Academic literature on the topic 'First Parish in Lincoln (Lincoln, Mass.)'

Pieris brassicae great white butterfly was first detected in New Zealand in May 2010 in Nelson and since November 2012 has been the target of a Department of Conservation eradication programme Methods were available for killing P brassicae eggs larvae and adults but not pupae To assist eradication a parasitoid of P brassicae pupae Pteromalus puparum was mass reared at Lincoln and released at Nelson locations where there was a high probability of P brassicae pupae being present To avoid transporting P brassicae from Nelson to Lincoln Pt puparum was reared on another of its hosts Pieris rapae which occurs throughout New Zealand Between late February and early April 2015 an estimated 14280 Pt puparum adults from 837 parasitised P rapae pupae were released in Nelson However parasitism of unparasitised P rapae pupae which were used as sentinels for monitoring parasitism rates remained low Although evidence of the releases being effective was weak augmenting Pt puparum populations remains the most practical method for increasing the mortality of P brassicae pupae in Nelson

In response to the obesity problem that has dramatically increased over the past 30 years, Lincoln University’s HPER faculty petitioned the University faculty to accept a somewhat radical approach: test all entering first year students using Body Mass Indices (BMI) data for placing students in a Fitness for Life class. This class would constitute the intervention for students with BMI scores of 30 or higher (obese rating). This paper describes the chronology of events that unfolded once the placement policy became known beyond the campus green. Arguments both for and against the controversial course are presented. While the placement policy has been modified, the aim of the intervention has not wavered: identify those students who are most at risk for hypokinetic disease and provide them with the appropriate resources to effectively address those amenable lifestyle factors that will rob them of quality and quantity of life.

Much of the history of the late nineteenth-century Church of England is dominated by the phenomenon of Anglo-Catholicism. In the period between 1890 and 1939 Anglo-Catholics formed the most vigorous and successful party in the Church. Membership of the English Church Union, which represented a broad spectrum of Anglo-Catholic opinion, grew steadily in these years; advanced ceremonial was introduced in an increasing number of parish churches and, from 1920 onwards, a series of congresses was held which filled the Royal Albert Hall for a celebration of the strength of the ‘Catholic’ movement in the Established Church. In the Church Times the Anglo-Catholics possessed a weekly newspaper which outsold all its rivals put together and which reinforced the impression that theirs was the party with the Church's future in its hands. Furthermore, Anglo-Catholicism could claim to be supplying the Church of England with many of its saints and with a fair proportion of its scholars. Slum priests like R. R. Dolling and Arthur Stanton gave their lives to the task of urban mission; Edward King, bishop of Lincoln, was hailed as a spiritual leader by churchmen of all parties; Charles Gore, Walter Frere and Darwell Stone were scholars of renown, while Frank Weston, bishop of Zanzibar, combined academic achievements and missionary zeal with personal qualities which brought him an unexpected pre-eminence at the 1920 Lambeth Conference. In the last decade of the nineteenth century and in the first decades of the twentieth century, therefore, Anglo-Catholicism was the party of advance, offering leadership and vision and presenting the Church of England with a concept of Catholicity which many found attractive.

The pre- and post-grazing dry matter yields from six individual paddocks in a grazed lucerne rotation were compared at Ashley Dene, Lincoln University, over 5 years. The mean annual yield was ~12 000 kg DM/ha and unaffected by the rotation order in which paddocks were first grazed in spring. On an annual basis the post-graze residual was about 1000 kg DM/ha lower from Paddock 1 than Paddock 6. First grazing usually occurred with ewes and lambs in the third week of September when the pre-grazing height was 15-25 cm. Rapid spring growth of lucerne meant Paddock 6 was sometimes over 40 cm tall with a pregrazing mass of 4000 kg DM/ha upon first entry 4-5 weeks later. The grazing interval between the first and second rotation in spring was between 29 and 36 days. There was an average 1800 kg DM/ha more on offer in Paddock 6 than Paddock 1 in the first rotation. On average, the ewes and lambs consumed ~2100 kg DM/ ha at ~75% utilisation from each paddock in the first rotation. Weaned lambs offered similar pre-grazing yields consumed less herbage (~1700 kg DM/ha) at ~60% utilisation. A lower pre-graze target for lambs (2000-2500 kg DM/ha) is therefore recommended, particularly if there is no other class of stock available to consume the residual. This may require a quicker rotation with weaned lambs than the 34 days averaged in this study. For ewes and lambs the target of ~3000 kg DM/ha (~30-35 cm pre-grazing height) used for this study seemed appropriate rather than a fixed number of days or particular phenological stage. Keywords: alfalfa, lucerne, Medicago sativa L., rotational grazing, stock class, utilisation

OBJECTIVES/SPECIFIC AIMS: To access obesity risk perceptions, knowledge and behaviors of Hispanic taxi cab drivers and develop a better understanding of the factors that influence health outcomes in this population. METHODS/STUDY POPULATION: Focus groups were conducted at NYC H+H/Lincoln, where subjects were screened and recruited from taxi bases with the help of the local Federation of Taxi Drivers. This was done by utilizing flyers, messages through taxi-base radios, and referrals from livery cab drivers. Approval from the local Institutional Review Board was obtained. The research investigators, developed a structured focus group procedural protocol of open-ended interview questions related to cardiovascular disease. Participants for the focus groups were older than 18 years old and working as livery cab drivers in NYC for at least 6 months. Three focus groups were held with informed consent obtained from each participant in their primary language before the start of each session. After completion of the focus group, participants received a gift voucher for attending the approximately 1-hour session. Focus groups were moderated by trained research staff members at Lincoln. Three main categories of questions were organized based on perception, knowledge, and behavior. Participants were questioned on topics about obesity, CVD and diabetes knowledge; knowledge about etiology, risk perception, possible prevention and interventions. Responses were recorded using audiotapes and transcribed verbatim. If participants did not elaborate on the initial question, a probing question was asked to clarify. The transcript was translated from Spanish by trained bilingual staff and analyzed using standard qualitative techniques with open code method. Four