Relevant bibliographies by topics / Fiscal policy – Former Soviet republics

Academic literature on the topic 'Fiscal policy – Former Soviet republics'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Fiscal policy – Former Soviet republics"

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Mahmutefendic, Tahir. "The Eu Enlargement. How to be Like the Irish and not the Greek?" ECONOMICS 7, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/eoik-2019-0021.

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Abstract Apart from the former EFTA members (Iceland, Lichtenstein, Norway and Switzerland) and a few former republics of the Soviet Union (Bjelorussia, Moldova and Ukraina) the countries of the Western Balkans are the only European states outside of the European Union. They are very keen to join the Union. The Balkans have always been the poorest part of Europe. The appeal of the wealthy European Union is apparent. Access to the largest market in the world, investment, modern technologies and generous regional funds give a hope that by joining the EU the Western Balkans countries will join the rich club. At the moment performance of the Western Balkan countries does not guarantee that they will become rich by joining the European Union. Their current production and trade structure makes it likely that the Western Balkan countries will be locked in inter-industry trade in which they will export products of low and medium technological and developmental level and import products of high technological and developmental level. This might lead to divergence rather than convergence between them and the European Union. In other to overcome this problem the Western Balkan countries need to conduct radical reforms in the public sector, fiscal policy, industrial trade and investment policy. They also need to tackle corruption, simplify administrative procedure, strenghten property rights and the lawful state. All this with the aim to change economic structure and shift from achievements of the second and third to fourth technological revolution. Only if these reforms are successfuly implemented the Western Balkan countries can hope to avoid the Greek scenario and possibly experience the Irish scenario.
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Chichinadze, B. "CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF SELF-GOVERNMENTS IN POST- SOVIET REPUBLICS." Food Industry Economics 11, no. 3 (October 16, 2019): 73–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15673/fie.v11i3.1470.

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The article analyzes the situation with local self-government in the former Soviet republics, the path that they followed after gaining independence, information has been given on the socio-economic situation in local governments. The activities and plans of the central authorities of these countries for the nearest future have also been given. The implemented effective policy should guarantee the real development of local selfgovernment of the former Soviet republics. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, one of the most acute problems in the post-socialist republics was the formation and strengthening of local self-government.The situation in the former Soviet states , from the point of view of the development of local self-government, is almost identical (except are the Baltic republics).
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Musulin, Michael. "Help the republics of the former Soviet Union." American Journal of Health-System Pharmacy 49, no. 5 (May 1, 1992): 1112–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ajhp/49.5.1112a.

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Fierman, W. "A COMPARATIVE EXAMINATION OF LANGUAGE ECOLOGY AND LANGUAGE POLICY IN POST-SOVIET CENTRAL ASIA." Al-Farabi 76, no. 4 (December 15, 2021): 114–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.48010/2021.4/1999-5911.09.

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In the late Soviet era, the domains of use of languages were largely a function of ethnic groups’ status in the Soviet administrative hierarchy. Russian was at the top; below it were the eponymous languages of the non-Russian 14 “Union Republics;” all other languages were used in relatively narrow sets of domains. The “Union Republic languages” included five in Central Asia-- Kazakh, Kyrgyz, Tajik, Turkmen, and Uzbek. These languages’ use in fewer domains than most other Union Republic languages profoundly affected their expansion into new domains after 1991. Two other factors affecting this primarily rooted in the Soviet era were the ethnic composition of the republics upon the USSR’s collapse and their populations’ language repertoires. In addition to these “Soviet heritage factors,” language policy and ecology have also been shaped by each country’s nation building project, its international orientation, the nature of its political system, and its economic resources. Russian today remains more widely used in high prestige domains in Central Asia than in all other former Soviet republics except Belarus. However, Russian is less used in a wide variety of domains in Central Asia than it is in “autonomous” units of the former RSFSR.
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Dombrowski, Peter. "Problems Facing Us Assistance for the Post-Soviet Republics." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 20, no. 1 (1993): 139–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633293x00125.

