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1

Batagelj, Leon. "Competition policy in countries of Central and Eastern Europe : competition in Europe or competition for Europe." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=81242.

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Competition policy is an important tool for assurance of the efficient allocation of resources in functioning market economies. Applicability of modern competition policy to situations in former planned economies, however, raises doubts because of fundamentally different states of competition in such markets. This study analyses development of competition policy in Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic. Particular attention is given to the influence of the EU competition policy in the framework of negotiations for final membership in the EU.
This study proposes reassessment of the competition policy of the three countries in order to better tackle the economic complexities of transition to fully functioning market economies. Harmonization of competition policy of the three candidate countries for EU membership with competition policy of the EU assumes appropriateness of EU competition policy for transition situations. Contrary to this assumption, the thesis argues that competition policy in transition should be tailored closely to the needs of transition. Since harmonization of competition law is only an instrument to evaluate whether a candidate country has a functioning market economy that can be integrated in the EU Internal Market, competition policy aimed at better promoting competition should be welcomed.
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2

Ellis, Joseph Michael. "Flat Tax Revolution?: Policy Change and Policy Diffusion in Eastern Europe." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2010. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/94739.

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Political Science
Ph.D.
Why have Eastern European states adopted flat tax policies? That is what this dissertation answers. This is a curious development given that flat tax policies were noticeably absent from the landscape of most of the world, including Eastern Europe. Fives cases of adoption are examined, including Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Slovakia and the Czech Republic. I argue that two simultaneous processes occur in Eastern Europe that makes adoption viable. First, at the domestic level, the idea of the flat tax is held in esteem by a number of actors, specifically: elite carriers, tax and financial ministers, think tanks and right-wing political parties. They champion this idea to its adoption, or at the least, introduce the flat tax into the policy-making apparatus. Second, at the international level, policy diffusion of the flat tax is taking place. In other words, the experience of previous adopters impacts the decisions of future adopters. Examining both cognitive heuristics theory and rational learning I argue that there are "varieties of diffusion" during the diffusion of the flat tax. Additionally, though this dissertation concerns itself primarily with adoption, I also investigate two cases of non-adoption in Poland and Hungary. What is argued is "diffusion without adoption" occurs. The idea of the flat tax diffused, but the adoption was not politically, ideologically, and economically feasible.
Temple University--Theses
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3

Albuquerque, Bruno Alexandre Ferreira. "Fiscal institutions and public spending volatility in Europe." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/1947.

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Mestrado em Economia Monetária e Financeira
This work provides empirical evidence for a sizeable, statistically significant neg¬ative impact of the quality of fiscal institutions on public spending volatility for a panel of 25 EU countries in the 1980-2007 period. Following Fatas and Mihov (2003), the dependent variable is the volatility of discretionary fiscal policy, which does not represent reactions to changes in economic conditions and which may only reflect exogenous political preferences. Our baseline results thus give support to the strengthening of institutions to deal with excessive levels of discretion volatility. This relationship is based mainly on the fact that countries with more checks and balances make it more difficult for governments to change fiscal policy for reasons un¬related to the current state of the economy. Our results also confirm the findings of Furceri and Poplawski (2008) that bigger countries have less public spending volatil¬ity, while the stabilising function that bigger governments exert also contributes to lower policy volatility. In contrast to previous studies, the political factors do not seem to play a role, with the exception of the Herfindahl index, which suggests that high concentration of parliamentary seats in a few parties would increase public spending volatility. In addition, the run-up to EMU and the SGP dummies have the expected negative sign on policy volatility, while for the new EU members, the results also give some support to reduced levels of policy volatility, reflecting recent improvements in public finances.
Este trabalho documenta empiricamente a existência de um impacto negativo, de magnitude considerável e, estatisticamente significativo da qualidade das instituições orçamentais sobre a volatilidade da despesa pública para um painel de 25 países da UE no período 1980-2007. Seguindo Fatás e Mihov (2003), a variável dependente e a volatilidade da política orçamental discricionária, que não representa reacções a mudanças nas condições económicas e que pode apenas reflectir preferências políticas exógenas. Os resultados de base fornecem então, suporte para o fortalecimento das instituições de modo a lidar com níveis excessivos de volatilidade da política discricionária. Esta relação é baseada sobretudo no facto de que em países com melhores instituições é mais difícil aos governos alterarem a política orçamental por razoes não relacionadas com o estado actual da economia. Os nossos resulta¬dos também confirmam os alcançados por Furceri e Poplawski (2008) de que países maiores tem menor volatilidade da despesa publica, enquanto que a função de estabilização exercida por governos maiores também contribui para reduzir a volatilidade da política. Em contraste com estudos anteriores, os factores políticos não parecem ser importantes, com excepção do índice de Herfindahl, que sugere que elevada concentração de assentos parlamentares em poucos partidos iria aumentar a volatilidade da despesa pública. Adicionalmente, as dummies para a UEM e para o PEC tem o sinal negativo esperado, enquanto que para os novos membros da UE, os resultados também fornecem algum suporte para níveis reduzidos de volatilidade da política, reflectindo melhorias recentes nas finanças públicas.
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4

Marian, Svetlana. "Russia's Foreign Policy in Eastern Europe: The Moldovan Question." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/79750.

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This thesis provides an empirical contribution to the existing literature regarding Russian foreign policy and its application in Russia's near abroad. The primary case study is Russian foreign policy instruments applied to the Eastern European country of Moldova. This thesis directly cites the Russian National Security Concept (RNSC) documents from 2000 and 2016 as the foundation for analysis of Russian foreign policy actions applied to both Eastern Europe and Moldova. A summation of the type of instruments used within Moldova, either "soft power" or "hard power" resources, citing specific examples of each, is included. The result of this thesis is a foundation for future research of Russian foreign policy based on Russian foreign policy documents, as it pertains to the former republics of the Soviet Union.
Master of Arts
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5

Ali, Mobarak. "Eastern Europe foreign policy convergence with Western Europe on the Middle East, 1990-1992." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390195.

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6

Dmitrijeva, Jekaterina. "Unemployment and labour market policy in Central and Eastern Europe." Thesis, Evry-Val d'Essonne, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008EVRY0002/document.

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Transition vers l’économie de marché et accession a l’Union Européenne ont profondément modifié la structure et le fonctionnement des économies d’Europe Centrale et de l’Est. Cette thèse propose une analyse des évolutions observées sur les marchés du travail régionaux et nationaux des nouveaux pays membres de l’Union Européenne ainsi qu’une évaluation des politiques publiques mises en œuvre dans ce contexte de transition économique. L’analyse du processus d’appariement entre travailleurs et employeurs révèle l’importance de la demande de travail dans la création de nouvelles embauches en Lettonie, Slovénie et Estonie et souligne la nécessité d’intégrer flux (chômeurs et emplois vacants) et effets spatiaux dans la modélisation. L’efficacité des politiques publiques est attestée au niveau macro et microéconomiques et démontre l’influence positive des programmes de formation sur les taux de sortie du chômage et l’employabilité des participants
During the transition to market economy and the accession to the EU Central and Eastern European countries have witnessed remarkable changes in the structure and functioning of national economies. This thesis aims to assess the development of aggregate and regional labour markets in new EU member states through this eventful period and to investigate the role of active labour market policy in moderating the consequences of transitional shock and improving the performance of the labour market. The analysis of the process of worker-firm matching in Latvia, Slovenia and Estonia reveals that in transition - EU accession context the hiring process is labour demand driven and displays the existence of stock-flow patterns and spatial spillovers. The effects of ALMP programs are confirmed to be positive at both macroeconomic and individual levels: involvement of unemployed in training increases aggregate outflows from unemployment to jobs and increases individual employability of participants
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7

Dmitrijeva, Jekaterina Laurent Thierry. "Unemployment and labour market policy in Central and Eastern Europe." S. l. : Evry-Val d'Essonne, 2008. http://www.biblio.univ-evry.fr/theses/2008/2008EVRY0002.pdf.