research investigators read the transcript separately and formulated concepts, which were then categorized and formulated into dominant themes. These themes were then compared and analyzed with a group consensus to ensure representative data. Once recurring themes emerged and the saturation point was reached, the study concluded, after enrolling 25 participants. The Health Believe Model (HBM) was employed to understand and explain the perceptions and behaviors of taxi drivers. HBM is one of the most widely recognized models and is used to understand, predict and modify health behavior. HBM helps to identify perception of risks of unhealthy behavior, barriers for having healthy behavior, actions taken by patients to stay healthy, self-efficacy and commitment to goals [12]. RESULTS/ANTICIPATED RESULTS: Of the 25 Hispanic livery cab drivers, 92% were male. The majority of taxi drivers that participated in the study were immigrants (96%), with a mean age of 53 years (ranged 21–69), and 92%, were spoke Spanish. In total, 52% participants identified themselves as Hispanic, 20% White, 4% Black, and 20% did not identify their race. Mean body mass index (BMI) was 31 (22.8–38.7) kg/m2. In all, 56% were obese and another 40% were overweight. From this sample, 50% had been diagnosed with hypertension and 27% were living with diabetes. In all, 64% had a high school education or higher. Answers provided by the taxi drivers to focus group questions were recorded, reviewed and divided into 8 dominant themes based on concepts that emerged from the focus groups discussions. (a) Focus group study findings: Themes recorded during the focus group discussions, include poor diet, sedentary lifestyle, comorbidities/risk factors, stress, health not being a priority, discipline, education, and intervention. Participants shared their opinions in regards to these themes with minimal differences, making an emphasis on the fact that the nature of their profession was the root cause. Of the themes, the top 3 dominant themes include poor diet, sedentary/lifestyle and comorbidities/risk factors. (1) Diet: The theme “Poor diet” evolved from 151 related concepts that were described by participants. All 25 participants perceived their diet as bad due to eating high-fat meals associated with the cultural food and restaurant chains with lower food prices and ease of car parking. Drivers also reported that they did not have enough time to eat healthy foods based on their long working hours. They say: “comemos muy tarde por que preferimos montar un pasajero” … stating that they preferred to pick up passengers and delay their meals. However, they consider poor diet as the most decisive factor in their increased risk for obesity, diabetes, and hypertension. (2) Life Style: The theme “Sedentary lifestyle” was derived from 147 similar concepts described by participants. They believe that physical inactivity is another leading risk factor for obesity, diabetes, and CVD. The demands of the profession force them to drive more than 10 hours per day. They understand the importance of daily exercise but they admit that at the end of the workday they are too tired to exercise or “stop working” to participate in exercise as this means less money. They also understand that family history of obesity in addition to poor diet increases their risk of obesity, diabetes, and cardiovascular risks. (3) Comorbidity: The theme “Comorbidities” developed from 143 concepts grouped together. Taxi-drivers perceived that obesity complications directly affects many vital organs, such as the kidneys, the heart, and vasculature. Participants perceive obesity as important risk factor for high blood sugar and cholesterol levels. Taxi drivers see an association between their health condition and their work as a taxi driver. However, taxi-drivers reported that they are more concerned about the economic well-being of their families than themselves. Taxi-drivers begin to intervene in their own health only when more serious health conditions related to obesity, diabetes, and hypertension developed. (4) Work Stress: The theme “Stress/other risk factors” was derived from 141 concepts. Taxi-drivers perceive their profession with lack of organization and high-stress levels as one of the leading risk factors contributing to obesity, diabetes, and cardiovascular disease. They also attribute a combination of stressful lifestyle, poor diet, lack of exercise, consumption of alcohol and cigarettes as determining factors in developing negative health outcomes. “One participant says; Tenemos el paquete completo” … we have the entire package. (5) Health as a priority: The theme “Health is not a priority” was derived from 120 concepts based on the cab drivers’ responses. Taxi drivers prioritize their work while their health takes a back seat. They work long shifts as they feel the pressures of financial responsibilities of their family. They admitted lack of intentions to change their behavior and they consider themselves as “hard headed.” Drivers changed their behavior only when serious health conditions develop that require professional medical attention. Taxi drivers explain that the lack of time as being a big factor in pursuing preventative care. (6) Personal Discipline: The theme “Discipline” evolved from 80 concepts derived from the driver’s transcripts. Taxi drivers are aware of their lack of organizational skills in general, especially when it comes to the balance between work and a healthy lifestyle. Taxi drivers recognize that not being disciplined results in the development of their obesity and chronic health conditions. Drivers admit that they do not have a fixed schedule, with no direct supervision, and cannot find the time to go to the doctor or change their behavior. (7) Health Education: The theme “Education” was derived from79 concepts noted from the focus group discussion. Taxi drivers know that their lack of health education is affecting them. With little understanding about the severity of the disease process it is difficult to take proactive measures. They are interested in the development of programs that will educate them about obesity, diabetes and CVD prevention. They want to attend programs that can educate them about prevention of obesity, diabetes, and CVD prevention with strong focus on healthy eating. They understand that this would increase their ability to change their unhealthy behavior. (8) Health interventions: The last major theme “Intervention” was derived out of 71 concepts. When asked about possible interventions that might help them towards healthy behaviors, taxi drivers think that the use of technology as a means of education is very effective. They understand the most direct route to reach them is by cellphone, email, and social media such as Facebook. They also feel that it would be good to use this type of communication to not only to inform them about health issues, but to also educate them directly. (b) Application of Health Behavior Model: We employed the HBM, one of the most utilized and easy to understand health models (18, 20–22) to explain the knowledge, perception, and health behaviors of our study participants. The HBM consist of 6 