his book-lined study, he collects great piles of information, he collates and classifies it, he makes lists and fills card indexes. He is in the clutches of a denominatory delirium, of a taxonomic madness. He has to name everything, but before being able to name, he has to recognize and classify concepts, to enclose the whole Universe in a system of notation: produce enumerations, hierarchies, and paradigms. She is of course describing John Wilkins, whose Real Character and Universal Language in 1668 was an attempt to make each syllable of his every invented word denote its placement in a logical scheme of classification. 'A lunatic ambition', Yaguello pronounces, because it missed the essential quality of language: that its signs are arbitrary, practical, and changeable, so as to admit neologism and cultural difference. But Yaguello denounces auxiliary language makers in general as amateurs 'in love with language and with languages, and ignorant of the science of language'. Her example of 'feminine' invention comes from Helene Smith, the medium who claimed to be channeling Martian (badly disguised French). One conlanger noted that Yaguello's chapter entitled 'In Defence of Natural Languages' reminded him of the US Federal 'Defense of Marriage Act', whereby the institution of heterosexual marriage is 'defended' from homosexual marriage. Let homosexuals marry or lunatics invent language, and both marriage and English (or French) will come crashing to the ground. Schnapp praises Yaguello's work for being the most comprehensive examination of the phenomenon to date, but neither he nor she addresses linguist Suzette Haden Elgin's creative work on Láadan, a language designed for women, or even Quenya or Klingon -- languages that have acquired at least an audience of readers. Schnapp is less condemnatory than Yaguello, and interested in seeing language inventors as the 'philologists of imaginary worlds', 'nos semblables, nos frères, nos soeurs' -- after all. Like Yaguello, he is given to some generalities: imaginary languages are 'infantile': 'the result is always [my emphasis] an "impoverishment" of the natural languages in question: reduced to a limited set of open vowels [he means "open syllables"], prone to syllabic reduplication and to excessive syntactical parallelisms and symmetries'. To be sure, conlangs will never replicate the detail and history of a real language, but to call them 'impoverishments of the natural languages' seems as strange as calling dollhouses 'impoverishments of actual houses'. Why this perception of threat or diminishment? The critical, academic "audience" for language invention has come largely from non-language inventors and it is woefully uninformed. It is this audience that conlangers dislike the most: the outsiders who cannot understand what they are doing and who belittle it. The field, then, is open to re-examination, and the recent phenomenon of conlanging is evidence that the art of inventing languages is neither lunatic nor infantile. But if one is not Tolkien or a linguist supported by the fans of Star Trek, how does one justify the worthwhile nature of one's art? Is it even art if it has an audience of one ... its artist? Conlanging remains a highly specialised and technical pursuit that is, in the end, deeply subjective. Model builders and map-makers can expect their consumers to enjoy their products without having to participate in the minutia of their building. Not so the conlanger, whose consumer must internalise it, and who must understand and absorb complex linguistic concepts. It is different in the world of music. The Cocteau Twins, Bobby McFerrin in his Circle Songs, Lisa Gerrard in Duality, and the new group Ekova in Heaven's Dust all use 'nonsense' words set to music -- either to make songs that sound like exotic languages or to convey a kind of melodic glossolalia. Knowing the words is not important to their hearers, but few conlangers yet have that outlet, and must rely on text and graphs to give a sense of their language's structure. To this end, then, these are unheard, unaudienced languages, existing mostly on screen. A few conlangers have set their languages to music and recorded them. What they are doing, however, is decidedly different from the extempore of McFerrin. Their words mean something, and are carefully worked out lexically and grammatically. So What Are These Conlangs Like? On CONLANG and their links to Websites you will find information on almost every kind of no-language imaginable. Some sites are text only; some are lavishly illustrated, like the pages for Denden, or they feature a huge inventory of RealAudio and MP3 files, like The Kolagian Languages, or the songs of Teonaht. Some have elaborate scripts that the newest developments in fontography have been able to showcase. Some, like Tokana and Amman-Iar, are the result of decades of work and are immensely sophisticated. Valdyan has a Website with almost as much information about the 'conculture' as the conlang. Many are a posteriori languages, that is, variations on natural languages, like Brithenig (a mixture of the features of Brythonic and Romance languages); others are a priori -- starting from scratch -- like Elet Anta. Many conlangers strive to make their languages as different from European paradigms as possible. If imaginary languages are bricolages, as Schnapp writes, then conlangers are now looking to Tagalog, Basque, Georgian, Malagasay, and Aztec for ideas, instead of to Welsh, Finnish, and Hebrew, languages Tolkien drew upon for his Elvish. "Ergative" and "trigger" languages are often preferred to the "nominative" languages of Europe. Some people invent for sheer intellectual challenge; others for the beauty and sensuality of combining new and privately meaningful sounds. There are many calls for translation exercises, one of the most popular being 'The Tower of Babel' (Genesis 10: 1-9). The most recent innovation, and one that not only showcases these languages in all their variety but provides an incentive to learn another conlanger's conlang, is the Translation Relay Game: someone writes a short poem or composition in his or her language and sends it with linguistic information to someone else, who sends a translation with directions to the next in line all the way around again, like playing 'telephone'. The permutations that the Valdyan Starling Song went through give good evidence that these languages are not just relexes, or codes, of natural languages, but have their own linguistic, cultural, and poetic parameters of expression. They differ from real languages in one important respect that has bearing on my remarks about audience: very few conlangers have mastered their languages in the way one masters a native tongue. These creations are more like artefacts (several have compared it to poetry) than they are like languages. One does not live in a dollhouse. One does not normally think or speak in one's conlang, much less speak to another, except through a laborious process of translation. It remains to a longer cultural and sociolinguistic study (underway) to tease out