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8

Kozovska, Kornelia <1981&gt. "Business Clusters in Eastern Europe: Policy Analysis and Cluster Performance." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/1611/2/Tesi_Kornelia_Kozovska.pdf.

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Clusters have increasingly become an essential part of policy discourses at all levels, EU, national, regional, dealing with regional development, competitiveness, innovation, entrepreneurship, SMEs. These impressive efforts in promoting the concept of clusters on the policy-making arena have been accompanied by much less academic and scientific research work investigating the actual economic performance of firms in clusters, the design and execution of cluster policies and going beyond singular case studies to a more methodologically integrated and comparative approach to the study of clusters and their real-world impact. The theoretical background is far from being consolidated and there is a variety of methodologies and approaches for studying and interpreting this phenomenon while at the same time little comparability among studies on actual cluster performances. The conceptual framework of clustering suggests that they affect performance but theory makes little prediction as to the ultimate distribution of the value being created by clusters. This thesis takes the case of Eastern European countries for two reasons. One is that clusters, as coopetitive environments, are a new phenomenon as the previous centrally-based system did not allow for such types of firm organizations. The other is that, as new EU member states, they have been subject to the increased popularization of the cluster policy approach by the European Commission, especially in the framework of the National Reform Programmes related to the Lisbon objectives. The originality of the work lays in the fact that starting from an overview of theoretical contributions on clustering, it offers a comparative empirical study of clusters in transition countries. There have been very few examples in the literature that attempt to examine cluster performance in a comparative cross-country perspective. It adds to this an analysis of cluster policies and their implementation or lack of such as a way to analyse the way the cluster concept has been introduced to transition economies. Our findings show that the implementation of cluster policies does vary across countries with some countries which have embraced it more than others. The specific modes of implementation, however, are very similar, based mostly on soft measures such as funding for cluster initiatives, usually directed towards the creation of cluster management structures or cluster facilitators. They are essentially founded on a common assumption that the added values of clusters is in the creation of linkages among firms, human capital, skills and knowledge at the local level, most often perceived as the regional level. Often times geographical proximity is not a necessary element in the application process and cluster application are very similar to network membership. Cluster mapping is rarely a factor in the selection of cluster initiatives for funding and the relative question about critical mass and expected outcomes is not considered. In fact, monitoring and evaluation are not elements of the cluster policy cycle which have received a lot of attention. Bulgaria and the Czech Republic are the countries which have implemented cluster policies most decisively, Hungary and Poland have made significant efforts, while Slovakia and Romania have only sporadically and not systematically used cluster initiatives. When examining whether, in fact, firms located within regional clusters perform better and are more efficient than similar firms outside clusters, we do find positive results across countries and across sectors. The only country with negative impact from being located in a cluster is the Czech Republic.
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9

Kozovska, Kornelia <1981&gt. "Business Clusters in Eastern Europe: Policy Analysis and Cluster Performance." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/1611/.

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Clusters have increasingly become an essential part of policy discourses at all levels, EU, national, regional, dealing with regional development, competitiveness, innovation, entrepreneurship, SMEs. These impressive efforts in promoting the concept of clusters on the policy-making arena have been accompanied by much less academic and scientific research work investigating the actual economic performance of firms in clusters, the design and execution of cluster policies and going beyond singular case studies to a more methodologically integrated and comparative approach to the study of clusters and their real-world impact. The theoretical background is far from being consolidated and there is a variety of methodologies and approaches for studying and interpreting this phenomenon while at the same time little comparability among studies on actual cluster performances. The conceptual framework of clustering suggests that they affect performance but theory makes little prediction as to the ultimate distribution of the value being created by clusters. This thesis takes the case of Eastern European countries for two reasons. One is that clusters, as coopetitive environments, are a new phenomenon as the previous centrally-based system did not allow for such types of firm organizations. The other is that, as new EU member states, they have been subject to the increased popularization of the cluster policy approach by the European Commission, especially in the framework of the National Reform Programmes related to the Lisbon objectives. The originality of the work lays in the fact that starting from an overview of theoretical contributions on clustering, it offers a comparative empirical study of clusters in transition countries. There have been very few examples in the literature that attempt to examine cluster performance in a comparative cross-country perspective. It adds to this an analysis of cluster policies and their implementation or lack of such as a way to analyse the way the cluster concept has been introduced to transition economies. Our findings show that the implementation of cluster policies does vary across countries with some countries which have embraced it more than others. The specific modes of implementation, however, are very similar, based mostly on soft measures such as funding for cluster initiatives, usually directed towards the creation of cluster management structures or cluster facilitators. They are essentially founded on a common assumption that the added values of clusters is in the creation of linkages among firms, human capital, skills and knowledge at the local level, most often perceived as the regional level. Often times geographical proximity is not a necessary element in the application process and cluster application are very similar to network membership. Cluster mapping is rarely a factor in the selection of cluster initiatives for funding and the relative question about critical mass and expected outcomes is not considered. In fact, monitoring and evaluation are not elements of the cluster policy cycle which have received a lot of attention. Bulgaria and the Czech Republic are the countries which have implemented cluster policies most decisively, Hungary and Poland have made significant efforts, while Slovakia and Romania have only sporadically and not systematically used cluster initiatives. When examining whether, in fact, firms located within regional clusters perform better and are more efficient than similar firms outside clusters, we do find positive results across countries and across sectors. The only country with negative impact from being located in a cluster is the Czech Republic.
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10

Catenaro, Marco. "Macroeconomics policy interactions in the European Monetary Union." Thesis, University of Surrey, 2000. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/804936/.

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11

Leach, Matthew Adrian. "Energy sector strategies in Eastern Europe : modelling technological change and policy options." Thesis, Imperial College London, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362434.

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12

Careja, Romana. "Policy coherence and economic reforms in Central and Eastern Europe the great transformation." Hamburg Kovač, 2009. http://d-nb.info/1000907651/04.

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13

Careja, Romana. "Policy Coherence and Economic Reforms in Central and Eastern Europe : The Great Transformation /." Hamburg : Kovac, J, 2010. http://www.verlagdrkovac.de/978-3-8300-5054-4.htm.

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14

Rankin, Colleen A. "International Agendas Confront Domestic Interests: EU Enlargement, Russian Foreign Policy, and Eastern Europe." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1337888570.

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15

Radin, Dagmar. "Too Ill to Find the Cure? - Health Care Sector Success in the New Democracies of Central and Eastern Europe." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5348/.

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This study examines the factors that have contributed to the success of some Central and Eastern European countries to improve their health care sector in the post communist period, while leaving others to its demise. While most literature has been focused on the political and economic transition of Eastern Europe, very little research has been done about the welfare aspects of the transition process, especially the health care sector. While the focus on political consequences and main macroeconomic reforms has shed light on many important processes, the lack of research of health care issues has lead to consequences on our ability to understand its impact on the future of the new democracies and their sustainability. This model looks at the impact of international (World Bank) and domestic institutions, corruption and public support and how they affect the ability of some countries to improve and reform their health care sector in the post-transition period.
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16

Kaarlejärvi, Jani. "Fiscal policy without a state in EMU? : Germany, the stability and growth pact and policy coordination /." Basingstoke [u.a.] : Palgrave Macmillan, 2007. http://swbplus.bsz-bw.de/bsz26738274xinh.pdf.