posits: (1) risk susceptibility, (2) risk severity, (3) benefits of action, and (4) barriers to action, (5) self-efficacy, and (6) cues to action [23]. According to the HBM, people’s beliefs about their risk and their perception of the benefits of taking action to avoid it, influence their readiness to take action [15, 21–22, 24]. Using the HBM, health behavior can be modified positively if the 6 posits are perceived by the person [23]. According to the results of our study, taxi drivers that participated in our study, do not perceive the severity of their risk. Participants admitted that they go to the doctor and start paying attention to their health condition only when they get seriously sick. Another posit of the HBM, understanding benefit of actions, is also not perceived by taxi drivers. Participants understand that they should be involved in physical activity, but do not pursue physical activity. They stated that they are too busy and tired to exercise daily without realizing the benefits of having a healthy life style. Findings from the focus groups also demonstrate that taxi drivers do not possess self-efficacy, as they are not confident that they are able to change their own health behavior. They openly admitted to having poor discipline, lack of organizational skills, and lack of time management skills. But, they expressed their wish to get information about time management, healthy snacks, places where they can get affordable and healthy food, learn more about different physical activities, and places where they can exercise. The sixth posit of the HBM model is the cues for action which should trigger the action to change behavior. Cues such as physical pain or illness in them or family members of cab drivers, trigger a visit to the physician’s office. Cab drivers were open to receiving educational material provided by physicians or health information provided on TV/cellphone about disease prevention. DISCUSSION/SIGNIFICANCE OF IMPACT: Obesity is steadily on the increase in the US population and has become a major public health concern [1–3]. Latinos are at the higher risk of heart diseases such as obesity, hypertension compared to other ethnical groups [3, 13]. There is a higher prevalence of obesity among particular occupational groups with cab drivers having one of the highest obesity prevalence among all professions [5, 7–9, 13]. Obesity risks therefore seem to affect NYC cab drivers who are of Latino background more than others. Surveys conducted in different countries in Asia, Europe, and Africa reported that taxi, truck, and bus show that drivers are at a higher risk of developing obesity, diabetes, and hypertension [5, 8–11]. This study is the first to evaluate the knowledge, perception, and behaviors of NYC Latino taxi cab drivers with respect to obesity. The study uncovers factors and barriers that contribute to their behavior, and identify possible ways that can modify their behavior and decrease their chances of developing obesity. The study results demonstrated that Latino immigrant taxi drivers perceive themselves at a high risk for obesity development. As the result of discussions with focus groups, the eight dominant themes were identified. Participants perceive their risk susceptibility and understand that working as a driver is a sedentary occupation with lack of physical activity significantly contributing to obesity development. Additionally, taxi drivers report that their unhealthy diet is a major factor that contributes to their weight gain. Taxi drivers perceive their poor diet as the result of the food they consume being high in fat content. Due to financial constraints and their cultural diet requirements, they feel limited to unhealthy food options. They acknowledge the risk that poor diet contributes to obesity, high cholesterol, obesity development. Participants also expressed that work stress is another important factor. Busy traffic, lack of organization, financial stress to support their families-push them to work prolonged hours. Participants also admitted that in their leisure time, they use alcohol, smoke cigarettes, and watch TV, instead of going to the gym, because they feel too tired to exercise. Taxi drivers perceive their barriers as a lack of education and knowledge about healthy food choices, places where they can buy healthy affordable snacks, information about physical activities, stress management skills, and organizational skills. Other perceived barriers that prevent them from leading healthy lifestyle include lack of discipline, lack of time for physical activity, economic uncertainty, financial responsibility and the perception that the wellbeing of their families is more important than themselves and their health. HBM is a widely used model that helps to identify perception of risks of unhealthy behavior, barriers to healthy behavior, actions taken by patients to stay healthy, self-efficacy, and commitment to goals. Based on the Glasgow theory, the core of health behavior models is the identification of the barriers and self-efficacy [25]. Our study is unique as it involves using the HBM to explain the basis of taxi cab drivers’ behavior. Results of our research study showed that our participants perceived barriers very well. However, lack of self-efficacy, lack of perceiving benefits of action, lack of cues to action, and lack of understanding the risk of disease severity explain why taxi drivers have greater risk for obesity among occupations, and are not ready to embrace health behavior modification. This qualitative study shows us where the window of opportunity for intervention lies, how we can intervene and modify the health behavior of the at-risk NYC Latino cab driver population. By Glasgow theory, self-efficacy is an important factor in behavior modification models [25]. If the barriers that are perceived by participants as too high, and self-efficacy is low, one can intervene by improving self-efficacy. Bandura has offered ways to increase patients’ self-efficacy by using three strategies: (a) setting small, incremental, and achievable goals; (b) using formalized behavioral contracting to establish goals and specify rewards; and (c) monitoring and reinforcement, including patient self-monitoring by keeping records [20]. We can also improve perception of the benefits of action by providing cues to action namely education during the office visits, by providing reading materials, and the use of modern technology (emails, interactive Web sites, apps, etc.). A study was conducted in South Asia, encouraging taxi drivers to exercise through the use of pedometers [7]. This study provides an example of ways to motivate taxi drivers, improve their self-efficacy, overcome barriers, and provide cues to action. As one of the theories that can explain and help in behavioral modification, the Health Belief model includes the impact of the environment and elements of social learning. Using this model, we were able to differentiate and identify the factors that influence their behavior that need to be addressed by health care workers and public health representatives to improve obesity related risks among inner city taxi cab drivers in NYC.

