Academic literature on the topic 'Flemish Part songs'

The so-called Henry VIII's Book (London, British Library Add. MS 31922) contains two textless pieces by Isaac—his three-part Benedictus and the four-part La my—together with a number of other Franco-Flemish “songs without words” typical of the contents of manuscripts copied for the North Italian courts where the earliest viol consorts were being developed in the 1490s and early 1500s. Alongside these pieces are works by native English composers, including William Cornyshe, whose extended three-part Fa la sol has a number of stylistic traits in common with some works by Isaac (for example, his three-part Der Hundt) and Alexander Agricola (his three-part Cecus non judicat de coloribus) that were also transmitted in textless format. The fact that these latter two pieces were published in Hieronymus Formschneider's Trium vocum carmina (Nuremberg, 1538) while Cornyshe's Fa la sol was published in XX Songes (London, 1530) shows that this type of repertoire was still prized several years after the composers' deaths. Analysis of musical connections between the work of Isaac and Cornyshe, as evident in pieces such as those from Henry VIII's Book—in particular, techniques employed by the composers to extend the structures of their “songs without words”—sheds fresh light on the reception in England of Isaac's music and that of his continental contemporary Agricola. Relevant considerations include the context in which these pieces were anthologized together and the introduction into England of viols similar to those Isaac may have known in Ferrara in 1502, when La my was composed. Such pieces are representative of a typical courtly repertoire that developed into the riches of the later Tudor instrumental consort music.

The article presents the profile and creative output of Johann Walter (1496-1570), who worked closely together with Martin Luther and Philip Melanchton, and who was called the first evangelical cantor and is in modern times regarded as the creator of institutional, aesthetic and theoretical bases of reformation music. Walter’s work entitled Geistliches Gesangbüchlein, first published in Wittenberg in 1524 and including a preface by Martin Luther, was the first ever collection of polyphonic chorale arrangements for Lutheran church using polyphonic patterns of Franco-Flemish school and German tenor songs. During the composer’s lifetime the collection was published six times in a form of books of voices and its subsequent editions gradually grew bigger: the last edition of 1551 consisted of 74 arrangements of German songs and 47 Latin motets!The article presents both the main assumptions of Lutheran “music theology” based upon what Luther and Walter said (compiled from different theoretical writings) as well as the possibility to use Geistliches Gerangbüchlein as the source of repertoire for modern instrumentalists and singers, especially the ones specialising in historical performance of Renaissance polyphony. A particularly interesting aspect for the author is the possibility to use Walter’s polyphonic arrangements by organists drawing inspiration from 16th century techniques (intavolation, diminutions), the patterns of which are included e.g. in The Organ Tabulature of John of Lublin, which was written almost in parallel to the reformation publications from the Wittenberg circle and which used them as well. Among the performance-related topics touched on in this article, the extensive fragment of Walter’s poem of 1564 entitled Lob und Preiss der Himmlichen Kunst Musica is what deserves special attention as it is devoted to polyphonic music and presents the characteristics and hierarchy of functions of each voice described in the following order: Tenor, Discantus, Basus, Altus and Vagans (in reference to 5-voice compositions that constitute a substantial portion of Geistliches Gerangbüchlein after all).The author of the article also points out that, apart from practical importance, Geistliches Gerangbüchlein today has a great hymnological value and constitutes the earliest source of many chorale melodies which have become part of a “canon” of a sort and are mostly used today in the liturgy of Protestant churches.

BackgroundImmune checkpoint inhibitor therapy, or ICI, is currently the most successful treatment option for patients with renal cell carcinoma (RCC). However, only 20% of patients have a durable response,1 driving a significant need to improve treatment outcomes. The tumor microbiome has recently been shown to play a role in chemotherapy-based treatment outcomes, but, to our knowledge, no study has explored its role in response to ICIs.2–4MethodsTumor samples were collected from 22 patients with RCC as a part of the Total Cancer Care program at The Ohio State University Comprehensive Cancer Center. Raw RNA-seq reads from these biopsies, as well as data on the responses to ICI therapy were collected. Response evaluation was based on RECIST v1.1 criteria with complete or partial response, or stable disease classified as ”Responders,”, and progressive disease classified as ”Non-responsders”. The RNA-seq reads were processed through a pipeline developed by the Spakowicz lab, known as ExoTIC (Exogenous sequences in Tumor and Immune Cells), to carefully identify exogenous sequences.5 6 Reads that don’t align to the human reference genome are meticulously filtered of (1) common laboratory contaminants, (2) taxa that inversely correlate with input RNA quantity, and (3) taxa commonly found in the negative controls of microbiome experiments. DESeq2 was used to perform a differential abundance analysis on the comparison groups at every taxonomic level.ResultsThe 22 patients with RCC range from 22 to 74 years of age at diagnosis, are 72.7% male, and 54.5% responded to ICIs. Exogenous taxa are identified in the tumor RNAseq, including bacteria, fungi, and viruses (figure 1). Within the tumors responsive to immunotherapy, there was found to be a significant enrichment of certain microbial species, including Bacillus thuringiensis, Comamonas testosteroni, Colletotrichum higginsianum, and Elaeis guineesis. Comparatively, the cohort of non-responsive tumors was found to have a significant enrichment of Candidatus Promineofilum breve, Clostridioides difficile, Nocardia cyriacigeorgica, Streptomyces sp. CdTB01, and Streptomyces venezuelae (figure 2).Abstact 942 Figure 1Relative abundances of exogenous taxa found in tumor RNAseq are shown in a stacked bar plotAbstact 942 Figure 2Differential abundance analysis of taxa found within tumor RNAseq data by the exotic pipeline. Colored points represent significantly (pvalue < 0.05) enriched taxa with a high (>2.5) fold-difference in abundance between the groupsConclusionsWe found that prior to ICI treatment the tumor microbiome of patients with RCC whose tumors responded to immunotherapy vary from those that did not respond to treatment. This implies that a therapeutic target to modify the tumor microbiome to improve treatment outcomes. Future research will evaluate whether these correlations are causally associated with outcomes and will evaluate their effect on the tumor microenvironment including immune cell infiltration.AcknowledgementsThe authors acknowledge the support and resources of the Ohio Supercomputing Center (PAS1695).ReferencesCiccarese C, Di Nunno V, Iacovelli R, Massari F. Future perspectives for personalized immunotherapy in renal cell carcinoma. Expert opinion on biological therapy. Taylor & Francis. 