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17

Kozlova, Alexandra. "Family support for meeting the needs of families with children in Eastern Europe (Lithuania, Moldova, Russia and Ukraine)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669818.

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18

Sobotka, Tomas. "Fertility and Family Policies in Central and Eastern Europe after 1990." Federal Institute for Population Research, 2016. http://epub.wu.ac.at/5946/1/Sobotka_etal_2016__CPS_Fertility%2Dand%2DFamily%2DPolicies.pdf.

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This paper examines fertility and family policies in 15 Central and East European (CEE) countries to establish firstly, likely directions of cohort fertility trends for the coming decade; and secondly, to provide an overview and analysis of family policies in CEE countries, and to assess their impact on cohort fertility trends. Demographic analysis suggests that the cohort fertility decline of the 1960s cohorts is likely to continue at least among the 1970s birth cohorts; stagnation cannot be ruled out. Births that were postponed by women born in the 1970s were not being replaced in sufficient numbers for cohort fertility to increase in the foreseeable future, and shares of low parity women (childless and one child) were larger than shares of high parity women among the late 1960s cohorts than in older cohorts. Also, childbearing postponement which started in the 1990s is reflected in dramatic changes of childbearing age patterns. As period fertility rates have been increasing in the late 2000s throughout the region an impression of a fertility recovery has been created, however the findings of this project indicate that no such widespread childbearing recovery is underway. For the first time ever an overview and analysis of CEE family policies is conceptualized in this paper. It demonstrates that fertility trends and family policies are a matter of serious concern throughout the region. The following family policy types have been identified: comprehensive family policy model; pro-natalist policies model; temporary male bread-winner model; and conventional family policies model. The majority of family policies in CEE countries suffer from a variety of shortcomings that impede them from generating enhanced family welfare and from providing conditions for cohort fertility to increase. The likely further decline of cohort fertility, or its stagnation, may entail long-term demographic as well as other societal consequences, such as continuous declines in total population numbers, changes in age structures, as well as implications for health and social security costs.
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19

Wielopolska, Anna. "Causes and consequences of ambivalence in Germany's policy towards the Eastern enlargement of the European Union." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/646/.

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Germany’s support for the Eastern enlargement of the European Union was a key factor in the successful completion of this idea in 2004. Germany’s policy towards the enlargement was, however, ambivalent and for this reason perceived as controversial. This thesis examines and explains the reasons of this paradox. German policy makers endorsed the idea of the Eastern enlargement of the EU for the reasons deriving from the national identity, based on a history-related narrative, and from the fact of the successful unification of Germany. As Chancellor Helmut Kohl captured it — the unification of Germany and the unification of Europe were two sides of the same coin. Eastern enlargement was, however, a novel idea and was changing the existing European order and concepts of the European integration. It faced therefore powerful constraints both in the shape of still existing, though declining, Cold War structural grip, as well as of the conflicting with the enlargement interests of other member state of the EU and domestic economic preferences and interests. It caught German policy makers between powerful and mutually conflicting challenges and faced them with a need to choose strategic priorities for the foreign policy. The choice was continuity of multilateralism, the principle of the foreign policy of the West Germany. This choice turned the enlargement policy into one of the premises of the grand strategy of the German Europapolitik. Examining the ambivalence in the enlargement policy allows not only to explain its causes but also to observe a process of changing the concept of the European integration. This doctoral thesis is a result of the research conducted at the London School of Economics and Political Science under the supervision of Prof. William Wallace and Dr. Ulrich Sedelmeier.
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Hajek, Richard P. "Roma in Eastern Europe : ethnic policy and security in the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Romania." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1998. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA359926.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1998.
"December 1998." Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-75). Also available online.
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21

Plocek, Tomáš. "The Sustainability of Government Deficits: Old Vs. New Europe." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-71779.

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This work analyses fiscal sustainability and position of old and new members of EU and offers some fiscal policy implications to deal with debt reduction in the aftermath of the current fiscal crisis in the EU. Fiscal policy of Old European countries is different from fiscal policy of the new members. Due to different historical development New European members have lower debt and lower GDP per capita. Many policymakers in New Europe tried to increase GDP of their countries by generating government deficits. On the other hand Old European countries are already having large debts and current fiscal crisis is one result of this fact. The recent fiscal crisis in Europe raised the question what is sustainable fiscal policy and how to achieve it. Sustainability of the policy can be divided into three groups: short term, medium term, and long term. In short term, fiscal policy is sustainable, when government is able to issue and sell government bonds. Otherwise it defaults. In medium term, fiscal policy is sustainable when debt to GDP ratio is constant or decreasing. Situation in long term is very similar to situation in medium term. The difference is in time. Long term fiscal policy is sustainable if debt to GDP ratio converges to some finite number. All the definitions are problematic and problem arises basically from fact that variables that are part of the definitions are volatile. Fiscal policy that might seem to be sustainable in times of economic expansion may become unsustainable even in short time. Exactly this thing happened in Ireland. Ireland shows another problem of sustainability definitions. The problem is that private debt can increase public debt and even threaten its sustainability. Many countries were saving their financial sector which was very expensive and this practice is increased the debt in those countries very fast. Probably the most important indicator of fiscal sustainability is interest rate on government bonds. Reason is that price of the bonds is based on different risks that are in the assets. Countries with sustainable fiscal policy are paying lower interests than countries with unsustainable. This is reason why we tried to explain variation of interest rate on 10 years government bonds by empirical models. Two models were based on fixed effects panel data estimations and one model was based on ordinary least squares model. The panel data model showed that there was and still is huge difference between Old European and New European countries. Old Europe was viewed by markets as one segment which is relatively risk free. This lead to situation, that most important factor driving interest rates in Old Europe is the risk free rate on the German bonds. On the other hand, interest rates in New European countries are influenced by many more indicators. Most important indicator in New Europe is GDP growth and sustainability of foreign exchange reserves. Based on results of the model we came to conclusion that there is high chance that markets will start to differ among Old European countries and this could lead to increase of interest rates in some Old EU members, a conclusion which is to some degree being verified by the increased spreads between German government bonds on one hand, and Italian and Spanish bonds on the other hand in the first few weeks of August 2011. Our conclusions also suggest that the position of New Europe may stand similar in current situation. If it is true policymakers may try to adapt policy of New European countries to increase its sustainability and improve the key variables. The conclusions from this work bring several policy recommendations for improving the fiscal sustainability in Europe. First and probably the most important recommendation to fiscal policy is that policymakers should not underestimate the indicators of fiscal sustainability, which was a common practice in recent history. Countries with high GDP growth were generating large deficits and debt to GDP ratio was constant. Problem is that in recession indicators that were influencing interest rate changed and fiscal policy become unsustainable in many cases. Conclusion for fiscal policy is that policymakers should run responsible fiscal policy in good times to avoid troubles in bad times. Governments should also understand full price of deficits, because increased deficits also increase interest rate that governments have to pay on existing debt.
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Streif, Frank [Verfasser], and Christoph [Akademischer Betreuer] Spengel. "Fiscal Policy in Europe: Taxation, Debt and Direct Democracy with Multiple Jurisdictions / Frank Streif ; Betreuer: Christoph Spengel." Mannheim : Universitätsbibliothek Mannheim, 2016. http://d-nb.info/1122019521/34.

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Sedelmeier, Ulrich. "The European Union's association policy towards the countries of Central and Eastern Europe : collective EU identity and policy paradigms in a composite policy." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.263913.

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24

Tong, Wei. "Poland's influence in the European Union, a perspective of the Eastern partnership." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555598.

