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Mahmutefendic, Tahir. "The Eu Enlargement. How to be Like the Irish and not the Greek?" ECONOMICS 7, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/eoik-2019-0021.
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Abstract Apart from the former EFTA members (Iceland, Lichtenstein, Norway and Switzerland) and a few former republics of the Soviet Union (Bjelorussia, Moldova and Ukraina) the countries of the Western Balkans are the only European states outside of the European Union. They are very keen to join the Union. The Balkans have always been the poorest part of Europe. The appeal of the wealthy European Union is apparent. Access to the largest market in the world, investment, modern technologies and generous regional funds give a hope that by joining the EU the Western Balkans countries will join the rich club. At the moment performance of the Western Balkan countries does not guarantee that they will become rich by joining the European Union. Their current production and trade structure makes it likely that the Western Balkan countries will be locked in inter-industry trade in which they will export products of low and medium technological and developmental level and import products of high technological and developmental level. This might lead to divergence rather than convergence between them and the European Union. In other to overcome this problem the Western Balkan countries need to conduct radical reforms in the public sector, fiscal policy, industrial trade and investment policy. They also need to tackle corruption, simplify administrative procedure, strenghten property rights and the lawful state. All this with the aim to change economic structure and shift from achievements of the second and third to fourth technological revolution. Only if these reforms are successfuly implemented the Western Balkan countries can hope to avoid the Greek scenario and possibly experience the Irish scenario.
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Chichinadze, B. "CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF SELF-GOVERNMENTS IN POST- SOVIET REPUBLICS." Food Industry Economics 11, no. 3 (October 16, 2019): 73–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15673/fie.v11i3.1470.
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The article analyzes the situation with local self-government in the former Soviet republics, the path that they followed after gaining independence, information has been given on the socio-economic situation in local governments. The activities and plans of the central authorities of these countries for the nearest future have also been given. The implemented effective policy should guarantee the real development of local selfgovernment of the former Soviet republics. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, one of the most acute problems in the post-socialist republics was the formation and strengthening of local self-government.The situation in the former Soviet states , from the point of view of the development of local self-government, is almost identical (except are the Baltic republics).
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Musulin, Michael. "Help the republics of the former Soviet Union." American Journal of Health-System Pharmacy 49, no. 5 (May 1, 1992): 1112–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ajhp/49.5.1112a.
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Fierman, W. "A COMPARATIVE EXAMINATION OF LANGUAGE ECOLOGY AND LANGUAGE POLICY IN POST-SOVIET CENTRAL ASIA." Al-Farabi 76, no. 4 (December 15, 2021): 114–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.48010/2021.4/1999-5911.09.
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In the late Soviet era, the domains of use of languages were largely a function of ethnic groups’ status in the Soviet administrative hierarchy. Russian was at the top; below it were the eponymous languages of the non-Russian 14 “Union Republics;” all other languages were used in relatively narrow sets of domains. The “Union Republic languages” included five in Central Asia-- Kazakh, Kyrgyz, Tajik, Turkmen, and Uzbek. These languages’ use in fewer domains than most other Union Republic languages profoundly affected their expansion into new domains after 1991. Two other factors affecting this primarily rooted in the Soviet era were the ethnic composition of the republics upon the USSR’s collapse and their populations’ language repertoires. In addition to these “Soviet heritage factors,” language policy and ecology have also been shaped by each country’s nation building project, its international orientation, the nature of its political system, and its economic resources. Russian today remains more widely used in high prestige domains in Central Asia than in all other former Soviet republics except Belarus. However, Russian is less used in a wide variety of domains in Central Asia than it is in “autonomous” units of the former RSFSR.
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Dombrowski, Peter. "Problems Facing Us Assistance for the Post-Soviet Republics." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 20, no. 1 (1993): 139–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633293x00125.
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AbstractSince 1989 American policy-makers have continually affirmed US support for the transition of the former Soviet republics from authoritarian, command economies to democratic, market economies. The United States will continue to aid the transition to protect its own political, economic and security interests. Professor Rex Wade's article offers reasonable advice for American officials faced with the difficult task of assisting this transition. Building upon his analysis, I shall elaborate on several of the most pressing problems facing American officials responsible for administering assistance programs. Three broad problems confront US policy-makers promoting markets and democratic political institutions in the former Soviet republics: 1) inadequate resources; 2) embattled foreign assistance institutions; and 3) the lack of international consensus about the goals and means for influencing the transition. Each of these issues has the potential to weaken American and international efforts to shape post-Communist society. In combination, they threaten the long-term foreign policy objectives of the United States.
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Senik-Leygonie, Claudia, Gordon Hughes, John Flemming, and Alasdair Smith. "Industrial Profitability and Trade among the Former Soviet Republics." Economic Policy 7, no. 15 (October 1992): 353. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1344546.
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Svistunova, I. "Turkey’s Humanitarian Policy towards Post-Soviet States." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 2 (2022): 125–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2022-2-125-135.
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Humanitarian policy is an important tool of Ankara’s strategy towards the post-Soviet states. A number of state institutions in Turkey contribute to the development of ties with the Turkic and Muslim peoples of the former Soviet republics. Ankara participates in international development assistance to the countries of the region and at the same time builds bilateral ties with them. Turkish policy comprises assistance programs in the fields of education and culture, which contribute to the development of the idea of the historical unity of the Turkic peoples.
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McKee, Martin, Josep Figueras, and Laurent Chenet. "Health sector reform in the former Soviet republics of Central Asia." International Journal of Health Planning and Management 13, no. 2 (April 1998): 131–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1099-1751(199804/06)13:2<131::aid-hpm506>3.0.co;2-8.
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Dunlop, John B. "Will a Large-Scale Migration of Russians to the Russian Republic Take Place over the Current Decade?" International Migration Review 27, no. 3 (September 1993): 605–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839302700306.
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Given the headlong and convulsive pace of political change occurring in the republics of the former Soviet Union, predictions concerning future developments in that area of the world must necessarily be tenuous and hedged about with caveats. The question of the likely scale of in-migration from the other former union republics into the Russian Republic over the remainder of this decade is, however, so politically charged and so important that analysts and forecasters can ill afford to ignore it. One suspects that Western policy-makers are increasingly going to have to focus their attention upon the fate of the 25.3 million ethnic Russians living in that part of the former Soviet Union now called the “Near Abroad” (blizhnee zarubezh'e).