2017;17(9):1049–1052.Geller LT, Barzily-Rokni M, Danino T, Jonas OH, Shental N, Nejman D, Gavert N, Zwang Y, Cooper ZA, Shee K, Thaiss CA, Reuben A, Livny J, Avraham R, Frederick DT, Ligorio M, Chatman K, Johnston SE, Mosher CM, Brandis A, Fuks G, Gurbatri C, Gopalakrishnan V, Kim M, Hurd MW, Katz M, Fleming J, Maitra A, Smith DA, Skalak M, Bu J, Michaud M, Trauger SA, Barshack I, Golan T, Sandbank J, Flaherty KT, Mandinova A, Garrett WS, Thayer SP, Ferrone CR, Huttenhower C, Bhatia SN, Gevers D, Wargo JA, Golub TR, Straussman R. Potential role of intratumor bacteria in mediating tumor resistance to the chemotherapeutic drug gemcitabine. Science 2017 September 15;357(6356):1156–1160. PMID: 28912244.Nejman D, Livyatan I, Fuks G, Gavert N, Zwang Y, Geller LT, Rotter-Maskowitz A, Weiser R, Mallel G, Gigi E, Meltser A, Douglas GM, Kamer I, Gopalakrishnan V, Dadosh T, Levin-Zaidman S, Avnet S, Atlan T, Cooper ZA, Arora R, Cogdill AP, Khan MAW, Ologun G, Bussi Y, Weinberger A, Lotan-Pompan M, Golani O, Perry G, Rokah M, Bahar-Shany K, Rozeman EA, Blank CU, Ronai A, Shaoul R, Amit A, Dorf-man T, Kremer R, Cohen ZR, Harnof S, Siegal T, Yehuda-Shnaidman E, Gal-Yam EN, Shapira H, Baldini N, Langille MGI, Ben-Nun A, Kaufman B, Nissan A, Golan T, Dadiani M, Levanon K, Bar J, Yust-Katz S, Barshack I, Peeper DS, Raz DJ, Segal E, Wargo JA, Sandbank J, Shental N, Straussman R. The human tumor microbiome is composed of tumor type–specific intracellular bacteria. Science 2020 May 29;368(6494):973–980.Poore GD, Kopylova E, Zhu Q, Carpenter C, Fraraccio S, Wandro S, Kosciolek T, Janssen S, Metcalf J, Song SJ, Kanbar J, Miller-Montgomery S, Heaton R, Mckay R, Patel SP, Swafford AD, Knight R. Microbi-ome analyses of blood and tissues suggest cancer diagnostic approach. Nature 2020;579(7800):567–574. PMID: 32214244.Malalur, Pannaga, Mo, Xiaokui, Hoyd, Rebecca, Hays, John, Carbone, David, Spakowicz, Daniel. Investigating intra-tumor microbes, blood microbes, and CEA for development of non-invasive biomarkers in colorectal cancer. Journal of Clinical Oncology 2021;39(15_suppl): 3551–3551.Malalur PG, Mo X, Hoyd R, Carbone DP, Spakowicz D. Intra-tumoral microbes and overall survival in colorectal cancer patients. Journal of Clinical Oncology 2020;38(15_suppl):4083–4083.Ethics ApprovalData were obtained through an IRB-approved Honest Broker protocol (2015H0185) supporting the Total Cancer Care protocol 2013H0199.

BackgroundMultiple genomics-based biomarkers of response to immune checkpoint inhibition have been reported or proposed, including tumor mutation/neoantigen frequency, PD-L1 expression, T cell receptor repertoire clonality, interferon gene signature expression, HLA expression, and others.1 Although genomics associations of response have been reported, the primary studies have used a variety of data generation and processing techniques. There is a need for data harmonization and assessment of generalizability of potential biomarkers across multiple datasets.MethodsWe acquired patient-level RNA sequencing FASTQ data files from 10 data sets reported in seven pan-cancer PD-1 and CTLA-4 immune checkpoint inhibition trials with matched clinical annotations.2–7 We applied a common bioinformatics workflow for quality control, mapping to reference (STAR), generating gene expression matrices (SALMON), T cell receptor repertoire inference (MiXCR), extraction of immune gene signatures and immune subtypes,8 and differential gene expression analysis (DESeq2). We analyzed i) immunogenomics features proposed as biomarkers, and ii) gene expression signatures built from each trial for association with overall survival across the set of trials using univariable Cox proportional hazards regression. In all, we assessed 9 total immunogenomics features/signatures. P-values were adjusted for multiple testing using the Benjamini-Hochberg method.ResultsOf the 9 immunogenomics features assessed, cytolytic activity score and expression of the Follicular Dendritic Cell Secreted Protein gene (FDCSP) were associated with survival in two of seven studies, respectively (adjusted p < 0.05) (figure 1). No proposed biomarkers were significantly associated with survival in more than two studies. The sets of genes significantly associated with clinical benefit across the studies were highly disjoint, with only three genes significant in three studies and thirteen genes significant in two studies (figure 2). No genes were significantly associated with clinical benefit in more than three of seven studies.Abstract 75 Figure 1Association of immunogenomics features and proposed biomarkers with survival in 10 publicly available datasets from 7 clinical trials with immune checkpoint blockade. Nine immunogenomics features were tested in 10 publicly available RNAseq data sets from 7 published clinical trials with immune checkpoint blockade for their correlation with outcome. SKCM, skin cutaneous melanoma; BLCA, bladder cancer; Kidney, kidney cancer; Ureter, ureteral cancer; GBM, glioblastomaAbstract 75 Figure 2Association of gene expression of single genes with survival in 10 publicly available datasets from 7 clinical trials with immune checkpoint inhibitorsConclusionsNo proposed biomarkers were highly generalizable across studies. We expect that integrated modeling incorporating multiple immunogenomics features will be required to build a robust and generalizable biomarker for ICI response. Further work is needed to analyze determinants of response and clinical benefit.AcknowledgementsWe would like to thank SITC for funding for this work as part of the Sparkathon TimIOS collaborative project.ReferencesZappasodi R, Wolchok JD, Merghoub T. Strategies for Predicting Response to Checkpoint Inhibitors. Curr Hematol Malig Rep 2018;13(5):383–95.Liu D, Schilling B, Liu D, Sucker A, Livingstone E, Jerby-Arnon L, Zimmer L, Gutzmer R, Satzger I, Loquai C, Grabbe S, Vokes N, Margolis CA, Conway J, He MX, Elmarakeby H, Dietlein F, Miao D, Tracy A, Gogas H, Goldinger SM, Utikal J, Blank CU, Rauschenberg R, von Bubnoff D, Krackhardt A, Weide B, Haferkamp S, Kiecker F, Izar B, Garraway L, Regev A, Flaherty K, Paschen A, Van Allen EM, Schadendorf D. Integrative molecular and clinical modeling of clinical outcomes to PD1 blockade in patients with metastatic melanoma. 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Nat Med. 2019;25(3):477–86.Riaz N, Havel JJ, Makarov V, Desrichard A, Urba WJ, Sims JS, Hodi FS, Martin-Algarra S, Mandal R, Sharfman WH, Bhatia S, Hwu WJ, Gajewski TF, Slingluff CL, Jr., Chowell D, Kendall SM, Chang H, Shah R, Kuo F, Morris LGT, Sidhom JW, Schneck JP, Horak CE, Weinhold N, Chan TA. Tumor and microenvironment evolution during immunotherapy with nivolumab. Cell 2017;171(4):934–49 e16.Hugo W, Zaretsky JM, Sun L, Song C, Moreno BH, Hu-Lieskovan S, Berent-Maoz B, Pang J, Chmielowski B, Cherry G, Seja E, Lomeli S, Kong X, Kelley MC, Sosman JA, Johnson DB, Ribas A, Lo RS. Genomic and transcriptomic features of response to anti-PD-1 therapy in metastatic melanoma. Cell 2016;165(1):35–44.Rosenberg JE, Hoffman-Censits J, Powles T, van der Heijden MS, Balar AV, Necchi A, Dawson N, O’Donnell PH, Balmanoukian A, Loriot Y, Srinivas S, Retz MM, Grivas P, Joseph RW, Galsky MD, Fleming MT, Petrylak DP, Perez-Gracia JL, Burris HA, Castellano D, Canil C, Bellmunt J, Bajorin D, Nickles D, Bourgon R, Frampton GM, Cui N, Mariathasan S, Abidoye O, Fine GD, Dreicer R. Atezolizumab in patients with locally advanced and metastatic urothelial carcinoma who have progressed following treatment with platinum-based chemotherapy: a single-arm, multicentre, phase 2 trial. 