Journal articles on the topic 'Fitzroy catchment'

Environmental Context. The Fitzroy River Basin constitutes a major source of suspended sediment and nutrient fluxes to the southern Great Barrier Reef. Improved land management practices to ameliorate these catchment loads require an understanding of the sediment sources and dynamics. This multidisciplinary geochemical and modelling study provides for the first time a quantitative estimate of sediment sources delivered to, and their degree of retention in, the Fitzroy River Estuary. Abstract. Sources of sediment deposited in the Fitzroy River Estuary (FRE) have been identified and quantified using an integrated geochemical, modelling and reconnaissance soil sampling approach. A companion paper (this volume) identifies the major sources of sediments in impoundments on the major river systems and sediment sampled from flood events in the Fitzroy River Basin (FRB). Sediment within the FRE may display distinct longitudinal variation with little basaltic material retained. Sediments derived from the Bowen Basin, which occupies the greatest portion of the FRB, and from the Surat Basin display the greatest longitudinal variation. All FRB soils have a similar total phosphorus (P) concentration. Thus, in considering P export from the catchment it is the total sediment flux which is of major importance, rather than the relative proportions of individual catchment soils. This research provides crucial new regional scale information on the sediment sources deposited within the FRE.

Environmental context. During flood events, the Fitzroy River is a major contributor to the loads of suspended sediment and nutrients to the southern Great Barrier Reef. The present geochemical and modelling study provides for the first time a quantitative estimate of the temporal variation in sediment sources over an entire flood hydrograph. Basaltic soils are substantially enriched in this flood event relative to their catchment abundance. Abstract. Suspended sediment collected over a complete flood hydrograph in the Fitzroy River provided an insight into the origin and transport of sediment in this system. Strong temporal trends are evident in the proportions of catchment soil types estimated using a Bayesian mixing model in the fine (<10 μm) fraction of the suspended sediment. These temporal trends were also manifested in changes in mineralogy, major and trace element and Nd–Sr and C–N isotope geochemistry. Tertiary Basaltic soils were the most abundant catchment soil type transported in the flood event studied here, constituting 39% of the <10-μm sediment fraction, but varied between an estimated 20 and 50% of the suspended solids over the course of the flood event. The techniques used here allow quantification and comparison between flow and suspended sediment sources and are widely applicable to other river systems.

In Queensland, Australia, large tracts of native vegetation have been cleared for agriculture, resulting in substantial hydrological changes in the landscape. Australia’s longest-running paired catchment study, the Brigalow Catchment Study (BCS), was established in 1965 to monitor hydrological changes associated with land development, particularly that of the 1960s Land Development Fitzroy Basin Scheme. The BCS has unequivocally shown that developing brigalow (Acacia harpophylla) for cropping or for grazing doubles runoff volume. However, to date little research had been undertaken to quantify the changes in peak runoff rate when brigalow is cleared for cropping or grazing. The present study compared peak runoff rates from three brigalow catchments, two of which were subsequently cleared for cropping and pasture. Prior to land development, average peak runoff rates from the three brigalow scrub catchments were 3.2, 5 and 2mmh–1 for catchments 1 to 3 respectively. After development, these rates increased to 6.6mmh–1 from the brigalow scrub control catchment (catchment 1), 8.3mmh–1 from the cropping catchment (catchment 2) and 5.6mmh–1 from the pasture catchment (catchment 3). Peak runoff rate increased significantly from both the cropping and pasture catchments after adjusting for the underlying variation in peak runoff rate due to climatic variation between the pre- and post-development periods. The average peak runoff rate increased by 5.4mmh–1 (96%) for the cropping catchment and by 2.6mmh–1 (47%) for the pasture catchment. Increases in peak runoff rate were most prevalent in smaller events with an average recurrence interval of less than 2 years under cropping and 4 years under pasture.