the possibilities and problems of conlanging: why it is done, what does it satisfy, why so few women do it, what are its demographics, or whether it can be turned to pedagogical use in a 'hands-on', high- participation study of language. In this respect, CONLANG is one of the 'coolest' of on-line media. Only time will show what direction conlanging and attitudes towards it will take as the Internet becomes more powerful and widely used. Will the Internet democratise, and eventually make banal, a pursuit that has until now been painted with the romantic brush of lunacy and secrecy? (You can currently download LangMaker, invented by Jeff Henning, to help you construct your own language.) Or will it do the opposite and make language and linguistics -- so often avoided by students or reduced in university programs -- inventive and cutting edge? (The inventor of Tokana has used in-class language invention as a means to study language typology.) Now that we have it, the Internet at least provides conlangers with a place to hang their logodaedalic tapestries, and the technology for some of them to be heard. References Von Bingen, Hildegard. Lingua Ignota, or Wörterbuch der unbekannten Sprache. Eds. Marie-Louise Portmann and Alois Odermatt. Basel: Verlag Basler Hildegard-Gesellschaft, 1986. Eco, Umberto. The Search for the Perfect Language. Trans. James Fentress. Oxford, England, and Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell, 1995, 1997. Elgin, Suzette Haden. A First Dictionary and Grammar of Láadan. Madison, WI: Society for the Furtherance and Study of Fantasy and Science- Fiction, 1985. Henning, Jeffrey. Model Languages: The Newsletter Discussing Newly Imagined Words for Newly Imagined Worlds. <http://www.Langmaker.com/ml00.htm>. Kennaway, Richard. Some Internet Resources Relating to Constructed Languages. <http://www.sys.uea.ac.uk/jrk/conlang.php>. (The most comprehensive list (with links) of invented languages on the Internet.) Laycock, Donald C. The Complete Enochian Dictionary: A Dictionary of the Angelic Language as Revealed to Dr. John Dee and Edward Kelley. York Beach, Maine: Samuel Weiser, 1994. McLuhan, Marshall. Understanding Media. Reprinted. Cambridge, MA: MIT P, 1994. Salamon, Jeff. "Revenge of the Fanboys." Village Voice 13 Sep., 1994. Schnapp, Jeffrey. "Virgin Words: Hildegard of Bingen's Lingua Ignota and the Development of Imaginary Languages Ancient and Modern." Exemplaria 3.2 (1991): 267-98. Tolkien, J.R.R. "A Secret Vice." The Monsters and the Critics and Other Essays. Ed. Christopher Tolkien. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1984. 198-223. Wilkins, John. An Essay Towards a Real Character and a Philosophical Language. Presented to the Royal Society of England in 1668. Wittgenstein, Ludwig. Philosophical Investigations. 3rd ed. Trans. G.E.M. Anscombe. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1958. Yaguello, Marina. Lunatic Lovers of Language: Imaginary Languages and Their Inventors. Trans. Catherine Slater. (Les fous du langage. 1985.) London: The Athlone Press, 1991. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Sarah L. Higley. "Audience, Uglossia, and CONLANG: Inventing Languages on the Internet." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3.1 (2000). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/0003/languages.php>. Chicago style: Sarah L. Higley, "Audience, Uglossia, and CONLANG: Inventing Languages on the Internet," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3, no. 1 (2000), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/0003/languages.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Sarah L. Higley. (2000) Audience, Uglossia, and CONLANG: Inventing Languages on the Internet. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3(1). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/0003/languages.php> ([your date of access]).

Although controversial, the theory that the Romancero (ballad genre) resulted from the disintegration of cantares de gesta in the late Middle Ages is generally accepted in current Spanish literary scholarship. The romances (ballads) based on epic themes of Castilian history occupy a key position in this theory, since they are considered to be the oldest and the closest to the epics from which the Romancero originated. In an attempt to justify or to disprove this claim, the present study investigates the thematic contents of the romances viejos based on Castilian subjects. Utilising the edition of old romances gathered by Ferdinand Wolf and Conrad Hofmann in their Primavera y flor de romances, these romances are analysed, and compared on the one hand with the extant epic poems, and on the other with the chronicle texts in which poems no longer extant were prosified. The romances chosen for analysis are from the cycles of the following heroes: Bernardo del Carpio (Chapter I), Fernán González (Chapter II), Infantes de Lara (Chapter III) and El Cid (Chapters IV-VII). The cycle of El Cid is divided into the separate categories of Mocedades de Rodrigo (Chapter IV), the partition of the kingdoms and resulting fratricidal wars (Chapter V), the siege of Zamora (Chapter VI), and the conquest of Valencia and punishment of the Infantes de Carridn (Chapter VII). The evidence acquired by this reanalysis of the romances and their possible sources allows the following conclusions: 1. There is a diachronic continuity in the elaboration of epic texts, as seen in the romances of Fernán González, the Infantes de Lara and the Cid series. Some of these reelaborations were in all probability in prose while others were in verse. In the latter case, a tendency is demonstrated toward the restriction of the narrative to a few popular motifs, and in particular that of the confrontation between king and vassal. The authors of the romances took up this confrontation motif in creating some of the most popular ballads of the genre. 2. There is a diachronic continuity in the transmission of the original, unelaborated epic material, both in oral and in written form. This conservatism is seen in the romances of Bernardo del Carpio. and in those dealing with the partition of the kingdoms and the siege of Zamora. 3. There was clearly erudite participation of chroniclers and others in the reworking of epic material, as seen in the romances of the Infantes de Lara and the Cid series. Some of this reworking involved the favouring of certain epic poems which best reflected the chroniclers' historiographical points of view, but in other cases these unknown authors even created new episodes or reinterpreted ambiguous points to give a new turn to the old narratives. 4. In the process of transmission of epic narratives, some prose texts were written by adapting chronicle material to make it more appealing to a popular audience. The present investigation has found evidence of the creation of many old epic romances by resort to these popular adaptations. Thus, chronicle sources appear to be of greater importance in the origin and development of the romances viejos, and in the transmission of epic themes, than current theory allows.