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Introduction Australia's rich multicultural fabric is woven with the threads of diverse ethnic communities, each bringing unique cultures, languages, and traditions to the tapestry of the nation. Central to the experiences of immigrants and refugees in Australia is ethnic broadcasting, which serves as a bridge between their past and present, homeland and host country. This article delves into the multifaceted landscape of ethnic broadcasting, exploring its historical significance, current challenges, and potential pathways for future development. Historical Significance of Ethnic Broadcasting Immigrants and refugees continue to seek avenues to maintain ties with their home countries, preserve cherished memories of their origins, and find support as they adapt to life in a new environment. This need is especially pronounced for individuals who are not proficient in the primary language(s) of their host nation. Governments in countries attracting migrants recognise the importance of engaging with migrant communities to enhance their integration and bolster their contributions to national productivity. For example, the Minister for Immigration and Ethnic Affairs, M.J.R. Mackellar, noted when establishing ethnic radio in Australia that due to "a steady decline in foreign-language content on established commercial and national radio channels", and "a large increase in the non-English-speaking population in Australia", "the government ha[d] pushed ahead with ethnic radio" to provide "information, entertainment, and educational" facilities (Mackellar). Presently, the Australian Government provides annual funding to support ethnic broadcasting, which includes covering the production costs of ethnic programs for local communities, establishing new programs for specific language groups, and developing innovative projects that benefit culturally and linguistically diverse communities (Courtney). Insufficient attention has been devoted to evaluating the evolving needs and interests of various migrant communities over time (Dissanayake 113). This decline can be attributed to the satisfaction of listeners' interests through advancements in information technology and their increasing proficiency in English (Australian Bureau of Statistics), enabling them to access information from mainstream media sources. In the year 2020, there arose a pressing need to reevaluate the purposes and role of ethnic broadcasting, considering both practical and theoretical perspectives such as listeners' access to new technology to consume information, attracting volunteers, and limited financial support (Anderson et al. 57). Also, insights gained from such assessments could significantly contribute to meeting listeners' expectations, informing policy decisions in this domain, and guiding the work of content creators (Ewart 133) and also the channels in between these two ends of the spectrum, such as station managers. It is imperative to acknowledge that the role of ethnic broadcasting has evolved with broadcasting and production technology, necessitating a nuanced approach in research and creative endeavours within this sector. Furthermore, the shifting digital landscape and the widespread use of social media as a customisable platform for communication underscore the need for adaptation and innovation in ethnic broadcasting practices (Budarick). Despite its importance, ethnic community radio remains relatively understudied by researchers and academics, highlighting a gap in understanding the current dynamics of the ethnic broadcasting industry (Ewart 123). Current Challenges Facing Ethnic Broadcasting In this study, I aim to incorporate my perspective as an ethnic broadcaster to address the needs of migrants presently living in Australia. While government funding has been allocated to meet operational costs and support content development, there remains a gap in addressing the specific needs of listeners and enhancing the skills of ethnic radio presenters. Presenters of ethnic radio programs in Australia often struggle to discern the language preferences and information requirements of their audience. This challenge stems from a lack of regular communication with listeners, leaving broadcasters unaware of the issues that hold significance within their communities. To address this gap, it is essential to develop radio programs that cater to the interests and information needs of ethnic populations. These programs should cover a range of topics, including immigration matters, cultural events, council decisions, and the promotion of talents within these communities. Unlike mainstream commercial media, ethnic radio programs have the unique opportunity to focus on issues that are often overlooked but are highly relevant to ethnic audiences. Furthermore, there is a need to engage the second generation of migrants by encouraging their participation in radio programs conducted in languages they are comfortable with. This initiative not only fosters inclusivity but also ensures the preservation and transmission of cultural heritage to younger generations. Additionally, adapting program formats to align with the evolving needs and expectations of ethnic audiences is crucial for maintaining relevance and engagement. As highlighted by Tanikella, radio producers play a pivotal role in translating the needs of listeners into program formats that resonate with diasporic communities (170). By responding to the demands of their audience and reflecting locally constructed identities, media producers contribute to the representation of community identities in the public sphere. This underscores the importance of designing radio programs that are sensitive to the diverse needs and preferences of ethnic communities, thereby fostering a sense of belonging and cultural continuity. It is crucial for migrants to have access to information about available facilities, their rights, and opportunities for settling in their new country. Research into ethnic media in Australia highlights its significant role in connecting migrants to transnational networks, preserving cultures and languages, navigating new identities and communities, and facilitating adjustment to life in Australia (Hopkins, qtd. in Budarick). The growth of ethnic radio programs in Australia has been notable since its inception in 1975. Presently, the Australian community radio sector produces a substantial amount of ethnic radio content, with over 2,070 hours broadcast weekly in more than 110 languages across 80 radio stations, including six full-time ethnic stations. This vast array of programming engages over 4,000 volunteers from 125 cultural and ethnic groups (NEMBC). However, to ensure the effective support of ethnic minorities in Australia through broadcast radio, financial backing is essential. Community radio stations rely heavily on volunteers, with over 22,000 individuals contributing their time to these stations across Australia. Despite the significant volunteer effort, paid full-time equivalent staff employed by community radio stations numbered 900 in 2023 (Treasury). In recognition of the importance of ethnic media in supporting minority communities, the Australian Federal Government, through the Community Broadcasting Foundation (CBF), allocated $4.18 million from Federal Budget 2022-23 for ethnic content development purposes (CBAA, "Federal Budget 2022-23"). Additionally, various state governments continue to provide funding for ethnic radio programs through relevant agencies (Letch 18). Despite government support at both federal and state levels, the number of ethnic radio programs remain the same serving the relevant ethnic groups. However, this article suggests the need for restructuring within the ethnic broadcasting sector, particularly in content development, to better meet the diverse needs of ethnic audiences. Ethnic Radio Programs Characteristics of ethnic radio programs are multifaceted and influenced by the unique nature of the medium as well as the diverse preferences and behaviours of their listeners. Firstly, radio as a medium engages the sense of hearing, prompting listeners to visualise and imagine based on auditory stimuli. This concept, as articulated by Smythe (qtd. in Beck), underscores the importance of creating vivid "audio pictures" for listeners, especially in ethnic radio where individuals often seek to evoke nostalgic memories of their