Environmental context. The Fitzroy River Basin is a major source of suspended sediment and nutrients to the southern Great Barrier Reef lagoon. A reduction in sediment and nutrient loads is necessary to protect coastal reefs and this requires an understanding of the sediment sources. The present geochemical and modelling study provides a quantitative estimate of the spatial and temporal variations in the sources of sediment deposited in the Fitzroy River coastal zone. Abstract. Sediment sources to the Fitzroy River coastal zone have been identified and quantified using an integrated geochemical and modelling approach. The coastal sediments display little geochemical variation as a result of substantial homogenisation during hydrodynamic processes and indicate a sediment composition consistent with derivation from mixed catchment sources. A lack of substantial temporal geochemical variation in the sediment records indicates weathering regimes and hydrodynamic transport have been relatively consistent throughout the Holocene. Despite this apparent geochemical homogeneity, a modelling approach using a Bayesian statistical model revealed changes in catchment sediment sources over time. Variations in the occurrence and intensity of rainfall events in different parts of the catchment as well as land-use changes following European settlement are likely to have had a substantial effect on the relative contributions of the catchment sources delivered to and deposited in the coastal zone. Additionally, large variations in flow events and variable estuary hydrodynamics result in different catchment soil types being delivered and deposited under different conditions. The present study found that basaltic material is the dominant catchment source in the coastal surface sediments with an estimated enrichment of ~3 relative to catchment and estuary abundances. Basaltic soils present as a more recent and extensive, weathered surficial cover are more readily mobilised than other catchment soils and will be transported further within freshwater flood plumes. It is likely that in large flood events, this basaltic material may reach the coral-dominated outer shelf. Improved land management practices to reduce sediment loads can be targeted to the areas supplying the majority of sediment to the coastal zone.

The use of spatially distributed erosion and sediment yield models has become a common method to assess the impacts of land-use changes within catchments and determine appropriate management options. Lack of model validation is, however, increasingly recognised as an issue, especially for models applied at the large-catchment or regional scale. The present study applies the spatially distributed erosion and sediment yield model SedNet to a 6000-km2 subcatchment of the Fitzroy River in central Queensland, Australia. Model outputs are compared with the results from sediment-source tracing, measured floodplain deposition rates and available hydrometric station data. Results indicated that significant improvement can be made to model predictions when catchment-specific observations (such as river bank and gully geometry and gully erosion history) are used to refine model-input parameters. It was also shown that the use of generic input parameters used by previous SedNet applications within the Great Barrier Reef catchment area resulted in overestimates of sediment yields. Previous model applications may have overestimated the significance of post-European catchment disturbance on the sediment yields of the dry-tropical catchments draining to the Great Barrier Reef. Our findings illustrated the value of obtaining empirically derived data to validate spatially distributed models applied at large scales.

Range regeneration programmes and related research are reviewed for three major project areas - the Ord River Catchment, the Fitzroy River Frontage and the Winter Rainiall Arid Zone. Successful regeneration techniques are well established for the Ord River Catchment although the ongoing management of treated areas presents a number of difficulties. Regeneration techniques for the Fitzroy Frontage have not been firmly established but, if economically justifiable, are likely to involve water ponding and the amelioration of soil conditions by organic mulch accumulation. It is argued that extension of the water ponding principle to areas of higher slope than those on which the technique is normally used is likely to be an important component of the development of regeneration procedures in the arid zone. Experience in all three environments suggests that a number of principles apply generally. Control of grazing by native and feral animals is a pre-requisite for successful regeneration in any environment. The rate of response to regeneration treatments seems to be inversely related to the degree of degradation suggesting that less severely degraded areas are likely to provide the best economic return from regeneration programmes. Processes of ecological succession seem important in all regeneration activities in the rangelands and cannot be entirely bypassed by cultural intervention.

We investigate the population genetic structure of the declining western subspecies of the purple-crowned fairy-wren (Malurus coronatus coronatus) in order to guide conservation management recommendations for this riparian habitat specialist. Our analysis of multilocus microsatellite data, from 79 individuals sampled from across the species’ range, indicates that M. c. coronatus occurs as genetically differentiated subpopulations that correspond to catchment boundaries or expansive gaps in habitat along waterways. The genetic similarity of large populations of fairy-wrens on four catchments (Fitzroy, Durack, Drysdale and Victoria) indicates widespread recent gene flow, whereas the high genetic distinctiveness of the Bindoola and Isdell catchments may reflect the current geographic isolation of these smaller populations. Genetic differentiation of these smaller geographically isolated populations affirms the negative effect that habitat degradation and fragmentation can have on population connectivity. A regional-scale approach to conservation with a focus on preventing degradation and enhancing connectivity may be critical to safeguard the persistence of M. c. coronatus subpopulations.

Understanding the life-history attributes of aquatic species is integral to the development of environmental-flow strategies in regulated river systems. This is particularly important when species are under continual and increasing pressure from water-resource development. In this study, the water temperature and flow requirements for spawning of the Fitzroy River golden perch (Macquaria ambigua oriens) were investigated over 4 years at 22 sites in the Fitzroy River catchment. Eggs, larvae and young-of-year (YOY) M. ambigua oriens were sampled on a variety of flow events to determine the environmental requirements for spawning. Eggs and larvae of M. ambigua oriens were detected during natural flow events generally with a minimum of 1.5 m river rise and duration of 7 days. Spawning was associated with the peak and/or recession of the first or second post-winter flow event where water temperatures exceeded 24°C. Our data suggests that it is important to protect a range of flows, not just flood flows, as previously documented for this species. The interaction of spawning flows with existing and future water-resource development should be considered to ensure maintenance of the population viability of M. ambigua oriens.