Arts, Faculty of
French, Hispanic, and Italian Studies, Department of
Graduate

The purpose of the present research was to provide ideas for positive stress management in the orchestra world to help achieve high-level performances. The author developed the Orchestral Performance and Stress Survey and distributed it to 230 musicians of three orchestras that comprised full-time and part-time professional as well as community orchestra musicians. The survey sought to identify stress-causing and performance-enhancing factors in the orchestra environment. Questions on the musicians' background allowed for comparisons to identify groups with particular needs. Results show that musical training often does not include stress management training. Playing-related injuries are common. Two-thirds of full-time musicians who responded have suffered injuries that forced them to stop playing for more than one week. On average, musicians reported that stress neither detracts from, nor enhances performances. The most stressful concert types were classical concerts. Highly critical audiences are the most stressful.
School of Music

The main objective of this thesis is to show that the thirty melodies ascribed to the ashoogh Sayat Nova are melodically and rhythmically homogeneous, and that they bear similarity to both Armenian folk and sacred melodies. Since very little has been written on this topic in Occidental languages, it has been necessary to provide (1) a descriptive account of the ancient Armenian music; namely, vibassan, koosan, folk and sacred traditions; (2) a presentation of ashoogh poetic forms, rhyming schemes, and accentuation patterns, which are summarized for the first time in a chart with corresponding sources; (3) a chapter on Armenian tzayns as a background to the melodic analysis and codifications of Sayat Nova's melodies, which is contrary to the accepted practice of codifying these melodies with Greek modal names.
Professor Nigoghos Tahmizian's analysis of Sayat Nova melodies was used as a starting point. Furthermore, through analysis based primarily on available secondary sources, certain conclusions have been obtained: such as, the unity of rhythm/meter with language conventions, presence of specific melodic patterns, cadential endings, intervallic patterns and ranges in Sayat Nova melodies, as characterised by individual tzayn codifications. Further research is suggested to clarify codification of poetic forms, tzayn designations, and specifically, to solidify accentuation conventions of the Armenian language and of its dialects.

葉賜光 = A study on the folk songs of Sai Kung and its neighbouring areas ...
稿本(據電腦打印本複印)
Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學, 1989.
Gao ben (ju dian nao da yin ben fu yin)
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 253-262).
Ye Ciguang = A study on the folk songs of Sai Kung and its neighbouring areas ...
Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1989.
嗚謝 --- p.i
序 --- p.iii
地圖索引 --- p.v
歌謠譜例索引 --- p.vi
歌詞例子索引 --- p.viii
圖表索引 --- p.x
音樂例子索引 --- p.xiii
照片索引 --- p.xiv
Chapter 第一部分： --- 論文
Chapter 第一章 --- 前言
Chapter 第一節 --- 研究地區之讓擇 --- p.1
Chapter 第二節 --- 過去及目前之研究 --- p.2
Chapter 第三節 --- 研究目標 --- p.5
Chapter 第四節 --- 資料來源 --- p.6
Chapter 第二章 --- 歌謠之概念及分類
Chapter 第一節 --- 歌謠之定義及概念 --- p.10
Chapter I --- 過往學者對「民歌」所下之定義 --- p.11
Chapter II --- 筆者對西貢地區歌謠所作之定義 --- p.14
Chapter III --- 粤省與西貢地區歌謠之稱謂問題 --- p.16
Chapter 甲 --- 「粤謳」 --- p.16
Chapter 乙 --- 「粤風」 --- p.17
Chapter 丙 --- 「粤歌」 --- p.18
Chapter 第二節 --- 歌謠分類之概念及分類方法 --- p.22
Chapter I --- 歌謠分類的一些概念 --- p.22
Chapter II --- 台灣歌謠之一般分類方法 --- p.24
Chapter III --- 過往國內歌謠之「三分法」 --- p.25
Chapter IV --- 近期國內歌謠「色彩區」之劃分 --- p.26
Chapter V --- 廣東省（粤）歌謠的分類 --- p.29
Chapter VI --- 本港歌謠之分類 --- p.30
Chapter VII --- 筆者對西貢歌謠之分類方法 --- p.32
Chapter 甲 --- 歌謠劃分之層次 --- p.32
第一級分類： 體系 --- p.33
第二級分類： 歌謠方言色彩區 --- p.33
第三級分類： 體裁 --- p.34
第四級及五級分類歌類及歌目 --- p.35
第六級分類： 歌名 --- p.37
Chapter 第三章 --- 西貢歌謠尋根
Chapter 第一節 --- 西貢地區人口組成的一些資料 --- p.42
Chapter 第二節 --- 本地人與蛇歌 --- p.45
Chapter I --- 「輋」字，「畬」字及類似字之字義 --- p.46
Chapter II --- 目前國內及廣東省畬族的狀況 --- p.47
Chapter III --- 西貢地區蛇歌之特色 --- p.49
Chapter IV --- 福建畬歌之特色 --- p.54
Chapter V --- 浙江畬歌之特色 --- p.56
Chapter VI --- 西貢「九龍蛇話山歌」命名之推想 --- p.59
Chapter 甲 --- 源出於浙江九龍山龍泉縣？ --- p.60
Chapter 乙 --- 源出於粤北九連（龍）山一帶地區？ --- p.60
Chapter 丙 --- 源出於粤北九峰山以南之瑤區？ --- p.61
Chapter 丁 --- 源出於本港九龍城附近一帶地區？ --- p.62
Chapter 第三節 --- 客家人與客家歌謠 --- p.65
Chapter I --- 客籍人士之遷徙過程 --- p.66
Chapter II --- 西貢客家山歌的特色 --- p.68
Chapter III --- 梅縣地區客家山歌之特色 --- p.71
Chapter 第四節 --- 蛋家與蛋家歌謠 --- p.77
Chapter I --- 西貢地區漁民之狀況 --- p.77
Chapter II --- 「蛋家」與「蛋名」沿革 --- p.79
Chapter III --- 「蜑」乃「龍蛇」之後？ --- p.81
Chapter IV --- 廣東蛋民的分佈 --- p.82
Chapter V --- 西貢漁民所採用之方言 --- p.83
Chapter VI --- 西貢蛋歌之特色 --- p.84
Chapter VII --- 客家及鶴佬漁民漁歌之特色 --- p.89
Chapter 第四章 --- 歌唱場合
Chapter 第一節 --- 歌唱場合之概念 --- p.94
Chapter 第二節 --- 本地及客家山歌之歌唱場合 --- p.98
Chapter I --- 戶外及田間之山歌 --- p.99
Chapter II --- 攔路歌 --- p.100
Chapter III --- 情歌及艷情歌 --- p.102
Chapter IV --- 老人山歌 --- p.106
Chapter V --- 鬥歌 --- p.107
Chapter 第三節 --- 圍頭歌之歌唱場合 --- p.110
Chapter I --- 月令歌 --- p.111
Chapter 甲 --- 唱古人 --- p.113
Chapter 乙 --- 唱節氣 --- p.117
Chapter 丙 --- 唱花木、茶菓及字眼 --- p.120
Chapter 丁 --- 唱魚名鳥名及十二生肖 --- p.123
Chapter 戊 --- 唱過番 --- p.124
Chapter II --- 猜謎歌 --- p.125
Chapter 甲 --- 猜字眼 --- p.126
Chapter 乙 --- 猜古人 --- p.127
Chapter III --- 圍名歌 --- p.127
Chapter IV --- 節日吉慶 --- p.129
Chapter 甲 --- 祝壽 --- p.129
Chapter 乙 --- 中秋 --- p.130
Chapter 丙 --- 過年 --- p.132
Chapter 第四節 --- 本地及客家「歌堂歌」及「靈堂歌」之歌唱場合 --- p.135
Chapter I --- 哭嫁與坐歌堂 --- p.136
Chapter 甲 --- 開口喊天喊地 --- p.138
Chapter 乙 --- 第一次哭辭 --- p.139
Chapter 丙 --- 坐凳頭 --- p.141
Chapter 丁 --- 上頭 --- p.143
Chapter 戊 --- 第二次哭辭 --- p.144
Chapter 己 --- 出閣 --- p.146
Chapter II --- 「靈堂歌」之歌唱場合 --- p.150