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Bluth, Christoph. "Arms Control and Nuclear Safety: The National and International Politics of Russia's Nuclear Arsenal." Government and Opposition 30, no. 4 (October 1, 1995): 510–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1995.tb00141.x.
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RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY IS STILL IN A STATE OF FLUX. LIKE the other former republics of the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation seeks to come to terms with being an independent state needing to define its national interests and foreign and security policy objectives.The principal element in the new frame of reference for Moscow is the disintegration of the Warsaw Pact and the Soviet Union itself. For forty years, most of the territories controlled by Moscow were adjacent to territories protected by the United States, or else to China. The Russian Federation is now virtually surrounded by former Soviet republics, all with deep political, social and economic problems, and some of which are highly unstable and subject to violent civil conflicts. The territory of the Russian Federation itself, about 75 per cent of the territory of the former USSR with about 60 per cent of its population, is still not properly defined, given that significant sections of the borders are purely notional, and the degree of control that Moscow can exercise over the entire Federation is uncertain.
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Smallbone, David, and Friederike Welter. "Entrepreneurship and Government Policy in Former Soviet Republics: Belarus and Estonia Compared." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 28, no. 2 (January 1, 2010): 195–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c0834b.
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In this paper we analyse the role of government in relation to the development of entrepreneurship in countries where private business activity was illegal until the beginning of the 1990s. By focusing on Estonia and Belarus we are concerned with countries with an ostensibly similar political heritage, yet with contrasting experiences during the post-Soviet period. Various authors have argued the need for entrepreneurship research to acknowledge the heterogeneity of environmental conditions, outcomes, and behaviours that exist with respect to entrepreneurship. Government policies and actions are a key element contributing to the heterogeneity of external conditions in which entrepreneurship occurs and are thus part of social embeddedness. The findings have implications for policy makers in transition and developing countries by emphasising the variety of ways in which the state can influence the nature and pace of private business development and the central role of institutional behaviour in this process. The findings also have implications for researchers interested in extending analysis of entrepreneurship into a wide range of business environments.
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Rainey, Thomas B. "Protected Areas in the Republics of the Former Soviet Union." Environmental Practice 1, no. 2 (June 1999): 69–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1466046600000314.
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Ishanxodjaeva, Z. R., and R. Makhkamova. "FORCED RELOCATION OF KOREANS TO UZBEKISTAN IN 1937-1938." European International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Management Studies 02, no. 05 (May 1, 2022): 220–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.55640/eijmrms-02-05-43.
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As a result of the repressive policy pursued by the Soviet authorities, even a small part of the nationalities living in the country were unjustifiably expelled from the territories where they lived. As a result of this policy, it was relocated to Uzbekistan, along with other republics of the former Soviet Union. The mass forced relocation of Koreans to Uzbekistan, along with other minorities, began in 1937-1938. In short, this article discusses the history of the resettlement of Koreans.
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Boldyrev, Andrey V. "VIEWS ON TURKEY’S POLICY DURING WORLD WAR II IN THE MODERN HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE NEIGHBORING COUNTRIES." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 2 (16) (2021): 274–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2021-2-274-281.
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The article provides an overview of some research works from the countries of the Near Abroad (Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan) regarding Turkey’s foreign policy during the Second World War. Based on Soviet and Turkish periodicals, as well as materials from the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation (WUA RF) and newly discovered secret documents from the archives of the USA, Turkey, Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia, academics from the Turkic republics of the former USSR set out their concept of Soviet-Turkish relations during the Second World War and Turkey’s relations with the United States and Great Britain. In general, one can note their unity with the views of Turkish historians on the policy of neutrality and political loneliness of Turkey due to the unreliable partnership with Western members of the anti-Hitler coalition. At the same time, considering the policy of Turkey during the war years as pursuing an independent course, researchers de facto come to the opposite results, showing that in defining its foreign policy discourse, Turkey depended on the actions of the USSR. A similar situation is observed in Turkish publications, where is noted the predominant influence of the Soviet factor on Turkey’s foreign policy during the war and in the post-war period. At the same time, researchers from the Turkic-speaking countries of the Near Abroad tend not to portray Turkey’s policy exclusively in white colors. There is another aspect as well. But while in Turkish historiography the German attack on the USSR is viewed as a positive factor, representatives of the former Soviet republics maintain a negative view towards it.
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Hunter, Shireen T. "The Muslim republics of the former Soviet Union: Policy challenges for the united states." Washington Quarterly 15, no. 3 (September 1992): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01636609209550106.
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Closson, Stacy. "A comparative analysis on energy subsidies in Soviet and Russian policy." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 44, no. 4 (November 12, 2011): 343–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2011.10.009.
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Russia’s recent intent to use gas supplies to influence the former Soviet Union Republics, and now New Independent States (NIS), has mirrored that of the Soviet’s handling of hydrocarbon supplies to the Eastern bloc, or the Council on Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA). This paper explores the historical and unique conditions in making a comparison of energy trading patterns in the 1970s and 2000s. In the end, by comparing ‘then’ and ‘now’, we see a pattern of negative repercussions when the energy card is employed. This study employs a within case study cross-temporal comparative framework and asks: why would Russia transfer a failed policy of subsidies onto its newly independent states?
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Sokyrska, Vladylena, Iryna Krupenya, and Kateryna Didenko. "Relations between the RSFSR and the Ukrainian SSR in the 1920s: diplomatic and administrative-institutional aspects." Przegląd Nauk Historycznych 20, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 79–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1644-857x.20.02.04.
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The article discusses the specifity of the relations between the RSFSR and the Ukrainian SSR in 1919–1929. The authors present the relations between the goverments of the two republics and actions of the Russian side aiming to transforme into the unitary state, initially rather loosely connected among them the constituent elements of the Soviet state. Relations between RSFSR and the Ukrainian SSR were burdened with significant disavantages from the very beginning, as the former appropriates the rights of the union center. The article explains also the role and the place of the permanent representations of the union republics in Moscow, as well as the influence of the commissioners (Ukrainian government representatives in Moscow) on Soviet Russia’s policy towards Ukraine. Permenent ignoring by the government in Moscow of Ukraine’s needs and expectations, prompted the leadership of the party and the government of Ukrainian SSR to seek protection of its economic interests at the institutional level. With the creation of the USSR, the legal status of the republics included in that state changed. Relations between the republics lost their interstate character. In place of the existing ones, new representations were established to ensure the maintenance of permanent ties between the government of the RSFSR and the governments of the union republics.