When the dynamics of a system is too complex to be analytically modelled, it has been found useful to assume that expected values of explanatory variables generate expected values of the response variable, and hence, deviations from the expected value of the response variable can be modelled by a Linear Perturbation Model (LPM) of the explanatory variables. This method is used in this study to develop a technique to update crop forecasts where climate is a major factor in crop production. The study is important because modern cultivars, which are the result of genetic gains, are sensitive to climatic variability, and recent studies with general circulation models suggest that one of the consequences of an increase in greenhouse gases may be greater variability in the climate of a region. The usefulness of the LPM technique in the study of agriculture–climate relationships is tested through application to the Fitzroy catchment in Central Queensland. Since no reported climatic change is yet occurring in the region, the expected values for climatic conditions are obtained through averaging. By contrast, the expected values of crop yield are obtained from trend analysis; such trends are mainly attributable to genetic gains in the recent past. Three crops (wheat, barley, and sunflower) have been studied. Deviations (or perturbations) in crop yields are related, in the framework of LPM, to deviations in minimum, maximum, and average values of rainfall, temperature, and humidity at planting, flowering, and harvesting time. The most significant climatic factors affecting deviations in crop yield are identified. Regression models are developed which are capable of filtering and updating crop forecasts due to any unexpected climatic conditions, assuming consistent genetic trends and management practices.

In tropical Australia, intensive studies of river suspended sediment (SS) and nutrient dynamics have been restricted to streams on the north-east coast between the Fitzroy and Normanby Rivers (Queensland), Magela Creek/East Alligator River (Northern Territory) and the Ord River (Western Australia). Historical conditions in these rivers were probably characterised by low–moderate SS concentrations and low concentrations of dissolved inorganic nitrogen and phosphorus in flow events. Introduction of agriculture has transformed SS and nutrient dynamics. Grazing has led to soil erosion and increased SS and particulate nutrient concentrations and fluxes in event flows. Fertilised cropping has increased nutrient inputs to catchments, where it forms a substantial proportion of the catchment area. Consequently, both particulate and dissolved inorganic nutrient concentrations and fluxes have increased. Australian tropical rivers have episodic flows, with most material transport occurring during large flow events. The restricted period of these highly energetic flows means little trapping of materials in waterways occurs. Loads are transported efficiently downstream and processes such as denitrification and in-channel sedimentation may be of limited importance. Owing to excessive nutrient inputs associated with agriculture, a number of northern freshwater, estuarine and coastal ecosystems are now eutrophic. Continued development, especially fertilised cropping, without adequate management of nutrient losses is likely to exacerbate these problems.

Environmental context. Undisturbed sediments provide a record to past events in a catchment. In this study we examine changes in sources of sediment and their variation over the past century due to changes in climate and extensive modification of the catchment after European settlement. We also highlight how multiple lines of forensic evidence acquired from the sediments can be used to reconstruct catchment history over a range of timescales. Abstract. Enhanced delivery of sediment and nutrients to the Great Barrier Reef has the potential to profoundly influence ecological processes in this natural icon. Within the Fitzroy River Basin (FRB) of north-eastern Australia, natural impoundments such as Crescent Lagoon provide an invaluable archive of accumulated sediment that can be dated using multiple techniques to reconstruct the history of sediment export. During the last century, net rates of accumulation of sediment remain similar; however, large variations in sediment sources are apparent. A major sedimentary and geochemical discontinuity is present between ~45 to 29 years before present. Within this time interval a redox front is preserved corresponding to a change in organic matter influx; C3 plant detritus derived from the onset of broadscale agriculture within the FRB provided an assimilable carbon source resulting in more reducing conditions within the sediments. Statistical correlations demonstrate a notable correspondence between some sediment fractions supporting the notion of a short-lived disturbance to the sedimentation regime in the 1960–70s.

The Burnett River snapping turtle (Elseya sp.) from the Burnett, Mary and Fitzroy river systems is an undescribed Australian freshwater turtle, of which very little ecological information is known. This paper describes the dietary ecology of the species in the Burnett River catchment. Stomach and faecal samples were collected from turtles and an index of relative importance was used to rank food items found in stomach samples. This index indicated that algae and aquatic ribbon weed (Vallisneria) were the dominant food items consumed. No difference in diet was found between males and females. Although the sample size was small, diet appeared to vary slightly seasonally, with Elseya sp. selectively feeding on the flower buds of the Chinese elm tree (Celtis chinensis) and the seeds of the blackbean tree (Castanospermum australe) when these food items were seasonally available. Faecal samples suggest that the most ingested foods (algae and aquatic ribbon weed) were also the most digestible. Although predominantly herbivorous, Elseya sp. was seen to eat carrion once in the wild.