Chapter 第五節 --- 蛋家之歌唱場合 --- p.153
Chapter I --- 捕魚及行船歌 --- p.153
Chapter II --- 蛋家風俗歌謠及其歌唱場合 --- p.158
Chapter 甲 --- 哭嫁 --- p.159
Chapter 乙 --- 迎娶 --- p.161
Chapter 丙 --- 耍歌堂 --- p.164
Chapter III --- 咸水歌 --- p.166
Chapter 甲 --- 咸水字眼歌 --- p.167
Chapter 乙 --- 歎姑妹 --- p.169
Chapter 丙 --- 艇仔歌 --- p.170
Chapter 第五章 --- 西貢歌謠音樂及歌詞結構的固定因素與非固定因素
Chapter 第一節 --- 歌謠中「歌詞」之「固定」與「非固定」因素 --- p.175
Chapter I --- 歌謠「歌詞」中的「固定」因素、格式、條數規限 --- p.176
Chapter II --- 有「固定格式歌謠」中的「非固定」因素 --- p.182
Chapter 甲 --- 七言四句、三句半及五句板的例子 --- p.182
Chapter 乙 --- 七言四句變五言四句的例子 --- p.186
Chapter 丙 --- 月令歌的例子 --- p.188
Chapter 丁 --- 長篇歌謠的例子 --- p.188
Chapter III --- 「沒有固定格式歌謠歌詞」中之「固定」與「非固定」因素 --- p.198
Chapter 甲 --- 漁民歌謠的例子 --- p.198
Chapter 乙 --- 風俗歌謠的例子 --- p.202
Chapter IV --- 歌謠固定與非固定「襯字」、「襯詞」、及「襯句」 --- p.205
Chapter 甲 --- 客家歌謠例子 --- p.205
Chapter 乙 --- 本地歌謠例子 --- p.209
Chapter 丙 --- 蛋家歌謠例子 --- p.212
Chapter 第二節 --- 歌謠在「音樂」上的「固定」與「非固定」因素 --- p.215
Chapter I --- 有固定曲調歌謠的固定與非固定因素 --- p.215
Chapter 甲 --- 單句式的歌謠例子 --- p.215
Chapter 乙 --- 雙句式的歌謠例子 --- p.218
Chapter 丙 --- 三句半、四句式及五句板例子 --- p.222
Chapter 丁 --- 歌詞次序調換的例子 --- p.225
Chapter 戊 --- 詩詞句法與音樂句法的配合情況 --- p.228
Chapter II --- 「沒有基本曲調」中的固定與非固定因素 --- p.234
Chapter III --- 「襯字」 、「襯詞」、「襯句」與「音樂」之配合 --- p.239
Chapter 甲 --- 歌謠中「不重要」的「襯字」、「襯詞」和「襯句」 --- p.239
Chapter 乙 --- 歌謠中「重要」的「襯字」、「襯詞」和「襯句」 --- p.239
Chapter 第三節 --- 固定與非固定因素於歌謠中之作用及意義 --- p.243
Chapter I --- 「基本曲調」對歌謠流傳之重要性 --- p.243
Chapter II --- 「襯字」的功能 --- p.245
Chapter III --- 歌謠的「版本」問題 --- p.246
Chapter 第六章 --- 結語 --- p.248
中文參考書目 --- p.253
英文參考書目 --- p.261
第二部份：地圖及歌謠譜例 --- p.262-336

李潔嫦.
論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院音樂學部, 1998.
參考文獻: leaves 99-106.
Li Jiechang.
撮要 --- p.iii
Chapter 第一章 --- 地水南音源流槪說
Chapter 一´Ø --- 引言 --- p.一
Chapter 二´Ø --- 南音的起源和發展 --- p.二
Chapter 三´Ø --- 有關南音的原始資料及研究 --- p.四
Chapter 第二章 --- 地水南音在香港的發展(二十至九十年代）
Chapter 一´Ø --- 南音在香港早期的槪況 --- p.八
Chapter 二´Ø --- 地水南音的衰落與戲台、粤曲南音的蓬勃(四十至六十年代） --- p.十九
Chapter 三´Ø --- 七十年代 --- p.二五
Chapter 四´Ø --- 八十年代至今 --- p.二八
Chapter 第三章 --- 地水南音的音樂風格
Chapter 一´Ø --- 引言 --- p.四三
Chapter 二´Ø --- 唱詞結構 --- p.四四
Chapter 三´Ø --- 板面及過序的處理 --- p.四八
Chapter 四´Ø --- 《霸王別姬》音樂結構分析 --- p.五四
Chapter 五. --- 《客途秋恨》：語言聲調與旋律的關係 --- p.六八
Chapter 第四章 --- 近代唱者個案：杜煥及唐健垣
Chapter 一´Ø --- 杜煥的生平及唱腔風格 --- p.七八
Chapter 二´Ø --- 唐健垣的生平及唱腔風格 --- p.八三
Chapter 三´Ø --- 結論 --- p.九十
Chapter 第五章 --- 結論 --- p.九四
參考書目 --- p.九九
附錄一《霸王別姬》唱腔旋律記譜 --- p.一零七
附錄二 《霸王別姬》的唱腔分析 --- p.一一七
附錄三《客途秋恨》的唱腔分析 --- p.一三一
表目
表2-1 六十至八十年代南音演出及硏討會資料 --- p.三五
表2-2 香港灌錄及發行的南音唱片目錄 --- p.三七
表2-3 八十至九十年代南音演出和講座資料 --- p.三九
表3-1 --- p.五五
表3-2 --- p.五七
表3-3 --- p.六五
表3-4 --- p.六九
表3-5 --- p.七二
表4-1杜煥生平年表 --- p.八二
表4-2唐健垣生平年表 --- p.八八

吳瑞卿.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--香港中文大學, 1989.
Manuscript (Reprint of computer reprint)
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 314-324).
Wu Ruiqing.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1989.