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25

Peters, Deike. "Planning for a sustainable Europe? EU transport infrastructure investment policy in the context of eastern enlargement." Berlin Univ.-Verl. der TU, 2003. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2875656&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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26

Kuo, Mercy A. "Contending with contradictions : PRC policy towards Soviet Eastern Europe with special reference to Poland, 1953-1960." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:adcaceb7-b402-4df5-9d2c-2935424f0e89.

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This doctoral thesis examines the objectives, consequences, and significance of the People's Republic of China's (PRC) policy towards Soviet Eastern Europe with special reference to Poland from 1953 to 1960. The most significant finding of this thesis is the confirmation of the close collaboration between the Chinese and Poles in the events surrounding the Polish October in 1956. This study argues that the Chinese Communist leadership played a decisive role in preventing Soviet military action in Warsaw during those few critical days in October, 1956. In successfully defusing the tension between Moscow and Warsaw, the Chinese reached a parity of prestige in which the PRC could duly consider itself equal with the Soviet Union. With the restoration of its "rightful" place in the postwar world order as the ultimate aim of the Chinese revolution, the PRC forged relations with the Soviet bloc holding the view that equality with the Soviet Union was a crucial prerequisite in recovering its global position. The PRC's Soviet East Europe policy, namely in its relations with Poland, paved the PRC's road toward reaching equality with the Soviet Union, but at the same time exposed the contradictory nature of bloc unity, the weak foundations of Soviet authority, and the deepseated belief of the Chinese leadership in the PRC's sovereign position as the centre of the world Communist revolution. Thus, contending contradictions in intra-party relations between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the Polish United Workers' Party (PUWP), and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) formed the crux of the intra-bloc imbroglio which threatened Soviet authority in the bloc and led to the Sino-Soviet split in 1960.
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Denca, Sorin Stefan. "European integration and foreign policy in Central and Eastern Europe : the cases of Hungary, Slovakia and Romania." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1462/.

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This thesis examines the impact of Europeanization on the foreign policy of the new member states of the European Union, using as case studies Hungary, Slovakia and Romania. It asks what the extent of Europeanization of foreign policy is and whether and to what extent there has been divergence in the way in which the new member states have responded to the similar constraints and opportunities of the European integration. Insofar as divergence can be identified, a third research question asks why there is policy divergence. It argues that the governmental politics and the politics of national identity play a key role as mediating factors for the Europeanization of the system of policy making, the process of elite socialization and the conduct of foreign policy itself. Three critical international events are used as sub-case studies in order to assess the extent of Europeanization of foreign policy of the CEE counties: the US-led war in Iraq in 2003, the NATO airstrikes against Yugoslavia in 1999 and the Kosovo declaration of independence in 2008. The study’s findings suggest that the pressures of Europeanization leads to convergence in some policy areas, but domestic factors such as governmental and national identity politics offer a more convincing explanation of divergence. Overall, Europeanization is uneven not only across issue-areas, but also across countries. The limits of convergence as an outcome of Europeanization and the persistence of diversity are therefore best accounted for by the diversity of domestic factors.
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28

Smith, Karen Elizabeth. "The making of foreign policy in the European Community/Union : the case of Eastern Europe, 1988-1995." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.336565.

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This thesis will argue that since the late 198DB, the Community/Union has formulated and implemented an active, consistent, common policy towards Eastern Europe. The policy's principal aim has been to support the economic and political transformation in the former communist countries. As circumstances have changed in Eastern Europe, the Community/Union has used different policy instruments to try to fulfill that aim. By 1995, the EU had agreed to enlarge itself to include the East European countries, had approved an innovative and unprecedented pre-access ion strategy to facilitate enlargement, and had launched the Pact on Stability in Europe to prevent conflicts among the potential new members. The question at the heart of the thesis is why the EU member states agreed to a joint policy towards Eastern Europe. Several theories of cooperation will be evaluated in terms of their usefulness in explaining this particular case of cooperation. Explanations derived from International Relations theory generally offer inadequate explanations of cooperation within the sui aeneris EU. Rationalist theories cannot explain the member states' continual compromising, or the sense of collective interest and identity, made manifest in the process of making a common policy towards Eastern Europe. Neo-functionalism and constructivism are much more useful for explaining why the EU formulated and implemented a common policy. In particular, neo-functional insights into spillover, externalization, the supranational style of decision-making, and the Commission's role help explain the making of the policy. The constructivist emphasis on how the process of interaction among the member states can transform their perceived interests and identities contributes to that explanation, illuminating why the Community/Union could formulate a joint policy reflecting its (collective) interests, principles and goals.
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29

Vogler, Sabine, August Österle, and Susanne Mayer. "Socioeconomic determinants of medicines use in Central Eastern Europe: the role of pharmaceutical policy in reducing inequalities." BioMed Central, 2015. http://epub.wu.ac.at/5145/1/Vogler_etal_2015_JPPP_Socioeconomic%2Ddeterminants.pdf.

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30

Leitch, Duncan. "International assistance and the reform of public administration in Ukraine : fiscal decentralisation and regional policy 2000-2012." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6382/.

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The thesis examines the influence of external advice on domestic reform in a post-communist state following the dissolution of the Soviet Union. As an example of this, the research analyses the role of international assistance in the reform of public administration in Ukraine in the period 2000 to 2012, with particular reference to the relationship between the national and sub-national tiers of government. Two empirical case studies, on fiscal decentralisation and regional policy, are employed to provide an in-depth analysis of reform programmes introduced by the Government of Ukraine and an examination of the contribution of external advice to each. The thesis draws on concepts from Institutional Theory, Comparative Politics and Development Studies to explain the interaction between external donors and the domestic recipients of their advice. It is argued that international assistance to public administrative reform in Ukraine is a form of normative institutional isomorphism involving the deliberate transfer of models of state institutions from donor countries where they are regarded as good practice. The findings of the case studies indicate the narrow circumstances in which this transaction may lead to short-term progress with reform, through the establishment of a policy transfer network linking domestic and external actors. However the case studies also demonstrate that in the longer term both these attempts at reform, and the international advice which contributed to them, failed to achieve a sustained outcome. Employing the political economy analysis of development aid the thesis argues that the international community bears a large share of the responsibility for this owing to the technocratic nature of assistance programmes and their limited engagement with the political realities of reform processes.
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31

Stojanovits, Gabor. "The changing nature of security in post-Cold War Central and Eastern Europe : predicaments, perceptions and policy-responses." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2001. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/34382.

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In the wake of the Cold War, a complex transition process began in Central and Eastern Europe that has engendered immense change not only in the political, economic and social situations in the countries of the region, but also in their security situation. The aim of the thesis is to explore the changing nature of security in post-Cold War Central and Eastern Europe. Drawing on some pertinent features of traditional and new schools of thought in International Relations, it sets up an analytical framework, which is applied to an analysis of security in the Central and Eastern European region and to Hungary more particularly. The premise of the study is that the issue of security in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe requires the deployment of an analytical framework that can accommodate its multifaceted and multi-dimensional nature. This framework focuses on three main centres of interest: predicaments, perceptions and policy-responses. The thesis applies this framework to Central and Eastern Europe with a particular focus on Hungary. Conclusions are drawn both about the utility of the framework and about the nature of security itself.
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32

Ovseiko, Pavel Victor. "The politics of health care reform in Central and Eastern Europe : the case of the Czech Republic." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d8f1c4d3-9dda-4a2b-94d1-5afcb0cf5c87.