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AbstractSince 1989 American policy-makers have continually affirmed US support for the transition of the former Soviet republics from authoritarian, command economies to democratic, market economies. The United States will continue to aid the transition to protect its own political, economic and security interests. Professor Rex Wade's article offers reasonable advice for American officials faced with the difficult task of assisting this transition. Building upon his analysis, I shall elaborate on several of the most pressing problems facing American officials responsible for administering assistance programs. Three broad problems confront US policy-makers promoting markets and democratic political institutions in the former Soviet republics: 1) inadequate resources; 2) embattled foreign assistance institutions; and 3) the lack of international consensus about the goals and means for influencing the transition. Each of these issues has the potential to weaken American and international efforts to shape post-Communist society. In combination, they threaten the long-term foreign policy objectives of the United States.
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Senik-Leygonie, Claudia, Gordon Hughes, John Flemming, and Alasdair Smith. "Industrial Profitability and Trade among the Former Soviet Republics." Economic Policy 7, no. 15 (October 1992): 353. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1344546.

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Svistunova, I. "Turkey’s Humanitarian Policy towards Post-Soviet States." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 2 (2022): 125–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2022-2-125-135.

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Humanitarian policy is an important tool of Ankara’s strategy towards the post-Soviet states. A number of state institutions in Turkey contribute to the development of ties with the Turkic and Muslim peoples of the former Soviet republics. Ankara participates in international development assistance to the countries of the region and at the same time builds bilateral ties with them. Turkish policy comprises assistance programs in the fields of education and culture, which contribute to the development of the idea of the historical unity of the Turkic peoples.
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McKee, Martin, Josep Figueras, and Laurent Chenet. "Health sector reform in the former Soviet republics of Central Asia." International Journal of Health Planning and Management 13, no. 2 (April 1998): 131–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1099-1751(199804/06)13:2<131::aid-hpm506>3.0.co;2-8.

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Dunlop, John B. "Will a Large-Scale Migration of Russians to the Russian Republic Take Place over the Current Decade?" International Migration Review 27, no. 3 (September 1993): 605–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839302700306.

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Given the headlong and convulsive pace of political change occurring in the republics of the former Soviet Union, predictions concerning future developments in that area of the world must necessarily be tenuous and hedged about with caveats. The question of the likely scale of in-migration from the other former union republics into the Russian Republic over the remainder of this decade is, however, so politically charged and so important that analysts and forecasters can ill afford to ignore it. One suspects that Western policy-makers are increasingly going to have to focus their attention upon the fate of the 25.3 million ethnic Russians living in that part of the former Soviet Union now called the “Near Abroad” (blizhnee zarubezh'e).
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Bluth, Christoph. "Arms Control and Nuclear Safety: The National and International Politics of Russia's Nuclear Arsenal." Government and Opposition 30, no. 4 (October 1, 1995): 510–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1995.tb00141.x.

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RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY IS STILL IN A STATE OF FLUX. LIKE the other former republics of the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation seeks to come to terms with being an independent state needing to define its national interests and foreign and security policy objectives.The principal element in the new frame of reference for Moscow is the disintegration of the Warsaw Pact and the Soviet Union itself. For forty years, most of the territories controlled by Moscow were adjacent to territories protected by the United States, or else to China. The Russian Federation is now virtually surrounded by former Soviet republics, all with deep political, social and economic problems, and some of which are highly unstable and subject to violent civil conflicts. The territory of the Russian Federation itself, about 75 per cent of the territory of the former USSR with about 60 per cent of its population, is still not properly defined, given that significant sections of the borders are purely notional, and the degree of control that Moscow can exercise over the entire Federation is uncertain.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Fiscal policy – Former Soviet republics"

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Leitch, Duncan. "International assistance and the reform of public administration in Ukraine : fiscal decentralisation and regional policy 2000-2012." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6382/.