This study measured forage biomass production, diet quality, cattle liveweight gain, and economic performance of six forage types at 21 sites across 12 commercial beef cattle properties in the Fitzroy River catchment of Queensland during 2011–2014 (28 annual datasets in total). The forages were annual forage crops (oats (Avena sativa), sorghum (Sorghum spp.) and lablab (Lablab purpureus)), sown perennial legume-grass pastures (leucaena-grass (Leucaena leucocephala spp. glabrata + perennial, tropical grass (C4) species) and butterfly pea-grass (Clitoria ternatea + perennial, C4, grass species)), and perennial, C4, grass pastures. The sown forages resulted in 1.2–2.6 times the annual cattle liveweight gain per ha than perennial grass pastures. Annual cattle liveweight gain per ha, forage establishment and management costs, and cattle price margin (sale price less purchase price, $/kg liveweight) all influenced gross margin, however, none was an overriding factor. The average gross margins ($/ha.annum) calculated using contractor rates, ranked from highest to lowest, were: leucaena-grass pastures, 181; butterfly pea-grass pastures, 140; oats, 102; perennial grass, 96; sorghum, 24; and lablab, 18. It was concluded that the tendency towards greater average gross margins for perennial legume-grass pastures than for annual forage crops or perennial grass pastures was the result of the combined effects of lower average forage costs and high cattle productivity.

Permanent waterholes in intermittent rivers of northern Australia support a diverse piscifauna and are popular areas for customary and recreational fishing. The present preliminary study explored the perception that fishing reduces the abundance of targeted, large-bodied species that become restricted to disconnected waterholes during the distinct dry season. River sites in the Fitzroy River catchment, Western Australia, could be clearly classified as experiencing either high or low fishing pressure by using metrics of human ‘accessibility’. The abundance of Hephaestus jenkinsi and Lates calcarifer, targeted by both recreational and customary fishers was highly correlated with accessibility and showed a negative relationship with fishing pressure. Non-target species showed no discernible trend. We estimated that 38% of river length remains subject to relatively low fishing pressure. These preliminary relationships suggest that fish harvest can potentially alter the structure of fish assemblages in disconnected habitats. The potential impact of fishing on the sustainability of fish populations is, most likely, greatest for non-diadromous species and will become more apparent with increasing distance from recolonisation sources. Combining management techniques that maintain recolonisation and recruitment potential with traditional fisheries management strategies (e.g. bag and size limits) presents a suitable approach to mitigate the effects of fish harvesting from tropical intermittent rivers.

Land condition monitoring information is required for the strategic management of grazing land and for a better understanding of ecosystem processes. Yet, for policy makers and those land managers whose properties are situated within north-eastern Australia’s vast Great Barrier Reef catchments, there has been a general lack of geospatial land condition monitoring information. This paper provides an overview of integrated land monitoring activity in rangeland areas of two major Reef catchments in Queensland: the Burdekin and Fitzroy regions. The project aims were to assemble land condition monitoring datasets that would assist grazing land management and support decision-makers investing public funds; and deliver these data to natural resource management (NRM) community groups, which had been given increased responsibility for delivering local environmental outcomes. We describe the rationale and processes used to produce new land condition monitoring datasets derived from remotely sensed Landsat thematic mapper (TM) and high resolution SPOT 5 satellite imagery and from rapid land condition ground assessment. Specific products include subcatchment groundcover change maps, regional mapping of indicative very poor land condition, and stratified land condition site summaries. Their application, integration, and limitations are discussed. The major innovation is a better understanding of NRM issues with respect to land condition across vast regional areas, and the effective transfer of decision-making capacity to the local level. Likewise, with an increased ability to address policy questions from an evidence-based position, combined with increased cooperation between community, industry and all levels of government, a new era has emerged for decision-makers in rangeland management.