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This thesis examines the political process of health care reform between 1989 and 1998 in the most advanced sizable political economy in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) – the Czech Republic. Its aim is to explain the political process bringing about post-Communist health policy change and stimulate new debates on welfare state transformation in CEE. The thesis challenges the conventional view that post-Communist health care reform in CEE was designed and implemented to improve the health status of the people, as desired by the people themselves. I suggest that this is a dangerous over-rationalisation, and argue that post-Communist health care reform in the Czech Republic was the by-product of haphazard democratic political struggle between emerging elites for power and economic resources. The thesis employs the analytical narrative method to describe and analyse the actors, institutions, ideas and history behind the health policy change. The analysis is informed by welfare state theory, elite theory, interest group politics theory, the assumptions of methodological individualism and rational choice theory, and Schumpeter’s doctrine of democracy. Its focus is on the interests of health policy actors and how they interacted within an unhinged, but fast-consolidating, institutional framework. The results demonstrate that, while historical legacies and liberal ideas featured prominently in the rhetoric accompanying health policy change, in Realpolitik, these were merely the disposable, instrumental devices of opportunistic, self-interested elites. The resultant explanation of health policy change stresses the primacy of agency over structure and formulates four important mechanisms of health policy change: opportunism, tinkering, enterprise, and elitism. In conclusion, the relevance of major welfare state theories to the given case is assessed and implications for welfare state research in CEE are drawn.
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33

Husan, Rumy. "The Polish motor vehicle industry as a case study in Eastern Europe's transition." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c30cbb5f-b997-43e3-a6a4-fd0aaf8cb788.

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This thesis examines the impact of shock therapy on the Polish economy, and within it, on the motor vehicle industry. It is argued that shock therapy has not proved satisfactory as a theory of economic transformation. The following reasons are provided:- ● Shock therapy fails to provide an adequate explanation of the collapse of the command economy. Its emphasis on problems being largely monetary, rather than structural, is misguided, as this leads to the erroneous conclusion that with a strong monetary and fiscal shock, increases in utility will ensue, despite a fall in real income. ● The above may partially explain why shock therapy has failed to satisfactorily predict the outcome of the reform programmes. The assumption of post-reform growth rates following the path of a "J-Curve" has not been borne in reality. The forecasts of various improvements after the first year of the Balcerowicz Programme in Poland were, with the exception of exports, highly inaccurate. By the end of 1993 (after four years of reforms), only one indicator (inflation) registered an improvement over the respective pre-reform level. There was, therefore, no "delayed positive response". It is argued that the major reason for the failure of shock therapy reforms is that the theory largely neglects the significance of market failures. In particular, sufficient consideration has not been given to the problems of information gaps, absence of capital markets, structural rigidities, investment coordination and high levels of risk and uncertainty, all of which constrain the ability of agents to effectively respond to a liberalised economic regime. The role of careful government intervention - to attempt to remedy market failures - has been undervalued. Failure to take appropriate measures with respect to market failures most important in transforming economies has led to unnecessary costs. The case study on the motor vehicle industry provided evidence that shock therapy's policy for microeconomic restructuring - trade liberalisation in conjunction with privatisation and FBI - has not proved successful, with the notable, but unusual exception of FSM. The severe recession, in combination with strong important competition, led to a slump in sales, output, and underutilisation of capacity; leading productivity to decline from already very low levels. With respect to enterprise restructuring, it was found that this was either slow, or largely neglected in all the main determinants of plant productivity considered, i.e., work organisation, high tech capabilities, supplier network, and the Just-in-time system. In regard to management-labour relations, it was found that both parties viewed these as having improved. However, severe "macro" problems frequently override the purportedly better relations at the micro level, so that considerable friction remains - which occasionally spill over into major disputes that act against the restructuring process. The industry has experienced a severe contraction in capacity utilisation and employment - a fact that is very much at odds with the government's wish to preserve the bulk of the industry. It is concluded that an industrial policy for the motor sector would have been more appropriate than the policy that has hitherto been used.
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34

Hernández, i. Sagrera Raül. "The European Union and Eastern Europe migration policy convergence beyond Europeanisation: the cases of Russia, Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/334385.