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Busygina, Irina, and Mikhail Filippov. "Trade-offs and inconsistencies of the Russian foreign policy: The case of Eurasia." Journal of Eurasian Studies 12, no. 1 (January 2021): 46–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1879366521998241.
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In this article, we explore the inherent trade-offs and inconsistencies of Russia’s policies toward the post-Soviet space. We argue that attempts to rebuild an image of Russia as a “great power” have actually led to a reduction of Russian influence in the post-Soviet region. The more Russia acted as a “Great Power,” the less credible was its promise to respect the national sovereignty of the former Soviet republics. In 2011, Vladimir Putin declared that during his next term as president, his goal would be to establish a powerful supra-national Eurasian Union capable of becoming one of the poles in a multipolar world. However, Russia’s attempt to force Ukraine to join the Eurasian Union provoked the 2014 crisis. The Ukrainian crisis has de-facto completed the separation of Ukraine and Russia and made successful post-Soviet re-integration around Russia improbable.
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Orlowski, Lucjan T. "Indirect transfers in trade among former Soviet Union Republics: Sources, patterns and policy responses in the Post‐Soviet period." Europe-Asia Studies 45, no. 6 (January 1993): 1001–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668139308412138.
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PETRI, MARTIN, and GÜNTHER TAUBE. "Fiscal Policy Beyond the Budget : Quasi-Fiscal Activities in the Energy Sectors of the Former Soviet Union." Emerging Markets Finance and Trade 39, no. 1 (January 2003): 24–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1540496x.2003.11052532.
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Jackson, Marvin. "The Rise and Decay of the Socialist Economy in Bulgaria." Journal of Economic Perspectives 5, no. 4 (November 1, 1991): 203–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.5.4.203.
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The political reconstruction of Bulgaria has gone on more slowly than in Central Europe, but the role of the former communists is weaker than in neighboring Romania or Serbia and, of course, much more so than in the Soviet Union (except for the Baltic Republics). This paper discusses the economy before communist rule; economic institutions and policy options under the communists; economic decay and the dangers of procrastination; and the new government's program and its prospects.
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Askerbek, Assel, Ardak M. Yesdauletova, Gulnara Ibragimova, Dana K. Akhmedyanova, and Sagdat Adilbekov. "Methods of implementation of the U.S. policy to ensure the sustainable development of the post-Soviet states." RIVISTA DI STUDI SULLA SOSTENIBILITA', no. 2 (January 2022): 127–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/riss2021-002010.
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The main aim of the article was to determine the key ways in which the United States of America conducts its foreign policy in the post-Soviet countries. The methods of observation, comparative analysis, and the principle of chronological sequence were used to study the U.S. foreign policy and its implementation. The article was based on empirical research methods, studying facts and analysing causes and consequences of the countries policy. Firstly, the authors highlight the ways of economic cooperation, exactly, the activities of transnational corpora-tions in the former socialist republics. In addition, the authors characterized the influence of transnational corporations. Secondly, it was pointed out that the U.S. actively implemented such method as support "colour revolutions" in the process of pursuit of their political interests in the post-Soviet territory. Thirdly, the United States seeks to establish ties with the countries of the former Soviet Union, primari-ly Central Asia, to ensure security in the region and in Afghanistan. The C5+1 initi-ative, Northern Distribution Network, were developed for greater involvement in security issues. Fourthly, following the principles of "soft power", American politi-cians actively use the tools of public diplomacy, communication, support of civil society.
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Molchanov, Mikhail A. "Post-Communist Nationalism as A Power Resource: A Russia-Ukraine Comparison." Nationalities Papers 28, no. 2 (June 2000): 263–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713687473.
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The end of communism brought hopes for a wholesale liberal-democratic transformation to the republics of the former Soviet Union. However, bitter disenchantment soon followed, as resurrected nationalism undermined the republics' stability and threatened democracy. Mass nationalist movements in these countries were not observed until the regime's initial liberalization. In most cases, the high phase of nationalist mobilization was reached only after the postcommunist state elites endorsed nationalism as an official policy of the state. In each instance, nationalist strategies of the state were defined in a complex interplay of domestic and international factors. Ethnicity became politicized as a resource for political action when other resources proved inadequate or insufficient. In addition, exogenous factors often played a leading role in this development.
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Whitsel, Christopher M. "Compulsory Policy Change and Divergence in Educational Attainment in Four Former Soviet Republics of Central Asia." European Education 43, no. 1 (April 2011): 56–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/eue1056-4934430104.
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Monobayeva, Agipa, and Cosmo Howard. "Are post-Soviet republics ready for the new public management? The case of educational modernization in Kazakhstan." International Journal of Public Sector Management 28, no. 2 (March 2, 2015): 150–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpsm-08-2014-0102.
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Purpose – Since the collapse of the USSR, former Soviet republics have embarked on public service modernization, in most instances drawing on internationally dominant new public management (NPM) principles. Are post-Soviet republics ready for these administrative prescriptions? The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach – This paper discusses Kazakhstan’s experience with the implementation of NPM through a qualitative case study of the country’s adoption of the European Bologna higher education reforms. Findings – While implementation of the NPM-inspired Bologna program has produced significant achievements, there are also gaps and shortcomings. These are due to a remnant Soviet administrative practices including strong control by educational ministries, as well as incompatible organizational cultures and a tendency toward superficial formalism in the implementation process. Research limitations/implications – NPM tends to be introduced in a top-down fashion as a taken-for-granted component of state transformation, without sufficient attention to the capacities, cultures and systems required for effective and accountable performance-driven administrative reform. Originality/value – Kazakhstan’s experience provides crucial insights into the governance structures, professional cultures and managerial capacities required for successful implementation of NPM in post-Soviet states.
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Čepaitienė, Rasa. "IN THE SHADOW OF MOSCOW: THE STALINIST RECONSTRUCTION OF THE CAPITALS OF THE SOVIET REPUBLICS." Journal of Architecture and Urbanism 39, no. 1 (April 14, 2015): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/20297955.2015.1031434.
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Looking through the prism of USSR national policy the article analyzes the reconstruction of Stalinist cities. The study is based on the visual analysis of the city landscapes of the capitals of 12 of 15 former Soviet republics. Focusing attention on the mechanisms and tools of the formation of the capitals of the Soviet republics, the strategies and tactics of the reconstructions carried out in these cities are discussed. As their result in the late period of Stalinist culture the creation of an ideological-visual narrative of a major Soviet city, consisting of a united “content of socialist realism” and local “national forms”, was completed. The conclusion is made is that mainly using plant and geometric ornaments of local folk art in the decor of the buildings of the socialist realism style, these capitals were “marked” in a specific way. However, although this aesthetic program allowed one to distinguish visibly these cities from one another, and to highlight some of the features of national cultures, however, the fostering of such narrowly understood and apolitical “folk character” at the same time restricted the possibilities of the Soviet connected nations to keep the abilities to preserve free and uncontrolled authentic expression of their cultures.