AbstractCo-production across scientific and Indigenous knowledge systems has become a cornerstone of research to enhance knowledge, practice, ethics, and foster sustainability transformations. However, the profound differences in world views and the complex and contested histories of nation-state colonisation on Indigenous territories, highlight both opportunities and risks for Indigenous people when engaging with knowledge co-production. This paper investigates the conditions under which knowledge co-production can lead to improved Indigenous adaptive environmental planning and management among remote land-attached Indigenous peoples through a case study with ten Traditional Owner groups in the Martuwarra (Fitzroy River) Catchment in Western Australia’s Kimberley region. The research team built a 3D map of the river and used it, together with an interactive table-top projector, to bring together both scientific and Indigenous spatial knowledge. Participatory influence mapping, aligned with Traditional Owner priorities to achieve cultural governance and management planning goals set out in the Fitzroy River Declaration, investigated power relations. An analytical framework, examining underlying mechanisms of social learning, knowledge promotion and enhancing influence, based on different theories of change, was applied to unpack the immediate outcomes from these activities. The analysis identified that knowledge co-production activities improved the accessibility of the knowledge, the experiences of the knowledge users, strengthened collective identity and partnerships, and strengthened Indigenous-led institutions. The focus on cultural governance and management planning goals in the Fitzroy River Declaration enabled the activities to directly affect key drivers of Indigenous adaptive environmental planning and management—the Indigenous-led institutions. The nation-state arrangements also gave some support to local learning and decision-making through a key Indigenous institution, Martuwarra Fitzroy River Council. Knowledge co-production with remote land-attached Indigenous peoples can improve adaptive environmental planning and management where it fosters learning together, is grounded in the Indigenous-led institutions and addresses their priorities.