homeland. Ethnic radio programs serve as a conduit for migrants to reconnect with their cultural roots, offering aural representations of familiar sounds and languages in the absence of electronic communication resources. Additionally, Gary Ferrington distinguishes between hearing and listening, highlighting that while hearing is a physiological process, listening involves the psychological attribution of meaning to auditory input (61-7). This differentiation is pertinent in understanding how radio audiences interact with and interpret program content. Audience engagement with ethnic radio programs can be categorised into active and passive listenership. Active listeners demonstrate a high level of involvement with specific programs, frequently engaging through calls, messages, and interactions with presenters. In contrast, passive listeners tune in intermittently and may not exhibit loyalty to any station or program (Padmakumar 614). Ethnic program listeners tend to lean towards active engagement due to the limited frequency of broadcasts and their desire to stay connected with their cultural community. They often approach radio listening with echoic memories of music and language from their homeland, seeking familiarity and emotional resonance in the programming. For instance, some listeners may prefer original versions of songs from their country, even if they are no longer popular locally (Anderson et al. 21). Moreover, active ethnic radio listeners play an integral role in shaping program content and community engagement. They provide feedback, request songs, share information, participate in fundraising events like radiothons, and even express interest in becoming presenters themselves. This active involvement reflects a deeper sense of connection and ownership within the ethnic radio community (Anderson et al. 36). Conversely, passive listeners may view radio primarily as background music, enjoying the ambience without actively engaging with specific content. Their interaction with the medium is more incidental, often occurring while multitasking or attending to other activities. Overall, the characteristics of ethnic radio programs are shaped by the interplay between the medium's auditory nature, the preferences of diverse listeners, and the cultural significance of maintaining connections to one's heritage. Active engagement, nostalgic resonance, and community involvement are central themes that distinguish ethnic radio programming in its ability to cater to the needs and interests of migrant communities. To navigate the development of the technology and the challenges related to changes in the listenership, ethnic broadcasters must embrace innovative strategies that cater to the evolving needs of their audiences. One approach involves redefining the role of ethnic radio programs to encompass a broader range of topics, including immigration matters, cultural events, and community news. By diversifying content and engaging with listeners' interests, broadcasters can enhance the relevance and appeal of their programs in the digital age. Empowering Ethnic Radio Presenters Ethnic radio program presenters play a crucial role in delivering culturally relevant content and facilitating community engagement. However, recruiting skilled presenters poses challenges, particularly when specific language requirements must be met. Therefore, it is suggested, language fluency should not deter younger people from becoming involved in the sector, and youth ethnic programming in English, or a mixture of languages, should be supported (Anderson et al. 47). Kalinga Seneviratne, a former ethnic radio presenter turned academic, attests to the pivotal role of community radio in fostering broadcasting careers for migrants in Australia (11): “if not for (ethnic) community radio, I have no doubt that I would never have become a broadcaster in Australia”. There are many examples that can be given. Encouraging second-generation migrants to participate as presenters and listeners is vital for sustaining ethnic radio audiences. Surveys suggest that allocating more airtime to music could attract younger listeners, but the language preference for music content remains ambiguous (Anderson). Addressing the relevance of ethnic media for the next generation is a pressing concern, given their evolving cultural identities and media consumption habits (Papoutsaki et al. 23). However, engaging second-generation migrants poses challenges, as older community members often serve as cultural gatekeepers and are hesitant to relinquish control over language and content (Australian House of Representatives). Additionally, community radio stations can only offer limited technical training, focussing on basic broadcasting skills due to resource constraints (Cohen 1016). Training programs provided by stations like 3ZZZ, 3CR, and 3MBS cover fundamental broadcasting knowledge but may not adequately prepare presenters for professional standards (3ZZZ). Effective broadcasting requires mastery of technical operations, vocal delivery, language proficiency, and community knowledge (Beaman 43; Fleming 6-7). Acquiring essential skills enables individuals to effectively communicate through radio, aiding new and emerging communities in their transition. The Community Media Training Organisation (CMTO) could address this need by developing a new pathway course tailored to ethnic listenership, as existing training programs such as Presentation, Advanced Presentation, Audio Editing, Copywriting for Sponsorship, Creating Social Media Content, Music Interviewing, etc. (CMTO) are primarily focussed on general program presentation at community radio stations. To compete with mainstream radio, ethnic broadcasters must prioritise professionalism and engaging presentation styles to attract and retain listeners (Wolfenden 5-21). Ultimately, the success of ethnic radio hinges on the ability of presenters to bridge cultural divides, cater to diverse audience needs, and maintain high-quality programming standards. As Australia continues to welcome new waves of migrants and refugees, there is a pressing need to support their settlement process and integration into society. Ethnic radio programs play a crucial role in providing information, language support, and community connections for recently arrived migrants. By updating program formats and language groups to reflect changing demographics, broadcasters can ensure that their programs remain relevant and accessible to all members of the community. Public Service Broadcasting and New Media Public service broadcasting in Australia encompasses entities like the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) and the Special Broadcasting Service (SBS), which are funded by the government but operate independently in terms of programming decisions. These broadcasters are tasked with promoting national identity, as well as informing and entertaining audiences (Lobato & Meese 121; Cinque 11-16). The ABC, operating under a statute and receiving public funds, is expected to adhere to standards of objective journalism, distinct from commercial media driven by private interests (Finkelstein). On the other hand, SBS radio programs are tailored to language groups rather than nationalities, allowing for diverse listenership across cultures (Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development, Communications). Programs cater to various community needs, including news, current affairs, arts, culture, and sports (ibid.). Public service broadcasting in Australia differs from community broadcasting in several aspects, including licencing, ownership, operational structure, and funding policies. While national broadcasters like the ABC and SBS receive indirect government funding, community broadcasters operate as not-for-profit entities with community ownership