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La Unió Europea (UE) va presentar la Política Europea de Veïnatge (PEV) el 2004 per tal d'enfortir la cooperació en àrees como ara la immigració. La dimensió exterior de la política d'immigració de la UE a Europa Oriental (Associació Oriental i Rússia) ha estat molt activa i objecte de nombrosos treballs acadèmics, en gran part centrats en afirmar que la UE exporta les seves pròpies normes. Tanmateix, la teoria d'europeïtzació no té en compte els interessos i capacitats dels països d'Europa Oriental, així com les seves percepcions de legitimitat. Una dècada després de la posada en marxa de la PEV, la tesi respon a la qüestió sobre quines normes la UE i Europa Oriental adopten en la convergència normativa en matèria d'immigració. S'identifiquen tres models de convergència (envers normes de la UE, normes internacionals i normes acordades bilateralment), en funció fonamentalment de l'estructura de poder i de les percepcions de legitimitat a Europa Oriental. La convergència normativa en política d'immigració s'aplica als casos de (I) readmissió, (II) visats, (III) gestió de fronteres i (IV) immigració laboral. La tesi doctoral conclou que la cooperació en política d'immigració entre la UE i Europa Oriental no consisteix en l'adopció sistemàtica de normes de la UE. Argumenta que la UE ha promogut fonamentalment normes de la UE en l'àmbit de seguritat (acords de readmissió i Gestió Integrada de Fronteres). Malgrat tot, a causa de la manca de poder suficient de la UE i a baixes percepcions de legitimitat de la UE entre els veïns d’Europa Oriental, la UE ha ofert incentius en l'àmbit de la mobilitat (política de visats i associacions per a la mobilitat). L'evidència empírica mostra debilitats en la convergència normativa envers normes de la UE, que consisteixen en gran part en mesures de socialització (intercanvi d'informació i formació). Uns dels resultats més significatius de la tesi és que la UE promou activament, en el marc de la liberalizació de visats, la convergència normativa cap a normes internacionals en matèria d'estat de dret. Les normes que emanen del Consell d'Europa i de Nacions Unides són de fet percebudes com a més legítimes que les normes de la UE. No obstant, aquest rol de la UE como a transmissora de normes cal matitzar-lo pel fet que la UE ha jugat ara com ara un rol limitat en promoure normes internacionals de drets dels immigrants. Finalment, la convergència envers normes acordades bilateralment ha estat el model menys predominant. La comparativa entre els països d'Europa Oriental mostra que els instruments adoptats són similars per l'objectiu de la UE de ser coherent. Tanmateix, el poder de negociació de cada país amb la UE ha donat peu a condicions més o menys favorables pel país. A més a més, les percepcions de legitimitat i la voluntat de cada país d'apropament a la UE són elements clau. En conjunt, Ucraïna, Moldàvia i Geòrgia són països favorables a l'apropament a la UE mentre que Rússia ha construït una cooperació pragmàtica en matèria d'immigració amb la UE, influint en la institucionalització de l'agenda d'immigració amb Europa Oriental. Finalment, la tesi contribueix globalment al debat sobre el soft power de la UE al veïnatge, concluent que els instruments d'immigració adoptats estan molt més orientats a promoure la seguretat que la mobilitat.
La Unión Europea (UE) presentó la Política Europea de Vecindad (PEV) en 2004 para fortalecer la cooperación en áreas como la inmigración. La dimensión exterior de la política de inmigración de la UE hacia Europa Oriental (Asociación Oriental y Rusia) ha sido muy activa y objeto de numerosos trabajos académicos, en gran parte centrados en afirmar que la UE exporta sus propias normas. Sin embargo, la teoría de europeización no tiene en cuenta los intereses y capacidades de los países de Europa Oriental, así como sus percepciones de legitimidad. Una década después de la puesta en marcha de la PEV, la tesis responde a la cuestión sobre qué normas la UE y Europa Oriental adoptan en la convergencia normativa en materia de inmigración. Se identifican tres modelos de convergencia (hacia normas de la UE, normas internacionales y normas acordadas bilateralmente), en función fundamentalmente de la estructura de poder y de las percepciones de legitimidad en Europa Oriental. La convergencia normativa en política de inmigración se aplica a los casos de (I) readmisión, (II) visados, (III) gestión de fronteras e (IV) inmigración laboral. La tesis doctoral concluye que la cooperación en política de inmigración entre la UE y Europa Oriental no consiste en la adopción sistemática de normas de la UE. Argumenta que la UE ha promovido fundamentalmente normas de la UE en el ámbito de seguridad (acuerdos de readmisión y Gestión Integrada de Fronteras). Aun así, debido a la falta de poder suficiente de la Unión y a bajas percepciones de legitimidad de la Unión entre los vecinos de Europa Oriental, la UE ha ofrecido incentivos en el ámbito de la movilidad (política de visados y asociaciones para la movilidad). La evidencia empírica muestra debilidades en la convergencia normativa hacia normas de la UE, que consisten en gran parte en medidas de socialización (intercambio de información y formación). Uno de los resultados más significativos de la tesis es que la UE promueve activamente, en el marco de la liberalización de visados, la convergencia normativa hacia normas internacionales en materia de estado de derecho. Las normas que emanan del Consejo de Europa y de Naciones Unidas son de hecho percibidas como más legítimas que las normas de la UE. No obstante, este rol de la UE como transmisora de normas hay que matizarlo por el hecho de que la UE ha jugado hasta la fecha un rol limitado en promover normas internacionales de derechos de los inmigrantes. Finalmente, la convergencia hacia normas acordadas bilateralmente ha sido el modelo menos predominante. La comparativa entre los países de Europa Oriental muestra que los instrumentos adoptados son similares por el objetivo de la UE de ser coherente. Sin embargo, el poder de negociación de cada país con la UE ha dado pie a condiciones más o menos favorables para el país. Además, las percepciones de legitimidad y la voluntad de cada país de acercamiento a la UE son elementos clave. En conjunto, Ucrania, Moldavia y Georgia son países favorables al acercamiento a la UE mientras que Rusia ha construido una cooperación pragmática en materia de inmigración con la UE, influyendo en la institucionalización de la agenda de inmigración con Europa Oriental. Finalmente, la tesis contribuye globalmente al debate sobre el soft power de la UE en la vecindad, concluyendo que los instrumentos de inmigración adoptados están mucho más orientados a promover la seguridad que la movilidad.
In 2004, the European Union (EU) launched the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) to strengthen cooperation in areas such as migration. In particular, the external dimension of the EU migration policy in Eastern Europe (the Eastern Partnership countries and Russia) has been very active and under huge academic scrutiny, mostly with studies claiming that the EU exports its own norms. Yet, this Europeanisation approach does not take into account the interests and capacities of Eastern European countries, as well as their perceptions of legitimacy. A decade after the launch of the ENP, this thesis addresses the question of what norms are actually adopted in the EU-Eastern Europe migration policy convergence. Three models of policy convergence (towards EU norms, towards international norms and towards bilaterally-agreed norms) are identified, depending mainly on the structure of power and perceptions of legitimacy in Eastern Europe. Migration policy convergence is applied to the cases of (I) readmission, (II) visa, (III) border management and (IV) labour migration. The doctoral dissertation concludes that the EU-Eastern Europe migration cooperation has not consisted in the systematic adoption of EU norms. It argues that the EU primarily has promoted security-related EU norms (readmission agreements and Integrated Border Management). However, due to lack of enough EU leverage and low perceptions of EU legitimacy among the Eastern neighbours, the EU has offered incentives in the field of mobility (visa policy and mobility partnerships). Empirical evidence shows weaknesses in policy convergence to EU norms, consisting mainly in socialisation measures (information exchange and capacity-building). One of the main findings of the thesis is that the EU is actively promoting, in the framework of visa liberalisation, policy convergence towards international norms in the area of rule of law. In fact, norms emanating from the Council of Europe and the United Nations are perceived as more legitimate than EU norms. However, this EU role as norm-transmitter has to be nuanced by the fact that to date the EU has played a relatively limited role in promoting international norms in the area of migrants' rights. Finally, convergence to bilaterally-agreed norms has been the least predominant. A comparison across Eastern European countries shows that the policy instruments adopted are by and large similar for the sake of consistency. Nonetheless, the leverage of each country vis-à-vis the EU has usually shaped more or less favourable conditions for the country. In addition, the perceptions of legitimacy and willingness of each country to come closer with the EU are essential. Overall, Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia are willing countries whereas Russia has built a pragmatic cooperation on migration with the EU, playing a role in the institutionalisation of the migration agenda to Eastern Europe. Finally, the thesis contributes overall to debate on the EU soft power in the Neighbourhood, concluding that the adopted migration policy instruments are much more oriented at promoting security than mobility.
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35

Milter, Katalin S. "The impact of politics on post-communist media in Eastern Europe : an historical case study of the 1996 Hungarian Broadcasting Act /." View abstract, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3316361.

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36

Heinbecker, Yasemin. "Canadian foreign policy and NATO expansion, a study of the implications of NATO enlargement to Central and Eastern Europe for Canadian foreign and security policy." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0005/MQ36037.pdf.

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37

Castanheira, De Moura Micael. "Essays on strategic voting and the speed of transition." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212124.

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38

Gordhan, Komil Dilap. "Searching for common deviations from South Africaメs Tax Treaty Policy: The relationship with North Africa, West Asia and Eastern Europe." Master's thesis, Faculty of Commerce, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/31292.

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To achieve a degree of standardisation of the contents of treaties by their members, Model tax conventions were published by international organisations. Consequently, in 1963, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (“OECD”) Model was prepared by developed countries of the world and it thus embodies rules and proposals by capital-exporting countries. As it was drafted by representatives of major Western industrialised countries, lower-income, developing countries were concerned that it resulted in too large a reduction in source country tax. The developing countries responded to the success of the OECD Model by developing their own Model convention under the auspices of the United Nations (“UN”) in 1980. This Model was drafted between developed and developing countries and attempts to reflect the interests of developing countries. Although it is based upon the OECD Model, the United Nations Model Double Taxation Convention between Developed and Developing Countries retains much greater source country taxation. Several tax treaties have been promulgated over time in South Africa due to the surge in international trade and investment flows which have tax consequences. There is however, no external enforcement of the above Models in the Republic of South Africa (“RSA”) and as a direct result, deviations from these standard models occur. Both a qualitative and expository study was performed. Thereafter, this dissertation considers South Africa’s treaty practice by outlining the significant deviations between South African double tax treaties and the respective OECD and UN Models. This study examines treaties concluded between South Africa and countries situated in North Africa, East Europe and West Asia. This dissertation concludes that bilateral treaties negotiated and concluded with South Africa consistently deviate from both the OECD and UN Models. These deviations were further examined to establish whether an indicative pattern informs a particular treaty practice. A small number of these observed deviations concur with the RSA position taken on the OECD Model. Treasury needs to circulate a clear and distinct South African Tax Model since South Africa’s international trade and investment flows expand across borders. The concern that South Africa does not have a published Tax Treaty Model is likely to intensify as related parties draw on frequently changing tax Models by the OECD and UN committees which may indirectly affect a developing country’s negotiating power.
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39

Atilgan, Yonca. "The Reconstruction Of Europe From Post-ww Ii To Post-cold War." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609371/index.pdf.