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The thesis examines the influence of external advice on domestic reform in a post-communist state following the dissolution of the Soviet Union. As an example of this, the research analyses the role of international assistance in the reform of public administration in Ukraine in the period 2000 to 2012, with particular reference to the relationship between the national and sub-national tiers of government. Two empirical case studies, on fiscal decentralisation and regional policy, are employed to provide an in-depth analysis of reform programmes introduced by the Government of Ukraine and an examination of the contribution of external advice to each. The thesis draws on concepts from Institutional Theory, Comparative Politics and Development Studies to explain the interaction between external donors and the domestic recipients of their advice. It is argued that international assistance to public administrative reform in Ukraine is a form of normative institutional isomorphism involving the deliberate transfer of models of state institutions from donor countries where they are regarded as good practice. The findings of the case studies indicate the narrow circumstances in which this transaction may lead to short-term progress with reform, through the establishment of a policy transfer network linking domestic and external actors. However the case studies also demonstrate that in the longer term both these attempts at reform, and the international advice which contributed to them, failed to achieve a sustained outcome. Employing the political economy analysis of development aid the thesis argues that the international community bears a large share of the responsibility for this owing to the technocratic nature of assistance programmes and their limited engagement with the political realities of reform processes.
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Pavlova, Olga. "Effects of transitional policies on labor market outcomes fifteen years after transition the case of Ukraine and Lithuania /." unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-12032006-162541/.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2006.
Title from title screen. Julie L. Hotchkiss, committee chair; Dawn M. Baunach, Erdal Tekin, Jorge L. Martinez-Vazquez, Bruce E. Kaufman, committee members. Electronic text (177 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed June 19, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 171-176).
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Linden, Corina Herron. "Power and uneven globalization : coalitions and energy trade dependence in the newly independent states of Europe /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10775.

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Cashman, Laura. "Integrating Romani communities in the Czech Republic : an analysis of policy implementation at the local level." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2007. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1525/.

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This thesis provides an analysis of the national integration strategy developed in the Czech Republic to address the social exclusion of Romani communities. Based on a careful study of policy documents and interviews with the key actors involved in implementing the integration policy in České Budĕjovice and Ostrava, this thesis identifies the main barriers which exclude Roma from the education system and the labour market and describes how national policy in the spheres of education and employment is being implemented at the local level. By discussing the integration strategy with the people responsible for its implementation, it was possible to look at the policy from a new perspective. These people are experts in dealing with the realities of social exclusion in Romani communities and are in the best position to assess the effectiveness of the different programmes which together make up the integration policy. This study reveals that Romani communities continue to suffer from discrimination and that local authorities play a vital role in ensuring that the policies designed by central government become a reality. Communication between policy makers and those responsible for implementation is crucial to ensure that the programmes that form the core of the integration strategy are implemented fully. Some programmes have been more effective in certain places because local political and economic circumstances have a great deal of influence over the likely success of the policy. Anti-Romani prejudices in wider society and the apathy of Roma who are not interested in the programmes designed to help, remain significant obstacles, but creating an inclusive society and addressing the mistrust which has developed over generations takes time and persistence. Therefore, for the integration policy to succeed, all the key agencies, policy makers and practitioners working with Romani communities must cooperate and share the same agenda.
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Barnett, Vincent. "At the margins of the market : conceptions of the market and market economics in Soviet economic theory during the new economic policy, 1921-1929." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1992. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2162/.

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The period of the New Economic Policy was a time when the Bolshevik government was forced to reconsider its attitude towards the market, as NEP involved the introduction of market elements into Soviet society. This thesis is a comparative study of eleven Soviet economic theorists from this period; Bukharin, Preobrazhenskii, Strumilin, Bazarov, Groman, Kondrat'ev, Oparin, Sokol'nikov, Yurovskii, Chayanov, and Blyumin. It asks two basic questions: how did each theorist conceive of the market, and how did they relate this conception to socialism? The primary source material used is the works of these theorists, and in many cases this material has not been previously discussed by scholars. A theoretical framework places these conceptions into a historical context. The basic result obtained is that there were many diverse conceptions of the market prevalent in this period. The bulk of the thesis investigates these various conceptions, and suggests that their theoretical roots lie in various currents of economic thought: classical, neo-classical, Marxist, and socialist. During NEP these currents were allowed to mix freely to a certain extent, although pressure to censor them began to build towards the end of the 1920s.
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Matz, Johan. "Constructing a post-Soviet international political reality Russian foreign policy towards the newly independent states, 1990-95 /." Uppsala : [Uppsala University], 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/46401841.html.