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Matlock, Jack. "Foreign Policy." Nationalities Papers 20, no. 2 (1992): 43–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999208408237.
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We should not be surprised if we find each of the former republics of the Soviet Union placing foremost in their foreign policy the desire to achieve a truly recognized statehood. Obviously, developing their constitutions, and internal political and economic structures, is an internal matter, but it is closely related, of course, with the foreign policy that they can pursue. The principal aim of a foreign policy—just as perhaps the principal aim of an individual—is self-preservation. And once the entity has been created, either because of a long struggle of important forces within the society or, in a few cases, because independence is handed to them due to events elsewhere, the fact is that once you are independent you must act in a way that defends your independence. You defend the ability of whatever political system you have to make its own autonomous decisions. And I believe that what we are seeing today reflects this imperative. We see it most spectacularly, of course, in the jockeying of Russia and Ukraine within the Commonwealth of Independent States.
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Karolak-Michalska, Magdalena. "Ruchy etnopolityczne mniejszości rosyjskiej w państwach byłego ZSRR po aneksji Krymu do Rosji." Cywilizacja i Polityka 15, no. 15 (October 26, 2017): 264–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.5471.
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The aim of the article is to analyze the ethno-political movements of the Russian minority in post-Soviet countries after the annexation of the Crimea to Russia and attempt to answer the research question: how annexation of the Crimea caused and / or strengthened among the Russian minority living in those countries with separatist tendencies. The author analyzes the activity of Russians living in former Soviet republics selected, pointing to their behavior towards annexation and activity within the organization in which they operate. In his concluding remarks comes to the conclusion that due to the annexation of the Crimea to Russia, ethno-political movements of the Russian minority in post-Soviet area will be even more strongly oppose discrimination against the Russian people and actively fight for their rights. The current activity of the Russian post-Soviet area suggests that they will continue to work towards achieving its goals, while activity is (also of a separatist) will depend largely on domestic policy the authorities of the country in which they live, as well as the Kremlin's policy to compatriots abroad.
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Polyakova, Elena, Alisher Amini, and Olesia Kutkina. "Dialogue of Cultures and Common Humanitarian Space: Experience of Cooperation between Educational Institutions of Culture of Russia and Tajikistan." Proceedings of Altai State Academy of Culture and Arts, no. 4 (2022): 38–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.32340/2414-9101-2022-4-38-46.
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Cultural and humanitarian cooperation between Tajikistan and Russia is developing in accordance with the current strategic objectives of the foreign policy of both countries, existing bilateral and international treaties and cooperation agreements. The priority areas of the interstate partnership are the popularization of the Russian language and culture, as well as the promotion of the "brand" of the Russian higher education in the market of educational services of the post-Soviet space. Institutes of Cultures focused on the training of highly qualified specialists for various areas of the socio-cultural sphere are implementing international educational, scientific and creative projects, promoting the development of an equal mutual beneficial intercultural dialogue, deepening of integration processes in the cultural and educational sphere, strengthening good-neighbourliness of the former Soviet republics.
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Šušnjara, Snježana. "Bosnia and Herzegovina under the Communist Regime: an Outlook on Educational Policy." Historia scholastica 7, no. 1 (November 2021): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15240/tul/006/2021-1-006.
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Bosnia and Herzegovina as one of the nine republics of Yugoslavia was always among the poorest republics in the former state. However, the school system, as it was the case in the totalitarian regimes, was under direct control of the state. The state had the power to influence school programs and to decide who could apply for school profession. After World War II, education became compulsory for all children and the state could have influenced easily all aspects of education. The state conception how to educate a new society and how to produce a common Yugoslav identity was in focus of the new ideology and those who did not agree with this concept were exposed to negative connotations and even to persecution. Human rights of an individual were openly proclaimed but not respected. Totalitarian societies commonly expect the system of education to operate as a main transformational force that will facilitate the creation of the new man in the social order they have proclaimed. After the split of the Soviet model of pedagogy (1945–1949), the changes occurred in education when the communists established a new regime with universal characteristics of the Yugoslavian education which differentiated among the republics in accordance with their own specificities. Bosnia and Herzegovina with its multi-ethnic nature occupied a special place inside the common state as a model that served as a creation of possible, multiethnic, socialist Yugoslavia.
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Kenderdine, Tristan. "Kazakh Land, China Capital: Exporting China’s Project System to External Geographies." Central Asian Affairs 5, no. 4 (October 10, 2018): 313–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00504002.
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China’s Belt and Road geoindustrial policy is dependent on upgrading transport logistics throughout the Middle East and the former Soviet Republics of Central Asia. However, the key International Capacity Cooperation policy also aims to move industrial plants abroad in support of China’s wider import strategy. Planning this industrial offshoring not only requires significant domestic industrial policy governance coordination, with policy being formed at the center and transmitted to lower levels of China’s administrative hierarchy, but also involves traversing largely unmapped policy territory, namely international multilevel governance cooperation with host countries in Central Asia. Taking the International Capacity Cooperation policy as its focus, this paper examines China’s geoeconomic industrial policy in Kazakhstan, arguing that greater public administration interdependence is needed to develop China’s foreign policy into genuine regional economic cooperation.
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Obushnyi, Mykola. "«RUSSIAN WORLD» AS THE NEO-IMPERIAL IDEOLOGY OF MODERN RUSSIA." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 27 (2020): 122–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2020.27.18.