Introduction: The Creative Arts and Regional Well-BeingThe relationship between regionalism, well-being, and the creative arts has enjoined significant attention from community activists, commercial entrepreneurs, policy analysts, artists, and researchers over recent years (Australia Council for the Arts, “Living Culture”; Australia Council for the Arts, “The Arts in Regional Australia;” Drummond, Keane, and West; Elg; Warren, and West; Woodward, Bremner, and Cahalan). Underpinning most of the activity and research in this area is the understanding (occasionally bordering on an un-critical presumption) that the creative arts make a positive contribution to regional well-being. Commenting on the Live. Love. Life. creative-arts wellness festival in Daylesford, Victoria, Mary-Anne Thomas (Member of Parliament for the state seat of Macedon) stated that the festival will “reinforce Daylesford and the Macedon Ranges’ status as one of the nation’s leading wellness destinations” (Elg). For Thomas, it would appear that the linkage of the creative arts to regional well-being is never in doubt; which is to say, always already available for reinforcement. According to university-based researchers Margaret Woodward, Craig Bremner, and Anthony Cahalan, writing in a more scholarly and critical register, “there is a growing body of research which shows that thriving creative industries and cultural activities are crucial for the health and vitality of a region and its communities” (3). Qualifying this, they add that: “Achieving high levels of community well being through thriving creative activity is not however without its challenges in regional Australia” (3). Similarly, Rozaline Drummond, Jondi Keane, and Patrick West present their work as a test of the efficacy of the creative arts in aiding regional well-being: The opportunity to work collaboratively with a community like the one at Lake Bolac [Victoria] provided an occasion to gauge our discerning and initiating skills within creative-arts research and to test the argument that the combination of our different approaches adds to community and individual well-being. Our approach is informed by Gilles Deleuze’s ethical proposition that the health of a community is directly influenced by the richness of the composition of its parts. (n.p.)Deleuzean philosophy aside, quantitative data indicates that people in regional Australia are increasingly optimistic about the positive impact of the creative arts on their well-being. In 2016, 57% believed the arts impacted their sense of well-being and happiness, up from 52% in 2013 (Australia Council for the Arts, “The Arts in Regional Australia”). Given this article’s emphasis on place and well-being in relation to located creative-arts production, it is worth citing another dataset from the same Australia Council for the Arts publication, which details the “Location of Professional Artists”:There continues to be a concentration of artists in urban areas. Three quarters (74%) live in cities, compared to two thirds of the Australian population. This urban concentration […] may in part be related to concentration of cultural infrastructure in cities.1 in 6 Australian artists live in regional cities or towns (16%) and around 1 in 10 live in rural, remote or very remote areas (11%). (n.p.)Regional artists are a minority voice in the Australian creative arts. But the ways in which a minority voice is constructed, and the (potential) impact a minoritarian position has within the wider debate about regional well-being and the creative arts, requires careful unpacking. Ironically, creative artists themselves have been relatively neglected actors in this space. Working with Tony Birch’s short story, “The Red House”, as a neglected text of regionalism, this article exposes oversights in current understandings of the connection between well-being and regionalism. The Voice of the Regional Artist and “Resistant Speech” It is important to recognise that the “concentration of artists in urban areas” may sometimes lead to situations where non-regional artists, in the undoubtedly well-meaning pursuit of regional well-being, drown out the voices of regional artists in regional places (Australia Council for the Arts, “The Arts in Regional Australia”). Drummond, Keane, and West, all city-based artists, show sensitivity to this problem in their observation that: “It is not for the artists to presume that they can empower a [regional] community.” Certainly, regional artists and communities should take the lead in the development of regional well-being through the creative arts. The problem of (not) speaking for the other is, however, not so easily dealt with (Spivak). While urban artists might adopt the strategy of consciously allowing regional artists a voice, making such allowance could itself be viewed as a play of privilege and power by the city-based practitioner, resourced by their greater “concentration of cultural infrastructure” (Australia Council for the Arts, “The Arts in Regional Australia”). It is notoriously difficult to give the slip to the relatively invisible operations of entitlement. Furthermore, even if the regional artist is given a voice, there are many different ways of being heard or not heard. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s distinction between “speaking” and “talking” is useful here. Discussing “Can the Subaltern Speak?” in an interview with Bulan Lahiri, Spivak notes that: “It was not about talking. It was about: when the subaltern speaks there is not enough infrastructure for people to recognise it as resistant speech. That’s what it means.” In this crucial move, Spivak refines understanding of the issues at stake around the minoritarian position of regional artists. It is not enough for regional artists merely to “talk”; rather, they must be heard with the full impact of “resistant speech” (Lahiri). Obviously, what Spivak means by the “infrastructure” of “resistant speech” differs from the meaning the word “infrastructure” has in the Australia Council for the Arts publication referred to above, which employs the term as part of a governmental and technocratic discourse (“The Arts in Regional Australia”). The distance separating these two usages of “infrastructure” indicates the difference between the quantitative and the qualitative. Working with Spivak, this article’s focus is on the gap or failing in the infrastructure of qualitative research that has led to the relative neglect of Tony Birch’s short story “The Red House” as a significant text of regionalism. The Australia Council for the Arts, with its quantitative and empirical methodology, would not count Birch as a regional writer (to the best of the author’s knowledge, Birch lives and works in Melbourne). Its definition of a regional artist undermines the possibilities of a qualitative research infrastructure. However, recognizing the powerful regional concerns within a text by a primarily city-based writer like Birch is a key move, not only in expanding the definition of who counts as a minoritarian regional writer, but in giving voice to the “resistant speech” of women and children, subalterns