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Telfer, Elizabeth. "Iran's foreign policy in the Caspian region 1991-1997." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3155/.

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Set in the context of the evolving political tapestry of the Caspian region, encompassing the five riparian states of Azerbaijan, Iran, Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Russia, and their immediate neighbours in the South Caucasus (Armenia and Georgia) and Central Asia (Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan) this PhD presents an analysis of Iranian foreign policy in the first six years following the Soviet break-up (1991-1997), an era that overlapped with the administration of President Ali Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani (1989-1997). This thesis aims to build upon two distinct areas of current scholarship creating linkages between Tehran’s domestic and external environment between 1988 and 1991 which resulted in the comprehensive pragmatist alliance and the emergence of opportunities in the Caspian after the Cold War. The crux is that Rafsanjani’s material interests were aligned with the changing geopolitics of its northern region, inducing an Iranian policy driven by a pragmatic construction of strategic concerns.
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Prodromidou, Alexandra. "Russian foreign energy policy conduct in the oil and gas sectors : a case study of the Caspian region 1991-2008." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3151/.

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This thesis explores the continuities and change in the conduct of Russian foreign policy in the Caspian region in the period 1991-2008 with the central focus set on the inclusion of energy both as a tool and one of the main targets of Russian foreign policy during the Putin administration. More specifically it looks at the impact that the choice to establish Russia as an energy superpower based mainly on its oil and gas sectors during this period had on the conduct of Russian foreign policy in the Caspian region. The central research question is how Russian oil and gas companies are used as foreign policy tools in the conduct of Russian foreign energy policy within the current foreign energy policy framework and to what end. The argument of this thesis is based on the hypothesis that the Russian state uses its oil and gas companies in order to infiltrate the Central Asian energy markets and assert its economic hegemony in the region through a web of legal and contractual monopolies aiming at maintaining Russia’s economic hegemony in the Caspian and contributing to one of Russia’s main energy policy priority of becoming an influential player in the global energy markets.
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Belyi, Andrei. "La dimension énergétique de la Sécurité pan-européenne et son impact sur la politique extérieure de l'Union européenne." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211092.

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TODOR, Arpad. "Revolutionary roads : diffusion of neoliberal tax policies in the 10 post-communist new EU member states." Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/29631.

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Defence date: 21 November 2013
Examining Board: Professor László Bruszt, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Sven Steinmo, EUI (Co-Supervisor); Professor Dorothee Bohle, Central European University; Professor Duane Swank, Marquette University.
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This is an explorative study on the underlying causes and mechanisms of the diffusion of neoliberal tax policies in the 10 post-communist EU NMS (New Member States) during the period from 1992 to 2010, a process partially coined as The Flat Tax Revolution. In 1993, Estonia became the first post-communist country to introduce a Flat Tax regime, and its neighbors, Lithuania (1994) and Latvia (1996), soon followed suit while in 1995 Hungary reduced its CIT (Corporate Income Tax) rate to 20%, the most competitive rate in the region. Between 1999 and 2003, most of the 10 NMS countries enacted significant CIT cuts and by 2010, 9 out of the 10 NMS introduced some form of Flat Tax regime, and CIT rates were significantly cut, making the region one of the most tax-competitive in the world. I aim to explain variation within two different independent variables, the most important direct taxes in almost any tax system in the world: CIT and PIT. The variation of the independent variables and the presence of various explanatory factors are assessed qualitatively by analyzing thirty policy reform processes within the ten countries and quantitatively by analyzing various statistical data regarding the evolution of different indicators. The explanatory power of seven theretical approaches is tested: the (1) external pressure, (2) competitive, (3) institutionalist competitive, (4) rational learning, (5) cognitive heuristics, and (6) emulation approaches to the process of policy diffusion, as well as Kingdon’s (1984) (7) Multiple Streams Model. I argue that Kingdon’s MSM represents an adequate model to analyze policy change as a diffusion phenomenon and allows me to offer a more complex, less parsimonious but more realistic account of the causal factors that account for the observed changes. This interpretation within the MSM stresses the relevance of different configurations of causal elements determining change in each of 10 NMS.
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Books on the topic "Fiscal policy – Former Soviet republics"

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Innovative fiscal policy and economic development in transition economies. New York: Routledge, 2010.