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In the article the essence of the neo-imperial ideology of the «Russian world», is revealed, which appearance is connected with the necessity of the modern Russia`s expansionist policy in ideological substantiation after the collapse of the Bolshevik`s empire commune – the Soviet Union. Moreover, the basis for resuscitation and the creation of a new empire is still preserved. In the newly created states from the post-Soviet republics, the vast majority of former party leaders came to the power, who sought little or no effort to eliminate the old, in essence, authoritariantotalitarian system of political government, almost all of them sought to preserve the economic ties that were established in a single economic complex between the republics of the former Soviet Union. The Union of Independent States (CIS), established in December 1991, provided additional opportunities for the new neo-empire. Under such conditions, pro-Kremlin theorists-statesmen were actively involved in the development of ideological and theoretical foundations for the new ideology. However, the very name «Russian world» was introduced into scientific and political circulation only in 2005. Since then, the spatial boundaries of the ideology «Russian world» are constantly expanding and now include those countries and peoples «where the Russian language is heard». Thus, the main goal of the new ideology «Russian world» is to include in the Russian neo-empire not only Russia itself, but all of Russia abroad, ie «almost a third - a billion Russian-speaking people or almost every twentieth inhabitant of the Earth» (O. Batanova). Thus, according to the great powers, it will be possible to correct the geopolitical mistake associated with the collapse of the Soviet Union. It has been proved that the neo-imperial ideology of the «Russian world» is based on Russian ultranationalism, which is permeated by the ideas of pan-Russianism, Russian exclusivity, and strong statehood, which Putin now embodies. This feature of the ideology of the «Russian world» indicates its neo-imperial orientation and geopolitical intentions of the great-power policy of modern Russia.
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Muijen, Matt, and Andrew McCulloch. "Reform of mental health services in Eastern Europe and former Soviet republics: progress and challenges since 2005." BJPsych International 16, no. 1 (April 16, 2018): 6–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bji.2017.34.
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For over a decade, concerted efforts have been made in Europe to reform mental health services and move away from institutions to community-based models of care, supported by international policy statements, good practice examples and research evidence. Progress has been uneven. So what is the status of mental healthcare across the World Health Organization European Region, and what factors support, or detract from, such progress?
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Bingham, Natasha. "Fighting for Our Cause: The Impact of Women's NGOs on Gender Policy Adoption in Four Former Soviet Republics." Politics & Policy 44, no. 2 (April 2016): 294–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/polp.12155.
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Tofan, A. V. "The USA ’s Participation in the Internal Policy of the Third Countries (Case Study of the Former Soviet Republics)." Vestnik Povolzhskogo instituta upravleniya 17, no. 3 (2017): 34–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1682-2358-2017-3-34-39.
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Avatkov, V., and A. Ryzhenkov. "Turkmenistan and Turkey-Centric Integration." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 1 (2022): 68–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2022-1-68-85.
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Central Asia is one of the focal points of Turkish foreign policy. Attempts to stimulate integration processes in the former Turkic republics of the Soviet Union under Turkish aegis have been underway since the early 1990s. Turkmenistan, due to its large reserves of natural resources and favorable strategic position on the shore of the Caspian Sea, is of particular interest to Ankara. Promoting the concept of “Two states – one nation” Turkey is building interaction with official Ashgabat in the field of trade, military cooperation, humanitarian ties. This article examines the current state of affairs in these tracks and points out in which areas the Republic of Turkey is already successful, and which may soon attract more attention from Ankara.
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Krasivskyy, Orest. "Foreign Threats to Ukraine’s Independence and the Challenge Posed to Polish National Security." Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne, no. 4 (January 15, 2021): 77–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ssp.2020.4.4.
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The purpose of the article is to examine the Russian threat to Ukraine’s state sovereignty and its impact on Poland’s national security; to underline that Russia intends to take revenge for its defeat in the Cold War, to regain control over the former Soviet Union republics, to defeat the USA and EU, and to establish control in the territory of the Eurasian continent. The research hypothesis is that the main purpose of Russia’s foreign policy is the reconstruction of a neo-imperial state, Ukraine’s reintegration into the post-Soviet space, and ensuring Russia’s domination in the region. The research task was completed using the research methods of a detailed study of sources and literature and a critical analysis of the information available to the author. Conclusions: Russia is trying to take revenge for its defeat in the Cold War, to regain control over the former Soviet Union republics, to defeat the West, and to establish control over the Eurasian continent. Russia considers Ukraine and Poland as dangerous agents of Atlanticism. That is why the Russian Eurasian geopolitical project aims for the Ukrainian and Polish states to be neutralized in a radical way. To this end, Russia has started a “hybrid war” against Ukraine. Poland and the Baltic countries will be the next targets of Russian aggression. It is profitable for Russian neo-imperialism to destroy trust and the strategic partnership between Poland and Ukraine, and to act in accordance with the divide-and-conquer algorithm. In such circumstances, Ukraine and Poland need to work out a new “Doctrine of restraining Russia’s aggression,” to pursue gradual and coordinated policy for the sake of the victory over Russian neo-imperialism and the dismantlement of the Russian imperial social system. The article describes the peculiarities of the modernization of the Russian imperial system at the present stage, analyzes the content of the Russian neo-imperialistic policy against Ukraine, Poland and the West, the reasons for the failure of Ukraine to neutralize Russian expansion, and also shows possible geopolitical consequences for the national security of Poland in the event of the successful implementation of Russia’s geopolitical strategy.
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Shyrokykh, Karina. "Compromising on Values? Human Rights Pressure and Competing Interests of the European Union in the Former Soviet States." European Foreign Affairs Review 23, Issue 1 (February 1, 2018): 119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2018007.
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What influences the European Union’s (EU’s) policy towards human rights abuse in third countries? What effects do the EU’s punitive measures have on the subsequent human rights situation? In literature, there is no consensus about the effects of such an instrument; moreover, scholars often question the consistency of its application in regions where the EU has strong strategic interests. Utilizing time-series cross-section analysis of twelve former Soviet republics over two decades, the present article demonstrates that the severity of imposed measures is guided by the actual human rights situation, and the presence of competing interests does not determine their intensity. Additionally, coercive measures are shown to have a positive effect on the subsequent human rights situation. At the same time, competing interests of the EU prove able to undermine the instrument’s ex-ante credibility and, thereby, limit its potential impact.
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Kuldkepp, Mart. "Swedish political attitudes towards Baltic independence in the short twentieth century [Kokkuvõte: Rootsi poliitilised hoiakud Balti riikide iseseisvuse suhtes lühikesel 20. sajandil]." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, no. 3/4 (December 21, 2016): 397. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2016.3-4.04.
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This article considers the history of Swedish attitudes towards Baltic independence during the short twentieth century (1914–91), focusing primarily on the years when Baltic independence was gained (1918–20) and regained (1989–91). The former was characterized by Swedish skepticism towards the ability of the Baltic states to retain their independence long-term, considering the inevitable revival of Russian power. Sweden became one of the very few Western countries to officially recognize the incorporation of the Baltic states in the Soviet Union in the Second World War. During the Cold War, Sweden gained a reputation for its policy of activist internationalism and support for democratization in the Third World, but for security-related reasons it ignored breaches of human rights and deficit of democracy in its immediate neighborhood, the Soviet Union and the Baltic republics. However, in 1989–91 the unprecedented decline in Soviet influence, the value-based approach in international relations, feelings of guilt over previous pragmatism, and changes in domestic politics encouraged Sweden to support Baltic independence, and to take on the role of an active manager of the Baltic post-soviet transition.