The paper presents research findings with 56 Roma children from Macedonia and Serbia between the ages of 3-6 years. The children’s knowledge of Romani as their mother tongue was assessed with a specially designed test. The test measures the children’s comprehension and production of different types of grammatical knowledge such as wh–questions, wh-complements, passive verbs, possessives, tense, aspect, the ability of the children to learn new nouns and new adjectives, and repetition of sentences. In addition, two pictured narratives about Theory of Mind were given to the children. The hypothesis of the authors was that knowledge of the complex grammatical categories by children will help them to understand better the Theory of Mind stories. The results show that Roma children by the age of 5 know most of the grammatical categories in their mother tongue and most of them understand Theory of Mind. References Bakalar, P. (2004). The IQ of Gypsies in Central Europe. The Mankind Quarterly, XLIV, (3&4), 291-300. Bedore L.M., Peña E.D., García, M. & Cortez, C. (2012). Conceptual versus monolingual scoring: when does it make a difference? J Speech Lang Hear Res 55(1), 1-15. Berko, J. (1958). The Child's Learning of English Morphology. Word 14, 150-177. Berman, R. & Slobin, D. (2009). Relating Events in Narrative: A Cross-Linguistic developmental Study, vol. 1. New York and London: Psychology Press. Bialystok, E. (2001). Bilingualism in development: Language literacy and cognition. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge. Bialystok, E. & Craik, F. (2010). Cognitive and Linguistic processing in the bilingual mind. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 19, (1), 19-23. Bialystok, E., Craik, F., and Freedman, M. (2007). Bilingualism as a protection against the onset of symptoms of dementia. Neuropsychologia, 45, 459-464. Brucker, J. L. (n.d). A study of Barriers to Educational Attainment in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. www.unicef.org/ceecis/Roma_children.pdf Bruner, J. (1986). Actual mind, possible worlds. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Carlson, S. & Meltzoff, A. (2008). Bilingual Experience and Executive Functioning. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition, 6 (1), 1-15. Chen, C. & Stevenson. H. (1988). Cross-Linguistic Differences in Digit Span of Preschool Children. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology 46, 150-158 Conti-Ramsden, S., Botting, N. & Faragher, B. (2001). Psycholinguistic Marker for specific Language Impairment (SLI). Journal of Language Psychology and Psychiatry, 42 (6), 741-748. Curenton, S. M. (2004). The association between narratives and theory of mind for low-income preschoolers. Early Education and Development, 15 (2), 120–143. Deen, Kamil Ud (2011). The Acquisition of the Passive. In de Villiers, J. & T. Roeper. (eds) Handbook of Generative Approaches to Language Acquisition (pp. 155-188). Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publisher. de Villiers, J., Pace, A., Yust, P., Takahesu Tabori, A., Hirsh-Pasek, K., Golinkoff, R. M., Iglesias, A., & Wilson, M.S. (2014). Predictive value of language processes and products for identifying language delays. Poster accepted to the Symposium on Research in Child Language Disorders, Madison, WI. de Villiers, J. G. (2015). Taking Account of Both Languages in the Assessment of Dual Language Learners. In Iglesias, A. (Ed) Special issue, Seminars in Speech, 36 (2) 120-132. de Villiers, J. G. (2005). Can language acquisition give children a point of view? In J. Astington & J. Baird (Eds.), Why Language Matters for Theory of Mind. (pp186-219) New York: Oxford Press. de Villiers J. G. & Pyers, J. (2002). Complements to Cognition: A Longitudinal Study of the Relationship between Complex Syntax and False-Belief Understanding. Cognitive Development, 17: 1037-1060. de Villiers, J. G., Roeper, T., Bland-Stewart, L. & Pearson, B. (2008). Answering hard questions: wh-movement across dialects and disorder. Applied Psycholinguistics, 29: 67-103. Friedman, E., Gallová Kriglerová, E., Kubánová, M. & Slosiarik, M. (2009). School as Ghetto: Systemic Overrepresentation of Roma in Special Education in Slovakia. Roma Education Fund. ERRC (European Roma Rights Center) (1999). A special remedy: Roma and Special schools for the Mentally Handicapped in the Czech Republic. Country Reports Series no. 8 (June) ERRC (European Roma Rights Centre) (2014). Overcoming barriers: Ensuring that the Roma children are fully engaged and achieving in education. The office for standards in education. online at http://www.errc.org ERRC (European Roma Rights Centre) (2015). Czech Republic: Eight years after the D.H. judgment a comprehensive desegregation of schools must take place http://www.errc.org Fremlova, L. & Ureche, H. (2011). From Segregation to Inclusion: Roma pupils in the United Kingdom. A Pilot research Project. Budapest: Roma Education Fund. Gleitman, L., Cassidy, K., Nappa, R., Papafragou, A. & Trueswell, J. (2005). Hard words. Language Learning and Development, 1, 23-64. Goetz, P. (2003). The effects of bilingualism on theory of mind development. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition. 6. 1-15. Hart, B. & Risley, T.R (1995). Meaningful Differences in the Everyday Experiences of Young American Children. Baltimore, MD: Brookes Publishing Heath, S. B. (1982). What no Bedtime Story Means: Narrative skills at home and at school. In Language and Society. 11.2:49-76. Hirsh-Pasek, K., Kochanoff, A., Newcombe, N. & de Villiers, J.G. (2005). Using scientific knowledge to inform preschool assessment: making the case for empirical validity. Social Policy report (SRCD) Volume XIX, 1, 3-19. Hirsh-Pasek K., Adamson, I.B., Bakeman, R., Tresch Owen, M., Golinkoff, R.M., Pace, A., Yust, P & Suma, K. (2015). The Contribution of Early Communication Quality to Low- Income Children’s Language Success. Psychological Science Online First, June 5, 2015 doi:10.1177/0956797615581493 Hoff, E. (2013). Interpreting the early language trajectories of children from low-SES and language minority homes: implications for closing achievement gaps. Developmental Psychology, 49(1):4-14. Hoff, E. & Elledge, C. (2006). Bilingualism as One of Many Environmental Variables that Affect Language Development in Young Children. In J. Cohen, K. McAlister & J. MacSwan (Eds.), Proceedings of the 4th International symposium on Bilingualism (pp. 1034-1040). Somerville, Ma: Cascadilla press. Hoge, W. (1998). A Swedish Dilemma: The Immigrant Ghetto. The New York Times, October 6th. Kovacs, A. (2009). Early Bilingualism Enhances Mechanisms of False-Belief Reasoning. Developmental Science, 12 (1), 48-54. Kyuchukov, H. (2005). Early socialization of Roma children in Bulgaria. In: X. P. Rodriguez-Yanez, A. M. Lorenzo Suarez & F. Ramallo (Eds.), Bilingualism and Education: From the Family to the School. Muenchen: Lincom Europa. (pp. 161-168) Kyuchukov, H. (2010) Romani language competence. In: J. Balvin and L. Kwadrants (Eds.), Situation