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&lsquo
The reconstruction of Europe&rsquo
is a subject covering a quite long period that has seen various outstanding historical events changing the geography and power distribution in Europe, and in the politics of international relations within a general framework. This study underlines the impact of geopolitical setting in the post-WW II and the post-Cold War periods to understand the acts of actors and related outcomes in the reconstruction of Europe. By the comparison of reconstructive acts and ingredients of the foreign policy strategies in both periods, this study attempts to reach the conclusion that &lsquo
the geographical position&rsquo
and the &lsquo
capability to implement&rsquo
defines states&rsquo
foreign policy structuring. The policy choice and instruments of the US in the post-WW II period for the reconstruction of Europe and the policy choice and instruments of West European countries for the reconstruction of Central and Eastern Europe, via the EU and enlargement strategy, in the post- Cold War period has been the focal point of this study to support the argument mentioned above.
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40

Klug, Michael. "Market entry strategies in Eastern Europe in the context of the European Union an empirical research into German firms entering the Polish market /." Wiesbaden : Deutscher Universitäts-Verlag, 2006. http://www.myilibrary.com?id=134362.

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41

Radunski, Astrid. "Frank Laczko ; lrene Stacher ; Amanda Klekozvski von Koppenfeld (Hrsg.): New Challenges for Migration Policy in Central and Eastern Europe / [rezensiert von] Astrid Radunski." Universität Potsdam, 2004. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2011/5571/.

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rezensiertes Werk: Laczko, Frank ; Stacher, lrene ; von Koppenfeld, Amanda Klekozvski von Koppenfeld (Hrsg.): New Challenges for Migration Policy in Central and Eastern Europe. - The Hague : TMC Asser Press, IOM, ICMPD, 2002, 257 S. ISBN 90-6704-153-X
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42

Filipova, Rumena Valentinova. "The differential Europeanisation of Central and Eastern Europe, 1989-2000 : a constructivist study of the foreign policy identities of Poland, Bulgaria and Russia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:430c07fc-8979-4ce0-9340-f20ac9c3c30a.

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The thesis addresses the puzzle of the differential integration of former communist states in the Euro-Atlantic community of nations between 1989 and 2000. Notwithstanding the predominant universalist-rationalist assumption that the adoption of an institutional-administrative blueprint for reform could lead to convergence between East and West, countries such as Poland, Bulgaria and Russia did not converge similarly (or at all) on the West European normative model and framework of international relations. To account for this divergence, the thesis examines the impact of the culturally-historically informed, Polish, Bulgarian and Russian identities and conceptions of 'Europe' (as opposed to the formal-institutional transition from one system to another) on the process of foreign policy transformation. The doctoral research employs Constructivism, Social Psychological insights and an interpretivist methodology, drawing on 75 elite interviews. The main argument states that differential Europeanisation can be understood on the basis of differentiated levels of inclusion and establishment of relations of mutual recognition and belongingness - substantiated by a differentiated extent of ideational affinity (i.e., normative compatibility), which are (re)enacted in the interactive, mutually constitutive process of identification between Self and Other (i.e., between Poland, Bulgaria and Russia and (Western) Europe). Three propositions of 'thick', 'ambivalent' and 'thin' Europeanisation are derived from the argument (whereby the comparative benchmark of Europeanisation is an ideal-typical model of European-ness). Key contributions focus on the development of a refined Constructivist theory and a systematic empirical comparison of Polish, Bulgarian and Russian foreign policy identities. Also, the study's conclusions reinvigorate and reconfirm the importance of the continuity (rather than just constant flux) of culturally-historically shaped patterns of group self-understandings and sub-regional identifications as well as Constructivism's greater plausibility in accounting for the research puzzle than (Neoclassical) Realism through the stipulation of a mutually constitutive relationship between international and domestic factors and between ideational and interest-based considerations.
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43

Surubaru, Neculai-Cristian. "Governing EU Cohesion Policy in Central and Eastern Europe : the interplay between administrative capacity and political factors : the case of Structural Funds absorption in Bulgaria and Romania (2007-2013)." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2017. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/31876.

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This dissertation examines how new European Union (EU) member states manage and implement European Cohesion Policy (CP). It assess the administrative and political factors that might explain the variation in the financial absorption of Structural Funds (SF), with a specific focus on two homogeneous cases from Central and Eastern Europe (CEECs). Whilst there is a dense literature on the potential socio-economic impact of CP in the EU, less attention has been paid to the factors affecting CP and SF governance at the national domestic level. Questions of financial absorption, delivery effectiveness and quality of the spending remain open and are puzzling for both academics and practitioners. Subsequently, one of the main aims of this thesis has been to provide an in-depth investigation of, on the one hand, the structural administrative capacity employed by states to manage this policy and, on the on the other hand, the political factors and dynamics that influence its delivery of SF in new member states. The study carries out an archaeology of the capacity of the specialised institutions involved in the different stages of the absorption process with the general aim of explaining some of the determinants of absorption performance, particularly in the countries assessed. It proposes an absorption capacity model in order to assess these claims and the original empirical evidence collected. The thesis fills in several empirical and theoretical lacunae in knowledge. Empirically, the study draws on multiple comparative case studies from Bulgaria and Romania, two problematic yet diverging cases in terms of absorption performance, during the 2007-2013 implementation period. These countries first experience in managing and implementing SF provides empirically rich insights. Theoretically, this thesis offers a more nuanced account of the governance of CP and SF in CEECs. It builds and refines the concept of administrative capacity as well as several political factors (stability, support and clientelism) in order to examine the complexity and problematic issues surrounding SF absorption. Insights on CP governance, administrative capacity-building and the impact of politicisation at the national and local level are outlined and discussed. The main argument put forward in this thesis is that the variation in absorption performance is generated by the interplay between administrative and political conditions. In other words, the way in which administrative and political factors have interacted has shaped the ability of the two countries to govern EU Cohesion Policy and influenced their performance in absorbing EU funding. This argument is developed in line with several key findings. First, administrative capacity is a necessary but not sufficient condition for countries to deliver effectively CP. Second, political conditions can facilitate or hinder the development of national administrative capacities and have often influenced the different stages of the absorption policy process. The thesis highlights the need to critically reflect on the overall dynamics between structural administrative arrangements and domestic political conditions, in order to advance our understanding of how EU policies are governed and implemented at the national level. Finally, the thesis formulates several recommendations, for the different stakeholders involved, on how to facilitate the delivery of SF in order to improve cohesion and development in Europe.
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44

Aidukaite, Jolanta. "The Emergence of the Post-Socialist Welfare State - The Case of the Baltic States : Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania." Doctoral thesis, Huddinge : Södertörns högskola, 2004. http://www.diva-portal.org/su/theses/abstract.xsql?dbid=270.

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45

Kalashe, Mzukisi Harrington. "An evaluation of the implementation of budgetary control measures by the provincial treasury with specific reference to the province of the Eastern Cape Department of Education." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/530.