structures. Community broadcasters are further distinguished by their obligation to broadcast local content and to represent the community they serve (CBAA). The landscape of ethnic media in Australia now faces competition from emerging digital platforms, spanning radio, television, and streaming services accessible via smartphones and computers. The next section will explore the impact of these alternative media forms on migrants' lives in Australia. Embracing New Technologies Community broadcasting has historically faced limitations in content development. However, it can be argued that community radio is where innovative content and radical programming thrive, without facing the limitations imposed by commercial interests, industry guidelines (ACMA), and broadcasting technology. Community radio primarily caters to audiences via AM/FM radio sets and digital devices. Digital convergence has transformed broadcasting, necessitating a diverse range of technology, personnel, and management skills in today's multi-platform media environment (CBAA). Presently, listeners access radio programs through various channels, including live streaming from radio stations, mobile apps like TuneIn, personal assistant apps such as Google Home and Amazon Alexa, and even television. The availability of archived content on the Internet further enhances accessibility for listeners, a feature not present in traditional radio broadcasting. Audio content producers have embraced alternative publishing methods beyond traditional FM and AM frequencies, including Internet radio, MP3 players, podcasts, and streaming services like Spotify. However, the digital transformation of radio broadcasting raises questions about the medium's nature and mode of delivery, as highlighted by scholars like Dubber and Lacey (Berry). Online streaming allows radio stations to reach audiences beyond their geographic boundaries, offering a more diverse listener base (Jackson Pitts & Harms 274). Internet radio, characterised by live or scheduled audio (and sometimes video) streaming over Internet Protocol (IP), can be accessed via computers and mobile phones with 4G or 5G data connection. Unlike conventional radio, listeners cannot request songs or participate in talkback shows, but they enjoy the flexibility of selecting content according to their preferences. Compared to terrestrial radio stations, Internet radio is cost-effective, requiring minimal infrastructure and often operating from home-based studios (Berry 7-22). Therefore, Internet radio is growing every day and mobile devices are going to play a very important part in the future of radio. According to the Australian Communications and Media Authority, Australians are listening to more audio delivered over the internet in 2022–23 compared to the previous year (ACMA). Moreover, ethnic media, including social media platforms, play a significant role in fostering social bonds among elderly individuals (Du et al.). Ethnic groups utilise various social media apps to create closed groups, share community-related information, and maintain cultural connections. For instance, platforms like Facebook, WhatsApp, and Viber host private groups like 'Aussie Connect', catering to specific ethnic communities in Australia. In summary, conventional radio listeners are transitioning to novel audio listening technologies that offer personalised content experiences. Therefore, this article suggests developing new formats for ethnic radio programs, considering essential factors such as audience preferences, content guidelines, and leveraging available technology for listener benefit. Conclusion In conclusion, ethnic broadcasting in Australia stands at a crossroads, facing both challenges and opportunities in the evolving media landscape. By addressing the changing needs of diverse ethnic communities, empowering presenters, and embracing new technologies, broadcasters can continue to serve as a vital resource for migrants and refugees. Through collaboration, innovation, and a commitment to cultural preservation, ethnic broadcasting can chart a course towards a more inclusive and connected future for all Australians. References 3ZZZ. "Volunteer and Training." 2024. <https://www.3zzz.com.au/event/3zzz-broadcaster-training-course/>. Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA). "Communications and Media in Australia: Trends and Developments in Viewing and Listening 2022–23." 2023. <https://www.acma.gov.au/publications/2023-12/report/communications-and-media-australia-trends-and-developments-viewing-and-listening-2022-23>. ———. 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A Call for a Wider Debate on Listening-In." 1999. <https://www.dmd27.org/cog.html>. Berry, R. "Podcasting: Considering the Evolution of the Medium and Its Association with the Word ‘Radio’." Radio Journal: International Studies in Broadcast & Audio Media 14 (2016): 7-22. Budarick, J. "Ethnic Media and Migrant Settlement." Global Media Journal (2020). <https://www.hca.westernsydney.edu.au/gmjau/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/GMJAU-Ethnic-media-and-migrant-settlement.pdf>. Community Broadcasting Association of Australia (CBAA). Community Radio Broadcasting Codes of Practice. 2018. <http://www.cbaa.org.au/sites/default/files/media/Community%20 Radio%20Broadcasting%20Codes%20of%20Practice%202008.pdf>. ———. "Federal Budget 2022-23." 25 Oct. 2022. <https://www.cbaa.org.au/article/federal-budget-2022-23>. ———. Voices & Vision Community Broadcasting in Australia. 2010. <https://www.cbaa.org.au>. Cinque, T. Subtext: Are We Really Just Mass Media Sponges? Oxford: Oxford UP, 2012. Cohen, E. "‘We are staying in our Country—here’: Israeli Mediascapes in Melbourne." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 34 (2008): 1016. Community Media Training Organisation. 2024. <https://cmto.org.au/media-training/pathways-courses/>. Courtney, Chantelle. “Explainer: What Is Ethnic Funding?” CBF, 28 Mar. 2023, <https://cbf.org.au/explainer-what-is-ethnic-funding/>. Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development, Communications and the Arts. 2023. <https://www.infrastructure.gov.au/media-technology-communications/radio/abc-sbs-radio>. Dissanayake, C. "Tuning the Migrant Voices: A Study of Sinhala Language Ethnic Radio Programs in Melbourne." Master’s thesis. Melbourne: Deakin University, 2014. <https://hdl.handle.net/10536/DRO/DU:30067407>. Du, J.T., Tan, Y., & Xu, F. "The Information Context of Elderly Chinese Immigrants in South Australia: A Preliminary Investigation." Information Research 24.1 (2019). <http://www.informationr.net/ir//24-1/isic2018/isic1820.html>. Ewart, J. "Exploring the Unity in Australian Community Radio." Media International Australia 142 (2012): 123-134. Ferrington, G. "Audio Design: Creating Multi-Sensory Images for the Mind." Journal of Visual Literacy 14.1 (1994): 61-67. Finkelstein, R. "The Report of the Independent Inquiry into the Media and Media Regulation." Report to the Minister for Broadband, Communications and the Digital Economy, 28 Feb. 2012. Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia, 2012. <https://webarchive.nla.gov.au/awa/20120320233242/http://pandora.nla.gov.au/pan/132662/20120321-1002/www.dbcde.gov.au/digital_economy/independent_media_inquiry.html>. Fleming, C. The Radio Handbook. London: Routledge, 2009. Jackson Pitts, M., and R. Harms. "Radio Websites as a Promotional Tool." Journal of Radio Studies 10 (2003): 274. Letch, K. "Review of Content Development Funding." Melbourne: Community Broadcasting Foundation, 2014. Lobato, R., and J. Meese. "Australia: Circumvention Goes Mainstream." In Geo-blocking and Global Video Culture. Amsterdam: Institute of Network Cultures, 2016. 120-128. Mackellar, M.J.R. "Ethnic Radio Will Benefit Both Migrants and Australians." Press release. 