of Roma Minority in Czech, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia (pp. 427-465). Wroclaw: Prom. Kyuchukov, H. (2014). Acquisition of Romani in a Bilingual Context. Psychology of Language and Communication, vol. 18 (3), 211-225. Kyuchukov, H. (2013). Romani language education and identity among the Roma children in European context. In: J. Balvin, L. Kwadrans and H. Kyuchukov (eds) Roma in Visegrad Countries: History, Culture, Social Integration, Social work and Education (pp. 465-471). Wroclaw: Prom. Kyuchukov, H. (2015). Socialization of Roma children through Roma oral culture. In: Socializaciya rastushego cheloveka v kontekste progressyivnyih nauchnich ideii XXI veka: socialnoe razvitie detey doshkolnogo vozrastta. [Socialization of the growing man in the context of progressive ideas of the XXI c.: social development of the preschool age children] Proceedings form the First international All-Russia conference, 1-3 April, Yakutsk, pp. 798-802. Kyuchukov, H. & de Villiers, J. (2009). Theory of Mind and Evidentiality in Romani-Bulgarian Bilingual children. Psychology of Language and Communication, 13(2), 21-34. Kyuchukov, H. & de Villiers, J. (2014a). Roma children’s knowledge on Romani. Journal of Psycholinguistics, 19, 58-65. Kyuchukov, H. & de Villiers, J. (2014b). Addressing the rights of Roma children for a language assessment in their native language of Romani. Poster presented at the 35th Annual Symposium on Research in Child Language Disorders in Madison, Wisconsin June 12-14. Lajčakova, J. (2013). Civil Society Monitoring Report on the Implementation of the National Roma Integration Strategy and Roma Decade Action Plan in 2012 in Slovakia. Budapest: Decade of Roma Inclusion. Secretariat Foundation. Landry, S. and the School Readiness Research Consortium (2014). Enhancing Early Child Care Quality and Learning for Toddlers at Risk: The Responsive Early Childhood Program. Developmental Psychology, 50 (2), 526-541. Lust, B., Flynn, S. & Foley, C. (1996). What Children Know about What They Say: Elicited Imitation as a Research Method for Assessing Children's Syntax. In D. McDaniel, C. McKee, & H. Smith Cairns (Eds.), Methods for Assessing Children's Syntax (pp. 55-76). Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Maratsos, M., Fox, D.E.C., Becker, J.A. & Chalkley, M.A. (1985). Semantic restrictions on children’s passives. Cognition, 19, 167-191. Merz, E.C. Zucker, T.A., Landry, S.H. Williams, J., Assel, M., Taylor, H.B, Lonigan, C.L., Phillips, B., Clancy-Menchetti, J., Barnes, M., Eisenberg, N., de Villiers, J. (2015). Parenting predictors of cognitive skills and emotion knowledge in socioeconomically disadvantaged preschoolers. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology 132, 14-31 Pearson, B. Z., Jackson, J. E., & Wu, H. (2014). Seeking a valid gold standard for an innovative dialect-neutral language test. Journal of Speech-Language and Hearing Research. 57(2). 495-508. Reger, Z. (1999). Teasing in the linguistic socialization of Gypsy children in Hungary. Acta Linguistica Hungarica, 46, 289-315. Réger, Z. and Berko-Gleason, J. (1991). Romāni Child-Directed Speech and Children's Language among Gypsies in Hungary Language in Society, 20 (4), 601-617. Roeper, T & de Villiers, J.G. (2011). The acquisition path for wh-questions. In de Villiers, J.G. & Roeper, T. (Eds), Handbook of Generative Approaches to Language Acquisition. Springer. Seymour, H., Roeper, T. & de Villiers, J. (2005). The DELV-NR. (Norm-referenced version) The Diagnostic Evaluation of Language Variation. The Psychological Corporation, San Antonio. Schulz, P. & Roeper, T. (2011). Acquisition of exhaustively in wh-questions: a semantic dimensions of SLI. Lingua, 121(3), 383-407. Stokes, S. F., Wong, A. M-Y., Fletcher, P., & Leonard, L. B. (2006). Nonword repetition and sentence repetition as clinical markers of SLI: The case of Cantonese. Journal of Speech, Language and Hearing Research, 49(2), 219-236. Vassilev, R. (2004). The Roma of Bulgaria: A Pariah Minority. The Global Review of Ethnopolitics, 3 (2), 40-51. Wellman, H.M., Cross, D., & Watson, J. (2001). Meta-analysis of theory-of-mind development: The truth about false belief. Child Development, 72, 655-684. Wimmer, H., & Perner, J. (1983). Beliefs about beliefs: Representation and constraining function of wrong beliefs in young children’s understanding of deception. Cognition, 13, 103–128.

Introduction Australia has embraced Barbie since the doll was launched at the Toy Fair in Melbourne in 1964, with Mattel Australia established in Melbourne in 1969. Barbie was initially sold in Australia with two different hairstyles and 36 separately boxed outfits. As in the US, the initial launch range was soon followed by a constant stream of additional outfits as well as Barbie’s boyfriend Ken and little sister Skipper, pets, and accessories including her dreamhouse and vehicles. Also released were variously themed Barbies (including those representing different careers and nationalities) and a seemingly ever-expanding group of friends (Gerber; Lord, Forever). These product releases were accompanied by marketing, promotion, and prominent placement in toy, department, and other stores that kept the Barbie line in clear sight of Australian consumers (Hosany) and in the forefront of toy sales for many decades (Burnett). This article focusses on a thread of subversion operating alongside the purchase of these Barbie dolls in Australia, when the phenomenon of handmade ‘do-it-yourself’ intersected with the dolls in the second half of the 1960s. Do-It-Yourself ‘Do-it-yourself’ (often expressed as DIY) has been defined as “anything that people did for themselves” (Gelber 283). The history of DIY has been researched in academic disciplines including sociology, cultural studies, musicology, architecture, marketing, and popular culture. This literature charts DIY practice across such domestic production as making clothes, furniture, and toys, growing food, and home improvements including renovating and even building entire houses (Carter; Fletcher) to more externally facing cultural production including music, art, and publications (Spencer). While DIY behaviour can be motivated by such factors as economic necessity or financial benefit, a lack of product availability or its perceived poor quality, and/or a desire for customisation, it can also be linked to the development of personal identity (Wolf and McQuitty; Williams, “A Lifestyle”; Williams, “Re-thinking”). While some mid-century considerations of DIY as a phenomenon were male-focussed (“Do-It”), women and girls were certainly also active at this time in home renovation, house building, and other projects (‘Arona’), as well as more traditionally gendered handicraft activities such as sewing and knitting. Fig. 1: Australian Home Beautiful magazine cover, November 1958, showing a woman physically engaged in home renovation activities. Australia has a long tradition of women crafting (by sewing, knitting, and crocheting, for instance) items