導論
Chapter I´Ø --- 選取木魚書作硏究對象的意義 --- p.1
Chapter 一´Ø --- 作為地方文學的 --- p.1
Chapter 二´Ø --- 作為俗文學的一種 --- p.2
Chapter II´Ø --- 本論文的硏究目的
Chapter A´Ø --- 整理及分析一種地方文學遺産 --- p.2
Chapter B´Ø --- 以木魚書為例論證俗文學的特徵範圍
Chapter 一´Ø --- 俗文學研究的回顧 --- p.3
Chapter 二´Ø --- 俗文學的特徴和領域問題 --- p.7
Chapter 三´Ø --- 木魚書與俗文學 --- p.8
Chapter III´Ø --- 木魚書研究在其他方面能提供的貢獻
Chapter 一´Ø --- 中國相類性質的文學比較硏究 --- p.11
Chapter 二´Ø --- 中、外通俗文學比較 --- p.11
Chapter 三´Ø --- 社會發展史研究 --- p.12
Chapter IV´Ø --- 資料範圍及前人研究回顧
Chapter A´Ø --- 前人硏究的回顧
Chapter 一´Ø --- 敘錄及研究 --- p.12
Chapter 二´Ø --- 文獻筆記 --- p.14
Chapter 三´Ø --- 短文 --- p.14
Chapter 四´Ø --- 其他硏究 --- p.14
Chapter B´Ø --- 本文所用資料範圍 --- p.15
Chapter C´Ø --- 輔助資料
Chapter 一´Ø --- 輔助錄音資料 --- p.18
Chapter 二´Ø --- 殘存曲目 --- p.19
Chapter D´Ø --- 資料的捜集和處理
Chapter 一´Ø --- 資料來源 --- p.19
Chapter 二´Ø --- 資料處理 --- p.20
Chapter V´Ø --- 硏究的局限
Chapter 一´Ø --- 資料的限制 --- p.21
Chapter 二´Ø --- 木魚書年代考証的困難 --- p.22
Chapter 三´Ø --- 文字與口頭間的距離 --- p.23
Chapter 第一章 --- 木魚書的體製與源流
Chapter I´Ø --- 木魚書的體製
Chapter 一´Ø --- 外型 --- p.24
Chapter 二´Ø --- 编制 --- p.25
Chapter 三´Ø --- 出版形式 --- p.27
Chapter II´Ø --- 《木魚》釋名
Chapter 一´Ø --- 《木魚》、《木魚書》和《木魚歌》的定義 --- p.29
Chapter 二´Ø --- 《木魚》名稱的來源 --- p.31
Chapter III´Ø --- 木魚歌起源的論爭
Chapter 一´Ø --- 源於踏歌之說 --- p.33
Chapter 二´Ø --- 源於摸魚歌之說 --- p.34
Chapter 三´Ø --- 源於蜑歌之說 --- p.36
Chapter 四´Ø --- 源於江浙彈詞之說 --- p.38
Chapter 五´Ø --- 源於變文、寶卷之說 --- p.40
Chapter 六´Ø --- 其他說法 --- p.40
Chapter IV´Ø --- 木魚書與廣東說唱曲藝的關係 --- p.41
Chapter 一´Ø --- 木魚曲藝的特徴和源流 --- p.42
Chapter 二´Ø --- 龍舟曲藝的特徴和源流 --- p.43
Chapter 三´Ø --- 南音曲藝的特徴和源流 --- p.44
Chapter V´Ø --- 木魚書的歴史一一發源、興盛與衰落 --- p.45
Chapter 第二章 --- 木魚書的結構和格式
Chapter I´Ø --- 句式
Chapter A´Ø --- 句數 --- p.51
Chapter B´Ø --- 基本句型及組織 --- p.52
Chapter 一´Ø --- 句律平仄 --- p.52
Chapter 二´Ø --- 對句 --- p.53
Chapter 三´Ø --- 音步節奏 --- p.56
Chapter C´Ø --- 起式和煞尾
Chapter 一´Ø --- 起式 --- p.57
Chapter 二´Ø --- 煞尾
Chapter D´Ø --- 雜句 --- p.60
Chapter II´Ø --- 韻式
Chapter A´Ø --- 韻系 --- p.60
Chapter B´Ø --- 押韻
Chapter 一´Ø --- 偶句 --- p.63
Chapter 二´Ø --- 奇句 --- p.66
Chapter 三´Ø --- 換韻 --- p.66
Chapter 四´Ø --- 重覆押韻字 --- p.66
Chapter III´Ø --- 襯字 --- p.67
Chapter 一´Ø --- 襯字的作用 --- p.69
Chapter 二´Ø --- 襯字與曲詞内容 --- p.69
Chapter 三´Ø --- 襯字的規律 --- p.71
Chapter 第三章 --- 木魚書的題材與内容
Chapter I´Ø --- 前人研究的回顧 --- p.78
Chapter II´Ø --- 故事性木魚書的内容結構
Chapter A´Ø --- 引首
Chapter 一´Ø --- 引首的内容 --- p.81
Chapter 二´Ø --- 引首的作用 --- p.88
Chapter B´Ø --- 結尾 --- p.88
Chapter C´Ø --- 故事内容 --- p.90
Chapter 一´Ø --- 才子佳人戀愛奇緣故事 --- p.92
Chapter 二´Ø --- 通俗民間歷史故事 --- p.98
Chapter 三´Ø --- 勸善佛道故事 --- p.106
Chapter 四´Ø --- 仙凡奇緣故事 --- p.108
Chapter 五´Ø --- 神怪故事 --- p.110
Chapter 六´Ø --- 民間公案故事 --- p.112
Chapter 七´Ø --- 家庭倫理故事 --- p.115
Chapter III´Ø --- 非故事類木魚書 --- p.119
Chapter 一´Ø --- 故事摘錦 --- p.120