1977. <http://www.multiculturalaustralia.edu.au/doc/mackellar_1.pdf>. National Ethnic and Multicultural Broadcasters Council (NEMBC). "Ethnic Community Broadcasting: Strengthening Social Cohesion and Citizenship—Pre-Budget Submission 2024-25." 2023. <https://www.nembc.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/NEMBC-Federal-Pre-Budget-Submission-2024-25.pdf>. Padmakumar, K. "Understanding the Passive Listeners of FM Radio Stations in South India." Online Journal of Communication and Media Technologies 5 (2015): 614. <https://www.ojcmt.net/article/understanding-the-passive-listeners-of-fm-radio-stations-in-south-india-5682>. Papoutsaki, E., E. Kolesova, and L. Stephenson. "Curated Proceedings of the Ethnic Migrant Media Forum 2014: Are We Reaching All New Zealanders? Exploring the Role, Benefits, Challenges & Potential of Ethnic Media in New Zealand." Auckland: Unitec ePress, 2017. <https://www.unitec.ac.nz/epress/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/ethnic-migrant-media-forum-2014_curated-proceedings>. Seneviratne, K. "Giving a Voice to the Voiceless: Community Radio in Australia." Media Asia 20 (1993): 11. Tanikella, L. "Voices from Home and Abroad: New York City's Indo-Caribbean Media." International Journal of Cultural Studies 12.2 (2009): 170. Treasury. "Community Broadcasting Matters to Australia’s Wellbeing and Progress." 2023. <https://treasury.gov.au/sites/default/files/2023-03/c2023-379612-community_broadcasting_association_of_australia.pdf>. Wolfenden, H. "‘I know exactly who they are’: Radio Presenters’ Conceptions of Audience." Radio Journal: International Studies in Broadcast & Audio Media 12 (2014): 5-21.

Introduction Where children’s television once ruled supreme as a vehicle for sales of kids’ brands, the marketing of children’s toys now often hinges on having the right social media influencer, many of them children themselves (Verdon). As Forbes reported in 2021, the pandemic saw an increase in children spending more time online, many following their favourite influencers on YouTube, TikTok, and Instagram. The importance of tapping into partnering with the right influencer grew, as did sales in toys for children isolated at home. We detail, through a case study approach and visual narrative analysis of two Australian influencer siblings’ Instagram accounts, the nature of toy marketing to children in 2023. Findings point to the continued gendered nature of toys and the concurrent promotion of aspirational adult ‘toys’ (for example, cars, high-end cosmetics) and leisure pursuits that blur the line between what we considered to be children’s playthings and adult objects of desire. To Market, to Market Toys are a huge business worldwide. In 2021, the global toys market was projected to grow from $141.08 billion to $230.64 billion by 2028. During COVID-19, toy sales increased (Fortune Business Insights). The rise of the Internet alongside media and digital technologies has given toy marketers new opportunities to reach children directly, as well as producing new forms of digitally enabled play, with marketers potentially having access to children 24/7, way beyond the previous limits of children’s programming on television (Hains and Jennings). Children’s digital content has also extended to digital games alongside digital devices and Internet-connected toys. Children’s personal tablet ownership rose from less than 1 per cent in 2011 to 42 per cent in 2017 (Rideout), and continues to grow. Children’s value for brands and marketers has increased over time (Cunningham). The nexus between physical toys and the entertainment industry has grown stronger, first with the Disney company and then with the stand-out success of the Star Wars franchise (now owned by Disney) from the late 1970s (Hains and Jennings). The concept of transmedia storytelling and selling, with toys as the vehicle for children to play out the stories they saw on television, in comics, books, movies, and online, proved to be a lucrative one for the entertainment company franchises and the toy manufacturers (Bainbridge). All major toy brands now recognise the power of linking toy brands and entertaining transmedia children’s texts, including online content, with Disney, LEGO and Barbie being obvious examples. Gender and Toys: Boys and Girls Come Out to Play Alongside the growth of the children’s market, the gendering of children’s toys has also continued and increased, with concerns that traditional gender roles are still strongly promoted via children’s toys (Fine and Rush). Research shows that girls’ toys are socialising them for caring roles, shopping, and concern with beauty, while toys aimed at boys (including transportation and construction toys, action figures, and weapons) may promote physicality, aggression, construction, and action (Fine and Rush). As Blakemore and Center (632) suggested, then, if children learn from toy-play “by playing with strongly stereotyped toys, girls can be expected to learn that appearance and attractiveness are central to their worth, and that nurturance and domestic skills are important to be developed. Boys can be expected to learn that aggression, violence, and competition are fun, and that their toys are exciting and risky”. Recently there has been some pushback by consumers, and some toy brands have responded, with LEGO committing to less gendered toy marketing (Russell). YouTube: The World’s Most Popular Babysitter? One business executive has described YouTube as the most popular babysitter in the world (Capitalism.com). The use of children as influencers on YouTube to market toys through toy review videos is now a common practice (Feller and Burroughs; De Veirman et al.). These ‘reviews’ are not critical in the traditional sense of reviews in an institutional or legacy media context. Instead, the genre is a mash-up, which blurs the lines between three major genres: review, branded content, and entertainment (Jaakkola). Concerns have been raised about advertising disguised as entertainment for children, and calls have been made for nuanced regulatory approaches (Craig and Cunningham). The most popular toy review channels have millions of subscribers, and their hosts constitute some of YouTube’s top earners (Hunting). Toy review videos have become an important force in children’s media – in terms of economics, culture, and for brands (Hunting). Concurrently, surprise toys have risen as a popular type of toy, thanks in part to the popularity of the unboxing toy review genre (Nicoll and Nansen). Ryan’s World is probably the best-known in this genre, with conservative estimates putting 10-year-old Ryan Kanji’s family earnings at $25 million annually (Kang). Ryan’s World, formerly Ryan’s Toy Review, now has 10 YouTube channels and the star has his own show on Nic Junior as well as across other media, including books and video games (Capitalism.com). Marsh, through her case study of one child, showed the way children interact with online content, including unboxing videos, as ‘cyberflaneurs’. YouTube is the medium of choice for most children (now more so than television; Auxier et al.). However, Instagram is also a site where a significant number of children and teens spend time. Australian data from the e-Safety Commission in 2018 showed that while YouTube was the most popular platform, with 80 per cent of children 8-12 and 86 per cent of teens using the site, 24 per cent of children used Instagram, and 70 per cent of teens 13-17 (e-Safety Commissioner). Given the rise in social media, phone, and tablet use in the last five years, including among younger children, these statistics are now likely to be higher. A report from US-based Business Insider in 2021 stated that 40 per cent of children under 13 already use Instagram (Canales). This is despite the platform ostensibly only being for people aged 13 and over. Ofcom (the UK’s regulator