of clothing for themselves and their families, as well as homewares such as waggas (utilitarian quilts made of salvaged or other inexpensive materials such as old blankets and grain sacks) and other quilts (Burke; Gero; Kingston; Thomas). This making was also prompted by a range of reasons, including economic or other necessity and/or the pursuit of creative pleasure, personal wellbeing, or political activism (Fletcher; Green; Lord, Vintage). It is unsurprising, then, that many have also turned their hands to making dolls’ clothes from scraps of fabrics, yarns, ribbons, and other domestic materials, as well as creating entire dolls’ houses complete with furniture and other domestic items (Benson). In the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, many Australian dolls themselves were handmade, with settlers and migrants importing European traditions of doll-making and clothing with them (Cramer). In the early twentieth century, mass-produced dolls and clothing became more available and accessible, however handmade dolls’ clothes continued to be made and circulated within families (Elvin and Elvin, The Art; Elvin and Elvin, The Australian). An article in the Weekly in 1933 contained instructions for making both cloth dolls and clothes for them (“Home-Made”), with many such articles to follow. While the 1960s saw increased consumer spending in Australia, this research reveals that this handmade, DIY ethos (at least in relation to dolls) continued through this decade, and afterwards (Carter; Wilson). This making is documented in artefacts in museum and private collections and instructions in women’s magazines, newspapers, and other printed materials including commercially produced patterns and kits. The investigation scans bestselling women’s magazine The Australian Women’s Weekly (the Weekly) and other Australian print media from the 1960s that are digitised in the National Library of Australia’s Trove database for evidence of interest in this practice. Do-It-Yourself Barbie Doll Patterns for Barbie clothes appeared in Australian women’s magazines almost immediately after the doll was for sale in Australia, including in the Weekly from 1965. The first feature included patterns for a series of quite elaborate outfits: a casual knitted jumpsuit with hooded jacket, a knitted three-piece suit of skirt, roll-necked jumper and jacket, a crocheted afternoon dress, tied with a ribbon belt and accessorised with a knitted coat and beret, and a crocheted full length evening gown and opera coat (“Glamorous”). A sense of providing the Weekly’s trusted guidance but also a reliance on makers’ individuality was prominent in this article. Although detailed instructions were provided in the feature above, for example, readers were also encouraged to experiment with yarns and decorative elements. Fig. 2: Crocheted and knitted ‘afternoon ensemble’ in “Glamorous Clothes for Teenage Dolls” feature in the Weekly, 1965. Another richly illustrated article published in 1965 focussed on creating high fashion wigs for Barbie at home. The text and photographs guided readers through the process of crafting five differently styled wigs from one synthetic hair piece: a “romantic, dreamy” Jean Shrimpton-style coiffure, deep-fringed Sassoon hairdo, layered urchin cut, low set evening bun, and pair of pigtails (Irvine, “How”). Again, makers were encouraged to express their creativity and individuality in decorating these hairstyles, with suggestions (but not directions) to personalise these styles using ribbons, tiny bows and artificial flowers, coloured pins, seed pearls, and other objects that might be to hand. Fig. 3: Detailed instructions for creating one of the wigs. Three Barbie dolls (identified as ‘teen dolls’ rather than by the brand) were featured on the cover of the Weekly on 5 January 1966, for a story about making dolls’ outfits from handkerchiefs (Irvine, “New”). This was framed as a “novel” way to use the excess of fancy hankies often received at Christmas, promising that the three ensembles could thriftily and cleverly be made from three handkerchiefs in a few hours. The instructions detail how to make a casual two-piece summer outfit accessorised with a headscarf, a smart town ensemble highlighted with flower motifs cut from broderie anglaise, and a lavish evening gown. Readers were assured this would be an engaging, “marvellous fun” as well as creative activity, as each maker needed to individually design each garment in terms of working with the individual features of the handkerchiefs they had, incorporating such elements as floral or other borders, lace edging, and overall patterns such as spots or checks (Irvine, “New”). The long-sleeved evening gown was quite an ambitious project. The gown was not only fashioned from a fine Irish linen, lace-bordered hankie, meaning some of the cutting and sewing required considerable finesse, but the neckline and hemline were then hand-beaded, as were a circlet of tiny pearls to be worn around the doll’s hair. Such delicacy was required for all outfits, with armholes and necklines for Barbie dolls very small, requiring considerable dexterity in cutting, sewing, and finishing. Fig. 4: Cover of The Australian Women’s Weekly of 5 January 1966 featuring three Barbie dolls. Only two issues later, the magazine ran another Barbie-focussed feature, this time about using oddments found around the home to make accessories for Barbie dolls. Again, the activity is promoted as thrifty and creative: “make teen doll outfits and accessories economically—all you need is imagination and a variety of household oddments” (“Turn”). Included in the full coloured article is a ‘hula’ costume made from a short length of green silk fringe and little artificial flowers sewn together, hats fashioned from a bottle top and silk flower decorated with scraps of lace and ribbon, a cardboard surfboard, aluminium foil and ice cream stick skis, and miniature ribbon-wound coat hangers. This article ended with an announcement commonly associated with calls for readers’ recipes: “what clever ideas have you got? … we will award £5 for every idea used” (“Turn”). This was a considerable prize, representing one-third of the average minimum weekly wage for full-time female workers in Australia in 1966 (ABS 320). Fig. 5: Brightly coloured illustrations making the Weekly’s “Turn Oddments into Gay Accessories”, 1966, a joyful read. This story was reinforced with a short ‘behind the scenes’ piece, which revealed the care and energy that went into its production. This reported that, when posing the ‘hulagirl’ on a fountain in Sydney’s Hyde Park, the doll fell in. While her skirt was rescued by drying in front of a fan, the dye from her lei ran and had to be scrubbed off the doll with abrasive sandsoap and the resulting stain then covered up with make-up. After the photographer built the set (inside this time), the shoot was finally completed (“The Doll”). A week later, the Weekly advertised a needlework kit for three new outfits: a beach ensemble