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Zhiltsov, S. S. "Fighting for Eurasia." Post-Soviet Issues 8, no. 1 (June 12, 2021): 8–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2021-8-1-8-19.
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Russia and non-regional States have recently shown fresh interest in the countries of the former Soviet Union. The rivalry between Russia and the United States for the post-Soviet territory, beginning after the collapse of the USSR, has broken new ground. Russia considers the post-Soviet space as an area of vital interests. Economic and political relations with its neighbors, the internal political situation in the former Soviet Republics have a direct impact on the development of Russia. These determinants can explain the renewed interest in Eurasian integration and an integration project — the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). However, the USA hardly welcomes such aspirations of Russia and the support for the integration project on the part of some post-Soviet countries. The American side has no interest in the newly emerging regional centers of influence in the post-Soviet space, regarding this as a threat to its interests. Countering the development of Eurasian integration and strengthening the EAEU influence is the focus of US policy in this regard. The EAEU member countries are consistently taking steps to develop integration despite obstacles from the West. The long-term objectives, defined in various documents by the countries, should put them on a new path of economic cooperation. Eurasian integration faces a number of difficulties along with the successes, achieved since the creation of the EAEU. The world economy problems, in addition to internal ones, exert a considerable influence. They intensified after the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic, which negatively affected the development of the EAEU countries. The internal political problems faced by the EAEU countries adversely affect integration. The internal political crisis in Belarus, beginning in the later 2020, the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan in Nagorno-Karabakh, worsened internal political struggle in Armenia and Kyrgyzstan are the factors that influenced the work of the EAEU last year and early 2021. Nevertheless, economic difficulties and political events in specific countries, the pursuit of non-regional states to influence the elites of the former Soviet states have not altered the foreign policy priorities of the EAEU member states.
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Babayan, I. V. "At the Fork in the Path of Conceptual Understanding of the Role of Siberia in the Formation of a New World Order. Book review: Civilization mission of Siberia: from technogenic-consumer to spiritual-ecological strategy of global and regional development: monograph (group of authors; edited by A.V. Ivanov) – Barnaul: New format, 2022." Siberian Journal of Philosophy 20, no. 2 (November 17, 2022): 193–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2541-7517-2022-20-2-193-200.
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In a review of the collective monograph «Civilization mission of Siberia: from technogenic-consumer to spiritual-ecological strategy of global and regional development», edited by Professor A. V. Ivanov, the author argues with the researchers on a number of key issues, including the system-forming role of the Russian state in the development of Eurasian civilization, nationalitis policy of the former Soviet republics, national and cultural identity. The authors of the monograph focus on the problems of defining the concept of «Greater Eurasia», the civilizational tasks of Russia in the integration of Greater Eurasia. The methodological basis of the fundamental and applied research of the mission of Siberia is the synthesis of the diachronic and synchronic aspects of the civilizational approach.
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Buteiko, Anton. "How the World Discovered Ukraine: The Curious Tale." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 168–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-11.
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The article describes the breakthrough in the world’s perception of Ukraine as an independent and sovereign state a quarter of a century ago. The author remembered 1992 for its huge intensity, intensity of work and constant learning, bottomless opportunities for creativity, endlessness of completely new challenges and problems that required almost simultaneous solutions, not tomorrow or the day after, but yesterday and the day before. The author draws attention to several episodes of those days. The year 1992 began for the author in his new position as Advisor to the President of Ukraine – Head of The Presidential Service for International Affairs, and he had a unique opportunity to be at the epicentre of the formation of the foundations of Ukraine’s international policy. The abovementioned position provided an opportunity to help President Kravchuk coordinate foreign policy activities of ministries and departments, to prepare and participate in important meetings between the President and world leaders. They devoted most of the time to the problems of relations with the former Soviet republics. At first, only Ukraine insisted on the resolution of existing issues in accordance with the rules of international law. Our state made even more efforts to transform the relations between the former republics into equal relationship, which would be based on the principles of international law. Accordingly, we aimed to make the communication between the leaders of the republics look like a negotiation process on a real international forum. At that time, after the collapse of the USSR, hundreds of projects, various documents with thousands of pages required studying, and subsequently a formulation of a position after consultations with all the competent ministries and departments of Ukraine. Unlike Russians who had hundreds of specialists of the former USSR, all our work was carried out by a maximum of several dozen employees. During the first few months in 1992, the work on the coordination of materials for the President was done only by his Adviser and Secretary Typist. In the rapid kaleidoscope of the events of 1992, there were numerous memorable dramatic episodes related to Ukraine’s strategic nuclear weapons. The author is convinced that whoever of moderate people could have been in power in those days in independent Ukraine, the final result would be the same: nuclear disarmament. When employees of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Ukrainian SSR formulated a draft statement on the nuclear-weapon-free status of Ukraine just before the independence, the authors of this document could not foresee how difficult it would be to implement its provisions. In 1992, Ukraine got acquainted with the world, and the world got acquainted with Ukraine, and it happened not without curiosities. At first, it was not easy for foreign representatives to understand who is who in the hierarchy of Ukrainian politicians in the conditions of the establishment of the institution of presidency. Many important events of that memorable year are now often covered not as they were in fact, and the author seeks to give the younger generation the most complete picture of the first years of restoration of Ukrainian independence, so that they could be perceived with sympathy and understanding. This would allow to shape the future more responsibly and competently. Keywords: Ukraine, 1992, Soviet Union, nuclear weapons, Soviet Republics.
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Arslanov, Rafael A., and Elizaveta D. Trifonova. "Russian-Central Asian Relations in the Works of Modern French Researchers." RUDN Journal of Russian History 19, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 979–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2020-19-4-979-995.