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1960-, Voskresenskiĭ A. D., ed. Post-Soviet policy perspectives. Commack, N.Y: Nova Science Publishers, 1997.

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R, Pryde Philip, ed. Environmental resources and constraints in the former Soviet Republics. Boulder: Westview Press, 1995.

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Robert, Lester, and Elasky Dan, eds. The Soviet Union and republics of the former U.S.S.R. Bethesda, MD: UPA collection from LexisNexis, 2005.

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Mnatsakanian, Ruben A. Environmental legacy of the former Soviet republics, as collated from official statistics. Edinburgh: Centre for Human Ecology, Institute for Ecology & Resource Management, University of Edinburgh, 1992.

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National Planning Association. Board of Trustees. A new economic initiative for the former Soviet Republics: A policy statement. Washington, D.C: The Association, 1992.

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Canada. Parliament. House of Commons. Standing Committee on External Affairs and International Trade. Strategic choices: Canadian policy toward the new republics of the former Soviet Union. [Ottawa]: The Committee, 1992.

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Julian, Agyeman, and Ogneva-Himmelberger Yelena, eds. Environmental justice and sustainability in the former Soviet Union. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2009.

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1947-, Wright Sue, ed. Language policy and language issues in the successor states of the former USSR. Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters, 2000.

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Gur, Ofer, and Pomfret Richard W. T, eds. The economic prospects of the CIS: Sources of long term growth. Cheltenham, UK ; Northhampton, MA: Edward Elgar Pub., 2004.

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Book chapters on the topic "Fiscal policy – Former Soviet republics"

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Värnik, Airi, Peeter Värnik, and Alexander Mokhovikov. "Suicide during transition in the former Soviet Republics." In Oxford Textbook of Suicidology and Suicide Prevention, edited by Danuta Wasserman and Camilla Wasserman, 199–208. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/med/9780198834441.003.0024.

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Social, political, and economic changes in the countries of the former Soviet Union present a model for investigation of the impact of environment on suicide mortality during times of transition. Throughout the period of perestroika (1985–1990), when social changes were rapid, a significant decrease of suicide mortality was observed in all 15 republics of the USSR. One factor that contributed to the decrease was the antialcohol policy implemented in 1985 and suspended by 1989. Times of spiritual liberation, the aspiration of democracy, social optimism, and hopes for higher living standards could also have attributed to the suicide decrease. During 1990–1994, after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the suicide rates in post-Soviet countries increased, with the exception of prevailingly Muslim Central Asiatic, and the Caucasus countries. The transitional period called for high adaptation capacity and the necessity of developing suicide prevention programmes to increase social support and re-education measures.
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"Towards “Greening” of Energy and Mining Sectors in Former Soviet Republics." In The Law and Policy of New Eurasian Regionalization, 456–92. Brill | Nijhoff, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004447875_024.

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Kakhishvili, Levan, and Alexander Kupatadze. "End of the Post-Soviet Era in Georgia’s Foreign Policy?: Georgia’s Relations with Former Soviet Republics." In Georgia’s Foreign Policy in The 21st Century. I.B. Tauris, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755645350.ch-6.

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Allen, David. "12 EPC/CFSP, the Soviet Union, and the Former Soviet Republics: Do the Twelve Have a Coherent Policy?" In Foreign Policy of the European Union, 219–36. Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781685856137-014.

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Graney, Katherine. "The Caucasus States." In Russia, the Former Soviet Republics, and Europe Since 1989, 264–316. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190055080.003.0009.