Chapter 二´Ø --- 有關婦女生活 --- p.120
Chapter 三´Ø --- 有關方土習俗和生活 --- p.127
Chapter 四´Ø --- 勸世文 --- p.128
Chapter 五´Ø --- 諷剌時弊 --- p.129
Chapter 六´Ø --- 關懷國是 --- p.133
Chapter 七´Ø --- 純供娛樂 --- p.134
Chapter 第四章 --- 木魚書的流行情況及其傳播型態
Chapter I´Ø --- 木魚書的流行情況 --- p.136
Chapter 一´Ø --- 現存木魚書的數量 --- p.137
Chapter 二´Ø --- 同書異名的現象 --- p.138
Chapter 三´Ø --- 從出版商的數目反映木魚書流行的情況 --- p.139
Chapter II´Ø --- 木魚書的傳播型態 --- p.142
Chapter A´Ø --- 傳播方式
Chapter 一´Ø --- 口頭傳播 --- p.143
Chapter 1. --- 群眾聚集欣賞藝人的演唱 --- p.143
Chapter 2. --- 藝人沿門賈唱 --- p.144
Chapter 3. --- 家庭内的傳唱 --- p.145
Chapter 4. --- 文人間的酬唱 --- p.146
Chapter 二´Ø --- 文字傳播 --- p.146
Chapter B´Ø --- 傳播型態的特色
Chapter 一´Ø --- 口頭與文字傳播並行 --- p.147
Chapter 二´Ø --- ¨ёł離口頭傳播的局限 --- p.148
Chapter 三´Ø --- 橫跨讀書人與民眾的世界 --- p.148
Chapter III´Ø --- 推廣的概念一一雛型廣告的出現 --- p.149
Chapter 第五章 --- 木魚書的作者、傳播者和受眾
Chapter I´Ø --- 社會背景：明清社會階層結構的改變 --- p.153
Chapter II´Ø --- 木魚書的作者
Chapter A´Ø --- 作者的類別 --- p.156
Chapter 一´Ø --- 文人 --- p.156
Chapter 二´Ø --- 藝人 --- p.158
Chapter 三´Ø --- 職業编撰人 --- p.159
Chapter B´Ø --- 作者的創作對象 --- p.159
Chapter C´Ø --- 作者的創作動機
Chapter 一´Ø --- 表面動機 --- p.160
Chapter 二´Ø --- 現實動機 --- p.161
Chapter 三´Ø --- 潛藏動機 --- p.161
Chapter III´Ø --- 木魚書的受眾
Chapter 一´Ø --- 說唱曲藝的觀眾和聽眾 --- p.163
Chapter 二´Ø --- 憑曲自娛的受眾 --- p.164
Chapter 三´Ø --- 說唱藝人 --- p.165
Chapter 四´Ø --- 讀者 --- p.165
Chapter 五´Ø --- 其他 --- p.166
Chapter IV´Ø --- 木魚書的傳播者一一出版商和藝人 --- p.166
Chapter A´Ø --- 出版商
Chapter 一´Ø --- 出版商的興起 --- p.167
Chapter 二´Ø --- 木魚書的出版情況 --- p.170
Chapter 三´Ø --- 木魚書出版商的角色 --- p.171
Chapter B´Ø --- ¨®Ơ唱藝人 --- p.172
Chapter V´Ø --- 作者、“守門人´ح和受眾間的關係 --- p.174
Chapter 一´Ø --- 從商業活動的角度 --- p.174
Chapter 二´Ø --- 從大眾娛樂的角度 --- p.175
Chapter 三´Ø --- 從教化的角度 --- p.175
Chapter 四´Ø --- 矛盾和協調 --- p.176
Chapter 五´Ø --- 方言與作者、受眾的關係 --- p.177
Chapter 六´Ø --- 作者、守門人和受眾間關係的特性
Chapter 1. --- 實用性 --- p.179
Chapter 2. --- 商業性 --- p.179
Chapter 第六章 --- 木魚書的思想意識
Chapter I´Ø --- 前人的論說 --- p.182
Chapter A´Ø --- 傳统木魚書的思想意識 --- p.183
Chapter 一´Ø --- 世界觀的構成
Chapter 1. --- 個人的主體存在 --- p.183
Chapter 2. --- 世界的主宰 --- p.183
Chapter 3. --- 人與人、人與社群的關係 --- p.184
Chapter 二´Ø --- 對生命的觀察與信仰
Chapter 1. --- 人的無自主性
Chapter i) --- 天命不可違 --- p.185
Chapter ii) --- 緣份不可抗拒 --- p.187
Chapter iii) --- 倫理道德不能拂逆 --- p.189
Chapter iv) --- 人生如夢 --- p.189
Chapter 2. --- 人的自主性
Chapter i) --- 因果報應 --- p.191
Chapter ii) --- 至誠可以感天 --- p.194
Chapter 三´Ø --- 木魚書所認同的行為規範與生活態度
Chapter 1. --- 忠、孝、節、義的觀念 --- p.195
Chapter 2. --- 妥協、忍耐、不反抗的態度 --- p.197
Chapter 四´Ø --- 木魚書所隠藏的深層不滿和補償意識 --- p.199
Chapter 1. --- 對天命不滿的補偾´ؤ´ؤ天的人格化 --- p.199
Chapter 2. --- 對人倫關係的不滿一´ؤ女性的強化 --- p.283
Chapter 3. --- 對食官污吏的不滿´ؤ´ؤ清官與皇帝的理想化 --- p.209
Chapter 4. --- 對禮教道德的不谋´ؤ´ؤ大膽的兩性描寫 --- p.212
Chapter B´Ø --- 清末民初短篇木魚的思想意識 --- p.214
Chapter 一´Ø --- 革命及愛國思想 --- p.215