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The article examines the views of modern French researchers on the relations between Russia and the post-Soviet republics of Central Asia. This allows us to identify various interpretations of Russian foreign policy, and to understand the main approaches of French scholars analyzing the goals and tasks of Russian geostrategy in the region. As the article demonstrates, French historiography, along with the objectivist view on the Central Asian vector in Russian foreign policy, also includes works of ideological nature. Special emphasis is put on French works that focus on Russian political authors who speak of Russias neo-imperialism. These studies explain the Russian policy in Central Asia through the ruling elites ambition to resurrect an empire in the post-Soviet space and to return superpower status to Russia. Of special interest is the position of authors who try to explain the Russian attitude to the Central Asian region as, on the one hand, an expression of nostalgic feelings harbored by a great part of the population about the nations former greatness, assuming that these feelings have an impact on the leaderships policies, and on the other hand, as the Russian leaderships attempt to use Russias active return to the international arena for the consolidation and self-identification of society. It is observed that some French authors speak of a New Great Game. This very popular concept considers the actions of Russia and other powers operating in the region (USA and China) as a continuation of the historical rivalry between the Russian and British empires in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Russian authors have always been interested in French historiography; this is due to the latters scientific prestige and objectivity, and in particular its application of methodologies that further develop the tradition of the Annales School. At the same time, the growing French scholarship on the issue of Russia and post-Soviet Central Asian republics has not yet been subject to close and complex consideration, which defines the novelty of the article.
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Luk’yanov, Vladimir Yu. "Post-Soviet Space in the Context of Russia–West Relations: Problems and Prospects." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 2 (April 10, 2022): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v164.
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This article analyses the problems of the рost-Soviet space as the most important factors affecting both Russia–West (US–Russia in the first place) relations and global geopolitical processes. The development of the approaches of Russia and the West to the former Soviet republics during the 1990s and 2020s is analysed. The evolution of Russia’s foreign policy in the post-Soviet space is demonstrated: from uncertainty during the 1990s to a tough, forceful defence of the country’s geopolitical interests in the region in the 2000s – 2020s. Further, key stages of Russia’s foreign policy are considered: the foundation of the Collective Security Treaty Organization and Eurasian Economic Union, the Russo-Georgian War of 2008, and the accession of Crimea to Russia in 2014. In addition, the main concepts and projects of the West are analysed here, i.e. Z. Brzeziński’s concept of geopolitical pluralism, A. Lake’s democratic enlargement, the Eastern Partnership project, and NATO’s eastward expansion. Moreover, the paper demonstrates the gradual deterioration of Russia–West relations in the post-Soviet space, the latter being transformed into a region of relentless rivalry between the two parties. The author concludes that relations between Russia and the West in the post-Soviet space have practically reached a dead end. Both Russia and the West have adopted a position of deliberate denial and condemnation of steps taken by the opposing side. In conclusion, the author attempts to forecast the development of the situation in the post-Soviet space and suggests ways to solve the existing problems.
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Luk’yanov, Vladimir Yu. "Post-Soviet Space in the Context of Russia–West Relations: Problems and Prospects." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 2 (April 10, 2022): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v164.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyses the problems of the рost-Soviet space as the most important factors affecting both Russia–West (US–Russia in the first place) relations and global geopolitical processes. The development of the approaches of Russia and the West to the former Soviet republics during the 1990s and 2020s is analysed. The evolution of Russia’s foreign policy in the post-Soviet space is demonstrated: from uncertainty during the 1990s to a tough, forceful defence of the country’s geopolitical interests in the region in the 2000s – 2020s. Further, key stages of Russia’s foreign policy are considered: the foundation of the Collective Security Treaty Organization and Eurasian Economic Union, the Russo-Georgian War of 2008, and the accession of Crimea to Russia in 2014. In addition, the main concepts and projects of the West are analysed here, i.e. Z. Brzeziński’s concept of geopolitical pluralism, A. Lake’s democratic enlargement, the Eastern Partnership project, and NATO’s eastward expansion. Moreover, the paper demonstrates the gradual deterioration of Russia–West relations in the post-Soviet space, the latter being transformed into a region of relentless rivalry between the two parties. The author concludes that relations between Russia and the West in the post-Soviet space have practically reached a dead end. Both Russia and the West have adopted a position of deliberate denial and condemnation of steps taken by the opposing side. In conclusion, the author attempts to forecast the development of the situation in the post-Soviet space and suggests ways to solve the existing problems.
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Luk’yanov, Vladimir Yu. "Post-Soviet Space in the Context of Russia–West Relations: Problems and Prospects." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 2 (April 10, 2022): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v164.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyses the problems of the рost-Soviet space as the most important factors affecting both Russia–West (US–Russia in the first place) relations and global geopolitical processes. The development of the approaches of Russia and the West to the former Soviet republics during the 1990s and 2020s is analysed. The evolution of Russia’s foreign policy in the post-Soviet space is demonstrated: from uncertainty during the 1990s to a tough, forceful defence of the country’s geopolitical interests in the region in the 2000s – 2020s. Further, key stages of Russia’s foreign policy are considered: the foundation of the Collective Security Treaty Organization and Eurasian Economic Union, the Russo-Georgian War of 2008, and the accession of Crimea to Russia in 2014. In addition, the main concepts and projects of the West are analysed here, i.e. Z. Brzeziński’s concept of geopolitical pluralism, A. Lake’s democratic enlargement, the Eastern Partnership project, and NATO’s eastward expansion. Moreover, the paper demonstrates the gradual deterioration of Russia–West relations in the post-Soviet space, the latter being transformed into a region of relentless rivalry between the two parties. The author concludes that relations between Russia and the West in the post-Soviet space have practically reached a dead end. Both Russia and the West have adopted a position of deliberate denial and condemnation of steps taken by the opposing side. In conclusion, the author attempts to forecast the development of the situation in the post-Soviet space and suggests ways to solve the existing problems.
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Иващенко, Александр Стефанович. "Russian policy towards the Georgian-Abkhaz conflict (1991 - 2008)." Вестник Адыгейского государственного университета, серия «Регионоведение», no. 2(279) (November 12, 2021): 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.53598/2410-3691-2021-2-279-36-42.