for communications services) has discussed the rise of ‘Tik-Tots’ – young children defying age restrictions to be on social media – and the increase of young people consuming rather than sharing on social media (Ofcom). Insta-Kidfluencers on the Rise Marketers are now tapping into the selling power of children as social media influencers (or kidfluencers) to promote children’s toys, and in some cases, parents are happy to act as their children’s agents and managers for these pint-size prosumers. Abidin ("Micromicrocelebrity") was the first to discuss what she termed ‘micro-microcelebrities’, children of social media influencers (usually mothers) who have become, through their parents’ mediation, paid social media influencers themselves, often through Instagram. As Abidin noted: “their digital presence is deliberately commercial, framed and staged by Influencer mothers in order to maximize their advertorial potential, and are often postured to market even non-baby/parenting products such as fast food and vehicles”. Since that time, and with children now a growing audience on Instagram, some micro-microcelebrities have begun to promote toys alongside other brands which appeal to both children and adults. While initially these human ‘brand extensions’ of their mothers (Archer) appealed to adults, their sponsored content has evolved as they have aged, and their audience has grown and broadened to include children. Given the rise of Instagram as a site for the marketing of toys to children, through children themselves as social media influencers, and the lack of academic research on this phenomenon, our research looks at a case study of prominent child social media influencers on Instagram in Australia, who are managed by their mother, and who regularly promote toys. Within the case study, visual narrative analysis is used, to analyse the Instagram accounts of two high-profile child social media influencers, eleven-year-old Australian Pixie Curtis and her eight-year-old brother, Hunter Curtis, both of whom are managed by their entrepreneur and ‘PR queen’ mother, Roxy Jacenko. We analysed the posts from each child from March to July 2022 inclusive. Posts were recorded in a spreadsheet, with the content described, hashtags or handles recorded, and any brand or toy mentions noted. We used related media reports to supplement the analysis. We have considered ethical implications of our research and have made the decision to identify both children, as their accounts are public, with large follower numbers, promote commercial interests, and have the blue Instagram ‘tick’ that identifies their accounts as verified and ‘celebrity’ or brand accounts, and the children are regularly featured in mainstream media. The children’s mother, Jacenko, often discusses the children on television and has discussed using Pixie’s parties as events to gain publicity for the toy business. We have followed the lead of Abidin and Leaver, considered experts in the field, who have identified children and families in ethnographic research when the children or families have large numbers of followers (see Abidin, "#Familygoals"; Leaver and Abidin). We do acknowledge that other researchers have chosen not to identify influencer children (e.g., Ågren) with smaller numbers of followers. The research questions are as follows: RQ1: What are the toys featured on the two social media influencer children’s sites? RQ2: Are the toys traditionally gendered and if so, what are the main gender-based toys? RQ3: Do the children promote products that are traditionally aimed at adults? If so, how are these ‘toys’ presented, and what are they? Analysis The two child influencers and toy promoters, sister and brother Pixie (11) and Hunter (8) Curtis, are the children of celebrity, entrepreneur and public relations ‘maven’, Roxy Jacenko. Jacenko’s first business was a public relations firm, Sweaty Betty, one she ran successfully but has recently closed to focus on her influencer talent agency business, the Ministry of Talent, and the two businesses related to her children, Pixie’s Pix (an online toy store named after her daughter) and Pixie’s Bows, a line of fashion bows aimed at girls (Madigan). Pixie Curtis grew up with her own Instagram account, with her first Instagram post on 18 June 2013, before turning two, and featuring a promotion of an online subscription service for toys, with the hashtag #babblebox. At time of writing, Pixie has 120,000 Instagram followers; her ‘bio’ describes her account as ‘shopping and retail’ and as managed by Jacenko. Pixie is also described as the ‘founder of Pixie’s Pix Toy Store’. Her brother Hunter’s account began on 6 May 2015, with the first post to celebrate his first birthday. Hunter’s page has 20,000 followers with his profile stating that it is managed by his mother and her talent and influencer agency. RQ1: What are the toys featured on the two children’s Instagram sites? The two children feature toy promotions regularly, mostly from Pixie’s online toy shop, with the site tagged @pixiespixonline. These toys are often demonstrated by Pixie and Hunter in short video format, following the now-established genre of the toy unboxing or toy review. Toys that are shown on Pixie’s site (tagged to her toy store) include air-clay (clay designed to be used to create clay sculptures); a Scruff-a-Luv soft toy that mimics a rescue pet that needs to be bathed in water, dried, and groomed to become a ‘lovable’ soft toy pet; toy slime; kinetic sand; Hatchimals (flying fairy/pixie dolls that come out of plastic eggs); LOL OMG dolls and Mermaze (both with accentuated female/made up features). LOL OMG (short for Outrageous Millennial Girls) are described as “fierce, fashionable, fabulous” and their name taps into common language used to communicate while texting. Mermaze are also fashion and hair styling dolls, with a mermaid’s tail that changes colour in water. While predominantly promoting toys on Pixie’s Pix, Pixie posts promotions of other items on her Website aimed at children. This includes practical items such as lunch boxes, but also beauty products including a skin care headband and scented body scrubs. Toys shown on Hunter’s Instagram site are often promotions of his sister’s toy store offerings, but generally fall into the traditional ‘boys’ toys’ categories. The posts that tag the Pixie’s Pix store feature photos or video demonstrations by Hunter of toys, including trucks, slime, ‘Splat balls’ (squish balls), Pokémon cards, Zuru toys’ ‘Smashers’ (dinosaur eggs that are smashed to reveal a dinosaur toy), a Bubblegum simulator for Roblox (a social media platform and game), Needoh Stickums, water bombs, and Hot Wheels. RQ2: Are the toys traditionally gendered and if so, what are the main gender-based toys? Although both children promote gender-neutral sensory toys such as slime and splat balls, they do promote strongly gendered toys from Pixie’s Pix. Hunter also promotes gendered toys that are not tagged to Pixie’s Pix, including Jurassic World dinosaur toys (tying into the film release). One post by Hunter features a (paid) cross-promotion of PlayStation 5 themed Donut King donuts (with a competition to win a PlayStation 5 by buying the donuts). In contrast, Pixie posts a paid promotion of a high-tea event to promote My Little Ponies. Hunter’s posts of toys and leisure items that do not tag Pixie’s toyshop include him on a go-kart, buying rugby gear, and with an ‘airtasker’ (paid assistant) helping him sort his Nerf gun collection. There are posts of both children playing and doing ‘regular’ children’s activities, including sport (Pixie plays netball, Hunter rugby), with their dog, ice-skating, and swimming (albeit often at expensive resorts), while Hunter and Pixie both wear, unbox, and tag some high-end children’s clothes brands such as Balmain and promote department