on Spivak’s terms, within the regional-urban flux (Lahiri). The aim of this article is to give voice to Tony Birch as a regional writer, at least insofar as he is the author of “The Red House”, while also addressing the issue of well-being (as linked to the curse of domestic violence), through attention to Birch’s artistic re-creation of regionalism. In this way, working with Spivak’s reference to “infrastructure,” the aim is to nurture the growth of a research infrastructure open to a more productive engagement with regionalism, which begins by nuancing the definition of regional. It is not that regional artists, defined either by their demography or (as with Birch) by their creative concerns, are not “talking” rather, what they are saying is not being recognised in Spivak’s strong sense of “speaking”. Indeed, the very fact that Birch is not a regional writer in an empirical sense, and that, as will be explored later in this article, “The Red House” is not even primarily set in a regional location, has at least one important consequence. Potentially, it increases the value of Birch’s short story to an engagement with regionalism, given that “The Red House” unfolds regionalism as a concept always already in productive dialogue with other frameworks of place (such as the urban and the international). To the extent that Birch is a city-based writer of regionalism, and thus on the (urban) margin of the (regional) margin, he enlivens an exquisite position of minoritarian power. Furthermore, “The Red House” contains a diversity of acute insights into the nexus of regionalism and well-being that, to date, critics have overlooked. “The Red House” and the Well-Being of Places Comparatively little scholarly attention has been paid to creative work that itself dramatises and interrogates the issue of regional well-being. Tony Birch’s short story “The Red House” (2006), from his collection of linked stories (which is sometimes referred to as a novel) Shadowboxing, is a particularly interesting candidate to fill this gap in the literature, given how delicately it ranges across, and problematises, the division between the urban and the regional.“The Red House” is the opening story of Shadowboxing. Covering a period of close to a decade, loosely overlapping with the 1960s, and set in different parts of Victoria and Melbourne, it is told in the voice of Michael, who recounts the story of a peripatetic family under stress and struggling to survive. The first sentence reads: “We moved to the red house in the winter after my younger sister, May, died of meningitis” (1). The first page also establishes the place-based coordinates of the story: “In the weeks following our move from Clunes back to Fitzroy, our new house was almost submerged by a rising flood” (1). Birch’s interrogation of regionalism will henceforth operate largely along the Clunes-Fitzroy axis. Fitzroy is an inner-city suburb of Melbourne while Clunes is a small regional town (present population: approximately 2000) about 140 kilometres north-west of Melbourne (Clunes). A flashback section of three pages or so, early on in the story, fills in the events leading up to the return to Melbourne after May’s death in Clunes. Apart from this, the story has a linear structure. The various spatial shifts of “The Red House”, both within Melbourne and between Clunes and Melbourne, are all triggered by threats against, or the pursuit of, multiple modes of well-being. The first move reflects the promise of a fresh romantic union: “It was only after he [Michael’s father] had met my mother and moved with her to my [maternal] grandmother’s house over in Carlton that he had left Fitzroy for the first time in his life” (4–5). This move from Fitzroy to Carlton is followed by a much bigger one: Carlton to Clunes. Implicated in this move are at least two modes of well-being: “The eventual move to the bush had come on the advice of a doctor at the public hospital. He said that the fresh air would help my dad recover from [his] asthma” (5); however, “My grandmother told me years later that the move did not really have all that much to do with his asthma. It was the drink” (5). The context is the husband’s assault of “his six months’ pregnant wife” with “a straight right on the end of her nose” (5). The decision to move to Clunes is made by Michael’s mother: “He fought with her so much that my mother eventually decided that she would have to move away from her mother’s house, for both their sakes. Clunes was a drastic move. But it worked, for a time […]. They appeared happy” (6). This part of “The Red House” unpacks the complexities of how well-being and (physical and mental) health are linked in a social matrix; a physical ailment (asthma) elides an addiction to alcohol, until a doctor’s discourse (validated by the authority of a medical establishment) is subverted by the subalternate voice of Michael’s grandmother. This passage also dramatises the abject scenario of a victim (Michael’s mother) attending to the well-being of her persecutor (Michael’s father) by moving to Clunes “for both their sakes” (6).Subsequently, May is born in Clunes, “a ‘special baby’. She was magical even…” (6). Indeed, “My father’s habit of explosive anger melted before May. He was truly besotted with her” (6). Just before what would have been her second birthday, May dies. “My father wanted to bring May back to Melbourne for burial, but my mother stood up to him and demanded that she be buried in the town where she was born” (6). This is the most powerful enduring connection of Michael’s family to regional Clunes. Significantly, well-being (in the sense of survival and the rebuilding of happiness after the tragic death of a daughter) is dispersed differently, through place, by mother and father, along gendered lines. While the mother wants her daughter’s birthplace and place of death to coincide, the father wants to possess his daughter, almost as if she were an object, by returning her to the city for burial. (Space restrictions preclude further exploration here of the many issues raised by May’s death, including those around the gendered nexus between well-being [happiness] and the proximity or otherwise to a child’s burial place.) After May’s death, Michael’s father’s behaviour deteriorates once more. The domestic violence continues: “It was difficult for my mother to find anything safe to say to him […]. She tried to talk about May with him several times, but he either responded with silence, or swore and yelled at her uncontrollably. He also found his way back to the pubs” (7). The decision to return to Melbourne is made by Michael’s father, against his wife’s wishes: And then one night after he had walked in from the pub he sat down at the table and just said to her, ‘Fuck all this fresh-air bullshit, we’re going back to Melbourne.’ She tried persuading him to stay, talked about his job and my school, but he would not listen. He got sick of her talking and slammed a fist into his heavy palm. ‘We’re fucken going. That’s it. We’re going.’ And that was it.She looked across the table that night and saw once again the man she had married six years earlier, the man who she had deceived herself had faded and eventually disappeared with the move away from the city. (7)In this passage, well-being (even if only imagined rather than real) is explicitly linked to place. Shortly afterwards, the family moves into the red house, where they will remain. The flashback section of the text has already sketched out the chain of events that leads to the return to the city, while also commenting on the agency Michael’s mother exercises in dealing with what, to her, is an unwelcome situation: “Mum […] had argued against coming back to the city. She sensed the looming danger in my father moving back both to his old streets and his old habits. But on realising that she had no real say in the matter, she was determined to ensure that she at least have some say in the house she was moving into” (4). Specifically, Michael’s mother turns her Fitzroy house into the regional house left behind in Clunes. Under her influence, “It wasn’t long before the inside of the house came to life and began to resemble the old place at Clunes” (11). Again: she brings a portrait of May, along with assorted baby belongings, into the Fitzroy house, keeping this secret from her husband. Thus, Michael’s mother infiltrates regional place into urban place as a strategy of (subalternate) well-being. In summary, “The Red House” unpacks well-being as an expansive category shaped by domestic violence, in a negative sense, but also more positively by the actuality or promise of happiness. It also interrogates the fine-grained links between well-being in its incarnations as medical and emotional health. At the same time, it maps the rise and fall of well-being against a human geography of regional and urban places, refusing any simplistic connection of place to well-being (more faintly, there is even the problematising presence of international place, in the character of the Italian landlord, Mr Carboni, and the reference to “the local Italian community [2]). Thus, the text’s regionalism suggests a strategic model, reliant on human intervention in the (re-)creation of place; this is most evident in Michael’s mother’s actions. “The Red House” rewards interpretation as a text of how regional place (Clunes) is re-made in urban place (Fitzroy) through the rehabilitation of a house in the interests of well-being. Well-Being and Domestic Violence across Places It is hard to imagine a greater threat to the well-being of women and children than domestic violence. This makes it all the more surprising that “The Red House” is one of relatively few texts (to the author’s knowledge) to offer a detailed outline of the territory of well-being, in its many forms stretching from the health-based to the emotional, while also including a direct and unflinching consideration of domestic violence. (One cognate text is Kathryn Heyman’s novel The Breaking, which merges medical disability and domestic violence within a broader consideration of regional well-being.) Even more unusual is the way Birch’s story of well-being and domestic violence is mapped in relation to regional and non-regional places. “The Red House” is rare and valuable for its triangulation of well-being, domestic violence, and place; above all, in its refusal to resort to any comforting notion that regional places have essential qualities that make them necessarily better for well-being than the experience of cities. This is perhaps the meaning of the colour of the red house, a colour Michael’s father hates. According to a local know-all, Emu Bailey, the red was originally a form of protest by Ettie Rogers, “‘some sort of communist’” (10). “‘Most everyone around here back then was DLP [Democratic Labour Party]. Still is, some of them. Ettie wasn’t in agreement with the others in the street, so she let them know all about it. Redone it every summer too, the same colour, red’” (10). When Michael’s mother responds to her husband’s injunction to re-paint the house “‘any colour but that fucken red’” (13) by preparing to re-paint it, subversively, “a deep red splash of colour” (19) it is not difficult to discern a silent protest, passed down from woman to woman, against the domestic violence suffered by Michael and his mother. Indeed, Birch comes very close to describing the red of the house as blood-like, labelling it “a rich congealed red” (2). “Congealed” is often used to describe blood. In this way, through a colour that evokes the body, a house becomes a visible and metaphorical protest against the bodily violence (but also emotional and mental torment) that is domestic violence. As Meg Mundell argues, “the body is integral to how literary sense of place is produced” (8). This bodily, coloured protest folds back into the special sort of place the Fitzroy home becomes. If Michael’s mother cannot keep living in Clunes, she can at least paint her city house red. Perhaps attesting to the success of this female protest, there is, towards the end of “The Red House”, a fascinating moment when, as if influenced by the domestic circumstances of transplanted place (from regional Clunes) created by Michael’s mother, domestic violence threatens, but is thwarted. Michael’s mother has just told her husband that she is going to have another baby: “He spun around and moved towards her. I thought that maybe he was going to hit her. But he didn’t. He stopped in front of her. They were toe to toe” (17). Place and (pregnant) body, in an intensified combination (or even, to riff on Spivak’s terminology, as an “infrastructure”), allow the subaltern to “speak” against her oppression. Conclusion: Re-Defining Regionalism through the Literary Creative Arts Tony Birch’s “The Red House” re-creates the regional as something other than a pre-determined place. Regionalism is “activated,” in a strategic mode, within the flux of the urban and the regional. This is particularly evident in the actions of Michael’s mother. She preserves her well-being (located in Clunes, as it were, where her daughter is buried) even after she is forced by her husband to return to Melbourne (the place she left to escape from his domestic violence). The picture of May acts as a talisman of well-being (aptly, given Clunes is described by Michael as “a town where old superstitions held sway over logic” [6]), which Michael’s mother smuggles from regional Clunes into her Melbourne house. “The Red House” is thus a vital literary rejoinder to the conceptualisation of well-being, and regional areas employed by government bodies and commercial entities, which instrumentalizes a binary opposition of the regional/non-regional. By extension, it contests the naïve linkage of regional place to well-being through a nuanced investigation into the complex links between place (regional, urban, even international) and multi-faceted well-being. Birch’s story is a valuable, fine-grained creative analysis of well-being (extending from happiness, comfort and security through to what might be called the “ill-being” of domestic violence), which is matched to an equally fine-grained engagement with multiple modalities of place. 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