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This chapter examines the Caucasus states of Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. It first discusses the Caucasus as a unique region within the Russian and Soviet empires, seen as those entities’ “own Orient,” and the place where the border into the “non-Christian” world is breached. Georgia’s strong desire for Europeanization is contrasted with Armenia’s more moderate pursuit, despite the two sharing similar levels of “intrinsic” Europeanization. Georgia’s peculiarly Euro-oriented elite, and Armenia’s historical and contemporary reliance on Russia as a protector of its survival and sovereignty, are invoked to explain this difference. Azerbaijan, a resource-rich state with the unique claim to be “the first democracy in the Muslim World,” has combined a nonaligned political and security policy with a strong effort to be identified as part of the European cultural-civilizational sphere.
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Graney, Katherine. "The Central Asian States." In Russia, the Former Soviet Republics, and Europe Since 1989, 317–74. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190055080.003.0010.

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This chapter argues that with the partial exception of Kazakhstan, by mutual agreement, both European gatekeepers and actors in the Central Asian republics of the former Soviet Union have decided that these states are not in any meaningful way part of Europe, and that no aspect of Europeanization (political, security, or cultural-civilizational) is appropriate for them. Kazakhstan has made some effort to position itself as a “truly Eurasian” state that is a bridge between Europe and Asia but is firmly tied to Russia’s Euro-alternative institutions. None of the other Central Asian states has shown any interest in identifying as European in any way. The chapter explores the various forms of political authoritarianism, security strategy, and national identity that the five Central Asian states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan) have pursued instead of a policy of Europeanization. In the absence of a real European presence, Russia’s and China’s roles and ambitions in the region are also discussed.
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Stoner, Kathryn E. "Where Does Russia Matter?" In Russia Resurrected, 31–68. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190860714.003.0002.

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This chapter surveys how and in what policy areas Russia under Vladimir Putin exercises influence over the politics, economies, and societies of other post-Soviet states. It explicitly compares Russian power resources in each of the fourteen other former Soviet republics, and surveys the ways in which his autocratic regime has employed its varied power resources to change policies in the near abroad. It concludes that Russian influence has been used differently in the more Western-leaning, liberalized former republics, like Ukraine, Georgia, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, and Moldova, as opposed to the autocracies of Central Asia, and Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Belarus.
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Can, Muhammed. "Is NATO Brain Dead?" In NATO and the Future of European and Asian Security, 16–32. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-7118-7.ch002.

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Turkey has always been a strategic member of NATO, not just because of its military prowess as a regional power but also because of its geostrategic location. However, President Erdogan's assertive foreign policy decisions predominantly in conflicts in Libya and the East Mediterranean Sea laid bare vulnerabilities among the NATO members. Moreover, President Emmanuel Macron's warnings regarding the decreasing role of NATO intensified controversies between Turkey and allied members. This chapter seeks to find answers with regard to underlying domestic factors of Turkish foreign policy. It conceptualizes the term ‘patronal politics' in the context of Turkish politics that have prevailed in former Soviet Republics for decades.
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Conference papers on the topic "Fiscal policy – Former Soviet republics"

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Ergül, Osman. "Regionalism in Russian Foreign Policy and Russian Integration Strategy through Eurasian Economic Community." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00560.

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This paper aims to analyze how Russia could develop different regional models of economic cooperation in order to integrate better into the world economy. Russia’s new strategy especially after the establishment of the EurAsEC and its perception of regionalism, especially in the context of EurAsEC, is an important issue. This is valid not only for the specific analysis of the current concept of regionalism; but also for identifying the key variables of both the new international order and the changing character of new inter-state relations. With in this context, Russian foreign policies toward former Soviet republics in the areas of economy and energy have significant effects on the formation of a new world order. This article therefore aims at studying the attempts of the integration process within the EurAsEC that can be defined as a unique example combining both the process of old regionalism with the new one. Thus, EurAsEC is also worth analyzing not only for drawing inspiration from the EU; but also for being the only example declaring its ambition in its founding treaty of customs union to become a supranational integration process in the post-Soviet area.
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