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Budget control is a process of financial monitoring to ensure effective allocation, collection and efficient utilizing of public funds. It is a process that is aimed at ensuring the accomplishment of public policy objectives. Budget control is regulated by financial legislation as well as regulations and procedures which guide public financial administrators. Continuous monitoring is needed once appropriation is allowed by parliament or provincial legislatures to ensure effective service rendering as well as tax and user charges collection. This study investigates the reported ineffective budget control measures implemented by the provincial treasury in the Province of the Eastern Cape particularly in the Eastern Cape Department of Education (George, 2004). Ineffective budget control may be associated with the implementation of unstable fiscal policy by the provincial treasury that led to deficit spending in the Department of Education during the 2004/5 financial year. The purpose of this study is to show that the implementation of stable fiscal policy instruments by the provincial treasury would lead to effective budget control in provincial departments such as the Eastern Cape Department of Education. Governments in many instances encounter various challenges in controlling their expenditures on an annual basis as well as in the medium term. This is due to the notion that once the government exceeds the current year’s budget, it consumes the forthcoming budget. Borrowing is by nature an implicit consumption of future unplanned revenue. This makes the Medium Term Revenue Framework in the province immaterial as the provincial own revenue is insignificant. The relative uncontrollability of government expenditure stems from the notion that the provision of, for instance, primary education and social welfare is intertwined with legal entitlement within prescribed parameters. Allocative efficiency embodies recognition of legal entitlement that is reflected in the distribution imperatives if the provincial treasury is to be effective in the budget control function. The National Norms and Standards for School Funding of 2006 state explicitly that public spending in public schools is targeted at increasing the literacy levels of the poor. Intergovernmental fiscal relations play a pivotal role in modelling the fiscal policy of the province. This stems from the fact that expected national collected revenue is distributed as an equitable share to national, provincial and local spheres of government. The criteria for revenue sharing are based on economic disparities and demographics in each sphere of government. It is imperative to note in intergovernmental relations that there are functional areas of concurrent national and provincial competencies. The budget control function of the provincial treasury is implemented within the framework of various administrative processes which are aimed at ensuring effective transactional activities. The disbursement of funds and various other financial processes are subject to the delegation of powers as prescribed in the Public Finance Management Act, 1999 (Act 1 of 1999), as amended by Act 29 of 1999. The provincial governments’ fiscal policies are modelled to be consistent with the macro-economic objectives of the national government. It is for the purpose of macro-economic stability that only national government is eligible to borrow to finance a budget deficit. Provinces are legally prohibited from overspending their budgets. If the fiscal policies of the provinces materially and unreasonably prejudice the national economic policies, the relevant provincial treasury is responsible for taking appropriate steps to place the financial administration on a sound footing.
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46

Franzke, Jochen. "Netzwerke für Demokratie statt Achsen mit Autokraten." Universität Potsdam, 2005. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2006/807/.

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The German Ostpolitik of the Red-Green government between 1998 and 2005 focused particularly on the autocratic Russia. It mostly ignored the other – democratic – states in Central and Eastern Europe. Since this policy failed to improve the stability in the region, a policy change is necessary. Regional stability can only be based on the equal cooperation of democratic states. Germany should therefore intensify her support for the democratic forces in the region and integrate her policy into a common Ostpolitik within the EU.
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47

Mojsiejuk, Aleksander. "The Normative Power of the EU in the Framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy : A Case Study on Ukraine." Thesis, Linköping University, Linköping University, Linköping University, Faculty of Arts and Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-19323.

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Through the use of political conditionality, the EU has exercised what many have chosen to call an international normative power. The fast democratisation process of the central European countries that joined the EU in 2004 has often been attributed to the force of EU’s normative power. Here, the core of the political conditionality was found in a promised future membership – acting as a reward in exchange for democratic reforms. The new European Neighbourhood Policy however, initiated briefly after the 2004 enlargement, gave rise to new prerequisites to the Unions new neighbours and this time enlargement fatigue prevailed in the EU policy. This case study examines and assesses the ability of the EU to exercise its normative power on Ukraine through the new conditions set up by the European Neighbourhood Policy, were a membership perspective neither is promised nor ruled out. The result show that the effective conditions for the conditionality are favourable and that a good progress on the areas of democracy, rule of law and human rights has been achieved. Although difficult to prove, I argue that this progress most probably is partly due to EU’s normative power on Ukraine.

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48

Pitoňáková, Lívia. "Think-tanks and Their Role in the New EU Member States: Czech and Slovak Experience." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-1094.

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V práci jsou analyzovány kořeny, vývoj, současné postavení, hrozby a výzvy think-tanků v České a Slovenské republice. Srovnání s jejich tradicí ve Spojených státech zkoumá přenositelnost amerického "modelu" think-tanků do střední a východní Evropy. Tento přenos je značně omezený a krátkodobě nerealizovatelný vzhledem k rozdílným legislativním podmínkám a nerozvinuté filantropii. Zvláštní pozornost je věnována motivům k vytváření regionálních i mezinárodních sítí think-tanků. Práce vychází jednak z dosavadní literatury na toto téma, jednak z dotazníkového šetření.
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49

Pitoňáková, Lívia. "Think-tanks-and Their Role in the New EU Member States:Czech and Slovak Experience." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-14353.

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V práci jsou analyzovány kořeny, vývoj, současné postavení, hrozby a výzvy think-tanků v České a Slovenské republice. Srovnání s jejich tradicí ve Spojených státech zkoumá přenositelnost amerického "modelu" think-tanků do střední a východní Evropy. Tento přenos je značně omezený a krátkodobě nerealizovatelný vzhledem k rozdílným legislativním podmínkám a nerozvinuté filantropii. Zvláštní pozornost je věnována motivům k vytváření regionálních i mezinárodních sítí think-tanků. Práce vychází jednak z dosavadní literatury na toto téma, jednak z dotazníkového šetření.
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50

Baltag, Dorina. "Practice and performance : EU diplomacy in Moldova, Ukraine and Belarus after the inauguration of the European External Action Service, 2010-2015." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2018. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/33503.

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The aim of this thesis is to critically assess the diplomatic performance of the European Union (EU) in its neighbourhood, namely in Moldova, Ukraine and Belarus after the inauguration of the European External Action Service (EEAS). The Lisbon Treaty announced the need for a stronger, more efficient, more coherent EU in world politics. This implied, inter alia, that in third countries, the former Commission representations have been transformed into Union Delegations that represent the EU. Besides this, the Treaty changes opened an opportunity for coordination between national and EU level diplomacy in order to obtain a more effective collective effort. These changes where focused on EU s overall performance, which has been a salient issue on the agenda of European policy-makers. The issue of the EU s performance in the wider Eastern Europe remains poignant, not least because of current developments in its neighbourhood (such as the crisis in Ukraine, Moldova s downturn in its democratization efforts or the inclusion of Belarus on the list of most repressive countries in the world). While the Brussels-based part of the EEAS has captured the attention of both academic and non-academic literature, this thesis turns its focus to the performance and diplomatic practice of the EU in third countries, i.e Moldova, Ukraine and Belarus. When talking about European diplomatic performance abroad, a key focus in the thesis is on practices through which the details of everyday practices that form and shape the performance of any actor is explored. In order to do so, the investigation conducted for this research is guided by three assumptions on the use of EU diplomacy in overcoming its foreign policy dilemmas. Looking at performance, then, implies examining EU diplomatic practices against pre-set goals; evaluating the cooperation between member-states (MS) embassies and Union Delegations towards formulating and implementing a common approach ; and, conducting a screening of diplomatic capabilities on the ground. Findings show that the EU delegations represent the EU as a whole, became communication hubs on the ground and took the lead on cooperation with the EU MS embassies. Empirical evidence revealed that, in practice, the Delegations continued to conduct aid-driven diplomacy, as a legacy from the former Commission representations. And, that the coexistence of national and EU diplomacy was marked, at times, by MS opting out of the common approach in favour of parallel actions. While the Delegations in these countries have grown in size and, most importantly, have diplomats as staff members; the development of the Delegations also came with an intra- and inter-institutional tension on the ground that echoed Brussels institutional dynamics. Lastly, a comparative evaluation of EU diplomatic performance in Eastern Europe more generally uncovered multistakeholder diplomacy, burden-sharing, bloc diplomacy, unilateral diplomatic actions and interest-driven diplomacy as key drivers and dividers in EU s attempt to address its foreign policy dilemmas.
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