of yellow bikini and sundress, red suit with checked blouse, and blue strapless evening gown. The garment components, with indicated gathering, seam, stitching, and cutting lines, were stamped onto a piece of fine cotton. The kit also included directions “simple enough for the young beginner seamstress” (“Teenage Doll’s”). Priced at 8/6 (85¢ in the new decimal currency introduced that year) including postage, this was a considerable saving when compared to the individual Mattel-branded clothing sets which were sold for sums ranging from 13/6 to 33/6 in 1964 (Burnett). Reader demand for these kits was so high that the supplier was overwhelmed and the magazine had to print an apology regarding delays in dispatching orders (“The Weekly”). Fig. 6: Cotton printed with garments to cut out and sew together and resulting outfits from the Weekly’s “Teenage Doll’s Wardrobe” feature, 1966. This was followed by another kit offer later in the year, this time explicitly promoted to both adult and “little girl” needleworkers. Comprising “cut out, ready to sew [material pieces] … and easy-to-follow step-by-step instructions”, this kit made an embroidered white party dress with matching slip and briefs, checked shorts and top set, and long lace and net trimmed taffeta bridesmaid dress and underclothes (“Three”). Again, at $1.60 for the kit (including postage), this was much more economical (and creative) than purchasing such outfits ready-made. Fig. 7: Party dress from “Three Lovely Outfits for Teenage Dolls” article in the Weekly, 1966. Making dolls’ clothes was an educationally sanctioned activity for girls in Australia, with needlecraft and other home economics subjects commonly taught in schools as a means of learning domestic and professionally transferable skills until the curriculum reforms of the 1970s onwards (Campbell; Cramer; Issacs). In Australia in the 1960s, Barbie dolls (and their clothing and furniture) were recommended for girls aged nine-years-old and older (Dyson), while older girls obviously also continued to interact with the dolls. A 1968 article in the Weekly, for example, praised a 13-year-old girl’s efforts in reinterpreting an adult dress pattern that had appeared in the magazine and sewing this for her Barbie (Dunstan; Forde). It was also suggested that the dolls could be used by girls who designed their own clothes but did not have a full-sized dressmaker’s model, with the advice to use a Barbie model to test a miniature of the design before making up a full-sized garment (“Buy”). Making Things for Barbie Dolls By 9 February 1966, the ‘using oddments’ contest had closed and the Weekly filled two pages with readers’ “resourceful” ideas (“Prizewinning”). These used such domestic bits and pieces as string, wire, cord, cotton reels, egg cartons, old socks, toothpicks, dried leaves, and sticky tape to create a range of Barbie accessories including a mob cap from a doily, hair rollers from cut drinking straws and rubber bands, and a suitcase from a plastic soap container with gold foil locks. A party dress and coat were fashioned from an out-of-date man’s tie and a piece of elastic. There was even a pipe cleaner dog and cardboard guitar. A month later, fifty more winning entries were published in a glossy, eight-page colour insert booklet. This included a range of clothing, accessories, and furniture which celebrated that “imagination and ingenuity, rather than dollars and cents” could equip a teen doll “for any occasion” (“50 Things”, 1). Alongside day, casual, and evening outfits, rainwear, underwear, jewellery, hats, sunglasses, footwear, a beauty case, hat boxes, and a shopping trolley and bags, readers submitted a skilfully fashioned record player with records in a stand as well as a barbeque crafted from tiny concrete blocks, sun lounge, and deckchairs. Miniature accessories included a hairdryer and lace tissue holder with tiny tissues and a skindiving set comprising mask, snorkel, and flippers. The wide variety of negligible-cost materials utilised and how these were fashioned for high effect is as interesting as the results are charming. Fig. 8: Cover of insert booklet of the entries of the 50 winners of the Weekly’s making things for Barbie from oddments competition, 1966. That women were eager to learn to make these miniature fashions and other items is evidenced by some Country Women’s Association groups holding handicraft classes on making clothes and accessories for Barbie dolls (“CWA”). That they were also eager to share the results with others is revealed in how competitions to dress teenage dolls in handmade outfits rapidly also became prominent features of Australian fetes, fairs, agricultural shows, club events, and other community fundraising activities in the 1960s (“Best”; “Bourke”; “Convent”; “Fierce”; “Frolic”; “Gala”; “Guide”; “Measles”; “Parish”; “Personal”; “Pet”; “Present”, “Purim”; “Successful”; “School Fair”; “School Fair Outstanding”; “School Fete”; “Weather”; Yennora”). Dressing Barbie joined other traditional categories such as those to dress baby, bride, national, and bed dolls (the last those dolls dressed in elaborate costumes designed as furniture decorations rather than toys). The teenage doll category at one primary school fete in rural New South Wales in 1967 was so popular that it attracted 50 entries, with many entries in this and other such competitions submitted by children (“Primary”). As the dolls became more prominent, the categories using them became more imaginative, with prizes for Barbie doll tea parties (“From”), for example. The category of dressing Barbie also became segmented with separate prizes for Barbie bride dolls, both sewn and knitted outfits (“Hobby and Pet”) and day, evening, and sports clothes (“Church”). There is no evidence from the sources surveyed that any of this making concentrated on producing career-focussed outfits for Barbie. Do-It-Yourself Ethos A do-it-yourself ethos was evident across the making discussed above. This refers to the possession of attitudes or philosophies that encourage undertaking activities or projects that involve relying on one’s own skills and resources rather than consuming mass-produced goods or using hired professionals or their services. This draws on, and develops, a sense of self-reliance and independence, and uses and enhances problem-solving skills. Creativity is central in terms of experimentation with new ideas, repurposing materials, or finding unconventional solutions to challenges. While DIY projects are often pursued independently and customised to personal preferences, makers also often collaboratively draw on, and share, expertise and resources (Wilson). It is important to note that the Weekly articles discussed above were not disguised advertorials for Barbie dolls or other Mattel products with, throughout the 1960s, the Barbies illustrated in the magazine referred to as ‘teen dolls’ or ‘teenage dolls’. However, despite this and the clear DIY ethos at work, women in Australia could, and did, make such Barbie-related items