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Дезинтеграция гигантского по численности населения и территории, полиэтничного и поликонфессионального государства, каким был Советский Союз, изначально не могла пройти безболезненно и без потерь. Национальным политическим элитам бывших советских союзных республик, в целом благодаря выдержке и политической дальновидности, удалось избежать «кровавого развода» по «югославскому сценарию». Однако полностью предотвратить жёсткий конфликт интересов, переросший, к сожалению, в военные столкновения на постсоветском пространстве, не удалось. К Нагорному Карабаху, Приднестровью, Абхазии, Южной Осетии, ставшими «точками напряжения» на территории бывшего Советского Союза ещё в 90-е гг. ХХ в., во втором десятилетии ХХI столетия прибавился Донбасс. В статье предпринята попытка проанализировать мотивы и содержание политико-дипломатических действий России по отношению к развитию грузино-абхазского конфликта в постсоветский период и их последствия для Грузии и Абхазии. Автор вскрывает перипетии внутриполитической борьбы в российской политической элите в 90-е гг. ХХ в. при выработке политики Москвы по отношению к грузино-абхазскому конфликту. Затрагивается острая проблема совместимости принципа территориальной целостности полиэтничного государства с принципом права народов на самоопределение, вплоть до полного отделения. Поддержав Абхазию в конфликте с Грузией, Москва укрепила свой авторитет среди северокавказских народов, но ценой потери добрососедских отношений с Грузией. The disintegration of a large population and territory, multi-ethnic and multi-confessional state, as the Soviet Union was, could not initially go painlessly and without loss. The national political elites of the former Soviet Union republics, in general, thanks to endurance and political foresight, managed to avoid a "bloody divorce" like the "Yugoslav scenario". However, it was not possible to completely prevent a severe conflict of interest, which, unfortunately, grew into military clashes in the post-Soviet space. In the second decade of the 21st century, Donbass was added to Nagorno-Karabakh, Transnistria, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, which became "points of tension" in the territory of the former Soviet Union back in the 1990s. The paper attempts to analyze the motives and content of Russia's political and diplomatic actions in relation to the development of the Georgian-Abkhaz conflict in the post-Soviet period, and their consequences for Georgia and Abkhazia. The author reveals the vicissitudes of internal political struggle in the Russian political elite in the 1990s when developing Moscow's policy towards the Georgian-Abkhaz conflict. The publication raises the urgent problem of the compatibility of the principle of the territorial integrity of a multi-ethnic State with the principle of the right of peoples to self-determination, up to and including full secession. By supporting Abkhazia in the conflict with Georgia, Moscow strengthened its authority among the North Caucasus peoples, but at the cost of losing good-neighborly relations with Georgia.
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Shumskii, N. "Regional Economic Unions of CIS Countries." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2012): 52–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-3-52-58.
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For 20 years after the collapse of the USSR the post-Soviet countries, for the most part, turned into the independent states. So, it is not surprising that each of them has its own policy, posts and defends its own interests. The strive to preserve independence, to modernize the economy and to improve the living standards of the population remains the main driving force of interaction between the former Soviet republics within the Commonwealth of Independent States. The CIS serves as the main systemic structure in the post-Soviet space that allows the member states to harmonize their positions and, with varying degrees of effectiveness, to solve common problems. CIS provides more certainty than the regional grouping of states of the CIS. While assessing the results of different integration projects at the post-Soviet space, it can be concluded that until now Belarus and Russia fail to create a viable Union State. The Eurasian Economic Community (G5) is also far from the establishment of a customs union and an unified economic space. The fate of the Customs Union of three states (Belarus, Kazakhstan and Russia) will be defined in the upcoming years in the context of the enormous challenges of creating a common market for goods, services, capital and labor.
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Kumo, Kazuhiro, and Elena Shadrina. "On the Evolution of Hierarchical Urban Systems in Soviet Russia, 1897–1989." Sustainability 13, no. 20 (October 15, 2021): 11389. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su132011389.
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One piece of evidence of the inefficiency of the spatial economy of modern Russia presented in the seminal work of Hill and Gaddy (2004) is that Russian urban agglomerations are non-viable. This was demonstrated using Zipf’s rank-size distribution, which does not hold for Russian urban systems. Hill and Gaddy explained this through the legacy of the Soviet command-administrative planning. Having constructed an original dataset, which incorporated comprehensive historical data for all the cities in the former Soviet Union republics and tested the rank-size distributions for the respective years, the study yielded more nuanced findings. First, unlike the modern Russian hierarchical urban systems, the Soviet ones followed rank-size distribution fairly well. Second, the Soviet urban systems were evolving. In the late Imperial era and early Soviet period, they followed the Zipf’s law prediction. However, between 1939 and 1959, the rank-size distribution diverged from the predicted one. Yet again, the Soviet hierarchical urban systems revealed a trend of convergence toward the traditional rank-size distribution in the late Soviet era. A corollary to such evidence from data trajectory appears that the evolution of the Soviet hierarchical urban systems was not necessarily the ultimate product of the urban development policies of the command-administrative system. It can be thus presumed that, contrary to the established belief, command administrative urban development might be ineffectual even in centrally planned socialist economies.
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Kordun, O. "Armed Conflicts and Unrecognized “republics” as Instruments of Russia’s Influence on Post-Soviet Countries." Problems of World History, no. 16 (December 16, 2021): 54–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-16-2.
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The study is an attempt to generalize the practice of Russia’s implementation of its influence in the post-Soviet space in the context of hybrid aggression as the essence of Russia’s international policy in the region. The main focus of this aggression is directed against those countries of the former Soviet republics that have declared their clear course of European and Euro-Atlantic integration (Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova) and thus stand in the way of Russia’s imperial ambitions.
In order to implement its plans, Russia comprehensively uses a wide range of tools and methods of influence of both non-military (“soft power”) and military (“hard power”) nature. Such influence is carried out systematically, for many years and has a complex and comprehensive character in various spheres. Moreover, the methods and ways of influence, as well as their priority, are not stable and differ depending on the country of their application.
Among them, not the least place is given by Russia to the manipulation of armed conflicts, which is part of the well-established mechanism of the so called hybrid wars in order to strengthen its geopolitical influence. Supporting or using certain forces in active armed conflicts or threatening to resume the active phase of “frozen” armed conflicts can be a serious tool of foreign policy pressure and give Moscow real military-political advantages in the region.
Such conflicts have a decisive impact on the agenda of their localization countries and bring enormous damage to their economic and human potential. The “frozen” conflicts in Georgia and Moldova, as well as the still active conflict in eastern Ukraine, have become clear obstacles to the rapid progress of these countries on the path to European and Euro-Atlantic integration and create a very negative background for their democratic and economic development.
As Russia has not yet achieved its goals in the conflict zones in Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova, it is most likely that no significant positive changes in their settlement should be expected in the near future. One of the most effective mechanisms to protect Russia from expansionist encroachments for these countries may be maximum rapprochement with the EU and NATO, and in the long run – accession to these organizations. Such a step will be a kind of victory in the hybrid war with Russia. After all, it is precisely in order to prevent such an option that Russia has created and / or maintains the above-mentioned zones of instability.