Chapter 二´Ø --- 社會改革思想 --- p.217
Chapter V´Ø --- 從木魚書反映人民的鳥托邦世界
Chapter 一´Ø --- 人民理想中的世界 --- p.219
Chapter 二´Ø --- 理想世界的構成 --- p.221
Chapter 三´Ø --- 理想世界的根源 --- p.223
Chapter 第七章 --- 木魚書的語言和表逹技巧
Chapter I´Ø --- 正统文學與“民間文學´ح之間的灰色地帶 --- p.226
Chapter II´Ø --- 木魚書在語言上所出現的特殊現象
Chapter 一´Ø --- 音字 --- p.227
Chapter 二´Ø --- 錯別字 --- p.229
Chapter 三´Ø --- 俗寫字或創新字 --- p.230
Chapter 四´Ø --- 砌詞就韻 --- p.231
Chapter III´Ø --- 濃厚的地方色彩
Chapter 一´Ø --- 方言的運用 --- p.232
Chapter 二´Ø --- 品物和比喻 --- p.233
Chapter IV´Ø --- 表逹技巧和語言公式化 --- p.236
Chapter V´Ø --- 模倣性超越創造性 --- p.240
結論
Chapter I´Ø --- 俗文學及“民間文學´ح研究發展出現的問題 --- p.243
Chapter II´Ø --- 過去有關俗文學特徴的矛盾 --- p.248
Chapter 一´Ø --- 傳播方式的問題 --- p.248
Chapter 二´Ø --- “大眾性´ح與“群體性´ح的問題 --- p.249
Chapter 三´Ø --- 作者的問題 --- p.250
Chapter 四´Ø --- “新鮮而未經雕琢´ح的問題 --- p.250
Chapter III´Ø --- 從木魚書看俗文學的特徴問題 --- p.251
Chapter 一´Ø --- 民族性和鄉土性 --- p.251
Chapter 二´Ø --- 進步的抑保守的 --- p.252
Chapter 三´Ø --- 新鮮的抑模倣的 --- p.253
Chapter 四´Ø --- 吸收性及融和性 --- p.254
Chapter 五´Ø --- 勸世與社會認可性 --- p.254
Chapter IV´Ø --- 木魚書與“商俗文學´ح --- p.255
Chapter 一´Ø --- 大規模的集體傳播性 --- p.255
Chapter 二´Ø --- 城市化 --- p.256
Chapter 三´Ø --- 商業化 --- p.257
Chapter V´Ø --- 從木魚書研究看俗文學的領域問題 --- p.258
Chapter VI´Ø --- 從木魚書看俗文學研究的重要性及展望 --- p.263
附件目錄
Chapter A´Ø --- 附表
Chapter 附表一： --- 現存主要木魚書藏處目錄 --- p.325
Chapter 附表二： --- 木魚書同書異名表 --- p.346
Chapter 附表三： --- 木魚書出版商及作者資料表 --- p.349
Chapter 附表四： --- 失佚原書之木魚書標題表 --- p.366
Chapter 四A： --- 中山大學風俗硏究室於一九二九年發表所藏廣東唱本目錄 --- p.367
Chapter 四B: --- 《梁氏所藏所見木魚書敘目》 --- p.371
Chapter 附表五： --- 廣州共和報1922年至1925年間所刊登南音、龍舟、木魚曲詞目錄 --- p.374
Chapter B´Ø --- 附錄
Chapter 附錄一： --- 南音木魚書格律示例 --- p.376
Chapter 附錄二： --- 龍舟木魚書格律示例 --- p.377
Chapter 附錄三： --- 三首演唱曲格律示例 --- p.378
Chapter 附錄四： --- 南音《再生緣》之《上林苑題詩》（唱曲及木魚書比較） --- p.379
Chapter 附錄五： --- 《客途秋恨》（唱曲及木魚書比較） --- p.381
Chapter 附錄六： --- 《紅樓夢》之《夢遊太虛》木魚書曲詞 --- p.383
Chapter 附錄七： --- 《五諫刁妻》木魚書曲詞 --- p.384
Chapter 附錄八： --- 《賢妻諫賭》木魚書曲詞 --- p.387
Chapter C´Ø --- 附圓
Chapter 附圖一： --- 木魚書封面圖 --- p.390
Chapter 附圖二： --- 木魚書封面圖 --- p.391
Chapter 附圖三： --- 木魚書的木刻插圖 --- p.392
Chapter 附圓四： --- 木魚書内文编排圖版例一 --- p.393
Chapter 附圃五： --- 木魚書内文编排圖版例二 --- p.394
Chapter 附圖六： --- 粗劣木魚書刻板示例 --- p.395
Chapter 附圖七： --- 木魚書拼揍成書圖版示例一 --- p.396
Chapter 附圖八： --- 木魚書拼揍成書圖版示例 --- p.397
Chapter 附圓九´Ø一： --- 《丁山打雁》、《二度梅》内文圖版 --- p.398
Chapter 附圖九´Ø二： --- 《生祭李彦貴》、《車龍公子花燈記》内文圖版 --- p.399
Chapter 附圖九´Ø三： --- 《閨諫瑞蘭》、《朝上鶯歌》内文圖版 --- p.400
Chapter 附圃九´Ø四： --- 《盤龍寳扇》、《三棄梨花》内文圖販 --- p.401
Chapter 附画九´Ø五： --- 《金生挑盒》、《梁天來告御狀》内文圖版 --- p.402
Chapter 附圖九´Ø六： --- 《五諫刁妻》、《考世条》内文圖版 --- p.403
Chapter 附圖九´Ø七： --- 《鳳儀亭訴苦》、《五弄琵琶》内文圖版 --- p.404
Chapter 附圔九´Ø八： --- 《梁李爭第一》、《英台回鄉》内文圖版 --- p.405
Chapter 附圖九´Ø九： --- 《石女嘆五更》、《金橋問卦》内文圖版 --- p.406
Chapter 附圔九´Ø十： --- 《天九歌》、《蘇娘嘆五更》内文圖版 --- p.407