store Myer. RQ3: Do the children promote products that are traditionally aimed at adults? If so, how are these ‘toys’ presented, and what are they? The Cambridge dictionary provides the following two definitions of toys, with one showing that ‘toys’ may also be considered as objects of pleasure for adults. A toy is “an object for children to play with” while it can also be “an object that is used by an adult for pleasure rather than for serious use”. The very meaning of the word toys shows the crossover between the adult and children’s world. The more ‘adult’ products promoted by Pixie are highly gendered, with expensive bags, clothes, make-up, and skin care regularly featured on her account. These are arguably toys but also teen or adult objects of aspiration, with Pixie’s collection of handbags featured and the brand tagged. The bag collection includes brightly coloured bags by Australian designer Poppy Lissiman. Other female-focussed brands include a hairdryer brand, with photos and videos posted of Pixie ‘playing’ at dressing up and ‘getting ready’, using skincare, make-up, and hair products. These toys cater to age demographics older than Pixie. Hunter is pictured in posts on a jet-ski, and in others with a mobile and tablet, or washing a Tesla car and with a helicopter. The gendered tropes of girls being concerned with their appearance, and boys interested in vehicles, action, and competitive (video) games appear to be borne out in the posts from the two children. Discussion and Conclusion As an entrepreneur, Jacenko has capitalised on her daughter’s and son’s personal brands that she has co-created by launching and promoting a toyshop named after her daughter, following the success of her children’s promotion of toys for other companies and Pixie’s successful hairbow line. The toy shop arose out of Pixie promoting sales of fidget spinners during the pandemic lockdowns where toy sales rose sharply across the world. The children are also now on TikTok, and while they have a toy review channel on YouTube it has not been posted on for three years. Therefore, it is safe to assume that Instagram is one of the main channels for the children to promote the toyshop. In an online newspaper article describing the success of Pixie’s toyshop and the purchase of an expensive Mercedes car, Jacenko said that the children work hard, and the car was their “reward” (Scanlan). “The help both her brother and her [Pixie] give me on the buying (every night we work on new style selections and argue over it), the packing, the restocking, goes well beyond their years”, Jacenko is quoted as saying. “We’ve made a pact, we must keep going, work harder. Next, it’s a Rolls Royce.” Analysis of the children’s Instagram pages shows highly gendered promotion of toys. The children also promote a variety of high-end, aspirational tween, teen, and adult ‘toys’, including clothes, make-up, and skincare (Pixie) and expensive cars (Hunter and Pixie). Gender stereotyping has been found in adult influencer content (see, for example, Jorge et al.) and researchers have also pointed to sexualisation of young girl influencers on Instagram (Llovet et al.). Our research potentially echoes these findings. Posts from the children regularly include aspirational commodities that blur the lines between adult and child items of desire. Concerns have been raised in other academic articles (and in government reports) regarding the possible exploitation of children’s labour by parents and marketers to promote brands, including toys, on social media (see, for example, Ågren; De Veirman et al.; House of Commons; Masterson). The French government is believed to be the only government to have moved to regulate regarding the labour of children as social media influencers, and the same government at time of writing was debating laws to enshrine children’s right to privacy on social media, to stop the practice of ‘sharenting’ or parents sharing their children’s images and other content on social media without their children’s consent (Rieffel). Mainstream media including Teen Vogue (Fortesa), and some influencers themselves, have also started to raise issues relevant to ‘kidfluencers’. In the state of Utah, USA, the government has introduced laws to stop children under 18 having access to social media without parents’ consent, although some view this as potentially having some negative impacts (Singer). The ethics and impact of toy advertorials on children by social media influencers, with little or no disclosure of the posts being advertisements, have also been discussed elsewhere (see, for example, House of Commons; Jaakkola), with Rahali and Livingstone offering suggestions aimed key stakeholders. It has been found that beyond the marketing of toys and adult ‘luxuries’ to kids, other products that potentially harm children (for example, junk food and e-cigarettes) are also commonly seen in sponsored content on Instagram and YouTube aimed at children (Fleming‐Milici, Phaneuf, and Harris; Smith et al.). Indeed, it could be argued that e-cigarettes have been positioned as playthings and are appealing to children. While we may bemoan the loss of innocence of children, with the children in this analysis posed by their entrepreneurial mother as purveyors of material goods including toys, it is useful to remember that perhaps it has always been a conundrum, given the purpose of toy marketing is to make commercial sales. Children’s toys have always reflected and shaped society’s culture, often with surprisingly sinister and adult overtones, including the origins of Barbie as a male ‘sex’ toy (Bainbridge) and the blatant promotion of guns and other weapons to boys (for example the famous Mattel ‘burp’ gun of the 50s and 60s), through advertising and sponsorship of television (Hains and Jennings). Recently, fashion house Balenciaga promoted its range of adult bags using children as models via Instagram – the bags are teddy bears dressed in bondage outfits and the marketing stunt caused considerable backlash, with the sexually dressed bears and use of children raising outrage (Deguara). Were these teddy bags framed as children’s toys for adults or adult toys for children? The line was blurred. This research has limitations as it is focussed on a case study in one country (but with global reach through Instagram). However, the current analysis is believed to be one of the first to focus on children’s promotion of toys through Instagram, by two children’s influencers, a relatively new marketing approach aimed at children. As the article was being finalised, the children’s mother announced that as Pixie was transitioning into high school and wanted to focus on her studies rather than running a business, the toy business would conclude but Pixie’s Bows would continue (Madigan). In the UK, recent research by Livingstone et al. for the Digital Futures Commission potentially offers a way forward related to this phenomenon, when viewed alongside the analysis of our case study. Their final report (following research with children) suggests a Playful by Design Tool that would be useful for designers and brands, but also children, parents, regulators, and other stakeholders. Principles such as adopting ethical commercial models, being age-appropriate and ensuring safety, make sense when applied to kidfluencers and those that stand to benefit from their playbour. It appears that governments, society, some academics, and the media are starting to question the current generally unrestricted frameworks related to social media in general (see, for example, the ACCC’s ongoing enquiry) and toy and other marketing by kids to kids on social media specifically (House of Commons). We argue that more frameworks, and potentially laws, are required in this mostly unregulated space. 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