as commercial ventures. This included local artisanal dressmaking businesses that swiftly added made-to-measure Barbie doll clothes to their ranges (“Arcade”). Some enterprising women sold outfits and accessories they had made through various non-store venues including at home-based parties (“Hobbies”), in the same way as Tupperware products had been sold in Australia since 1961 (Truu). Other women sought sewing, knitting, or crocheting work specifically for Barbie doll clothes in the ‘Work wanted’ classified advertisements at this time (‘Dolls’). Conclusion This investigation has shown that the introduction of the Barbie doll unleashed more than consumer spending in Australia. Alongside purchases of the branded doll, clothes, and associated merchandise, Australians (mostly, but not exclusively, women and girls) utilised (and developed) their skills in sewing, knitting, crochet, and other crafts to make clothes for Barbie. They also displayed significant creativity and ingenuity in using domestic oddments and scraps to craft fashion accessories ranging from hats and bags to sunglasses as well as furniture and many of the other accoutrements of daily life in the second half of the 1960s in Australia. This making appears to have been prompted by a range of motivations including thrift and the real pleasures gained in crafting these miniature garments and objects. While the reception of these outfits and other items is not recorded in the publications sourced during this research, this scan of the Weekly and other publications revealed that children did love these dolls and value their wardrobes. In a description of the effects of a sudden, severe flood which affected her home south of Cairns in North Queensland, for instance, one woman described how amid the drama and terror, one little girl she knew packed up only “her teenage doll and its clothes” to take with her (Johnstone 9). The emotional connection felt to these dolls and handcrafted clothes and other objects is a rich area for research which is outside the scope of this article. Whether adult production was all ultimately intended to be gifted (or purchased) for children, or whether some was the work of early adult Barbie collectors, is also outside the scope of the research conducted for this project. As most of the evidence for this article was sourced from The Australian Women’s Weekly, a similarly close study of other magazines during the 1960s, and of whether any DIY clothing for Barbie also included career-focussed outfits, would add more information and nuance to these findings. This investigation has also concentrated on what happened in Australia during the second half of the 1960s, rather than in following decades. It has also not examined the DIY phenomenon of salvaging and refurbishing damaged Barbie dolls or otherwise altering and customising their appearance in the Australian context. These topics, as well as a full exploration of how women used Barbie dolls in their own commercial ventures, are all rich fields for further research both in terms of practice in Australia and how they were represented in popular and other media. Alongside the global outpouring of admiration for Barbie as a global icon and the success of the recent live action Barbie movie (Aguirre; Derrick), significant scholarship and other commentary have long criticised what Barbie has presented, and continues to present, to the world in terms of her body shape, race, activities, and career choices (Tulinski), as well as the pollution generated by the production and disposal of these dolls (“Feminist”; Pears). An additional line of what can be identified as resistance to the consumer-focussed commercialism of Barbie, in terms of making her clothes and accessories, seems to be connected to do-it-yourself culture. The exploration of handmade Barbie doll clothes and accessories in this article reveals, however, that what may at first appear to reflect a simple anti-commercial, frugal, ‘make do’ approach is more complex in terms of how it intersects with real people and their activities. References “50 Things to Make for Teen Dolls.” The Australian Women’s Weekly 9 Mar. 1966: insert booklet. Aguirre, Abby. “Barbiemania!” Vogue 24 May 2023. 7 Apr. 2024 <https://www.vogue.com/article/margot-robbie-barbie-summer-cover-2023-interview>. “Arcade Sewing Centre [advertising].” The Australian Jewish News 29 Apr. 1966: 15. ‘Arona’, ed. The Practical Handywoman. Melbourne: Arbuckle, Waddell, c.1946. Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS]. Year Book Australia 1967. Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1968. <https://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/abs@.nsf/DetailsPage/1301.01967>. Barbie. Dir. Greta Gerwig. Warner Bros., 2023. Benson, Wendy, Robyn Christie, Robert Holden, and Catriona Quinn. Dolls’ Houses in Australia 1870–1950. Sydney: Historic Houses Trust of NSW, 1999. “Best Teenage Doll.” Western Herald 28 Jul. 1967: 5. “Bourke Parents and Citizens Association.” Western Herald 10 Jun. 1966: 2. Burke, Sheridan. Sydney Quilt Stories, 1811–1970 Elizabeth Bay House. Sydney: Historic Houses Trust, 1998. Burnett, Jennifer. “The History of Barbie in Australia—The Early Years.” 2007. Reprinted in Dolls Dolls Dolls 18 Jul. 2016. 7 Apr. 2024 <https://dollsdollsdolls.net/2016/07/18/the-history-of-barbie-in-australia-the-early-years>. “Buy a Doll.” The Australian Women’s Weekly 5 Oct. 1966: 57. Campbell, Craig. “Home Economics incl. Domestic Science, Domestic Arts and Home Science: Australia 1888–2010.” Dictionary of Educational History in Australia and New Zealand. Sydney: Australian and New Zealand History of Education Society, 18 Apr. 2022. 7 Apr. 2024 <https://dehanz.net.au/entries/home-economics-incl-domestic-science-domestic-arts-and-home-science>. Carter, Nanette. “Man with a Plan: Masculinity and DIY House Building in Post-War Australia.” Australasian Journal of Popular Culture 1.2 (2011): 165–80. “Church Fete a Success.” The South-East Kingston Leader 20 Nov. 1969: 1. “Convent School Fete Highly Successful.” Western Herald 3 Nov. 1967: 3. Cramer, Lorinda. Needlework and Women’s Identity in Colonial Australia. London: Bloomsbury, 2019. “CWA Query Decimals.” Port Lincoln Times 10 Mar. 1966: 16. Derrick, Ruby. “Barbie-Mania Australia.” Ad News 20 Jul. 2023. 7 Apr. 2024 <https://www.adnews.com.au/news/barbie-mania-australia-the-ultimate-brand-campaign>. “Do-It-Yourself: The New Billion-Dollar Hobby.” Time 2 Aug. 1954: cover. ‘Dolls’. “Wanted [advertising].” Port Lincoln Times 25 Aug. 1966: 27. Dunstan, Rita. “The Happy Dress.” The Australian Women’s Weekly 31 Jan. 1968: 16–17. Dyson, Lindsay. “Buying Toys for Children.” The Australian Women’s Weekly 13 Dec. 1967: 53. Elvin, Pam, and Jeff Elvin, eds. The Art of Doll Making: Australian & International, 1&2 (1994). Elvin, Pam, and Jeff Elvin, eds. The Australian Doll Artists Magazine, 1 (1993). “‘Feminist Nightmare’: Full-Size Barbie Dreamhouse Set to Open.” The Sydney Morning Herald 14 May 2013. 8 Apr. 2024 <https://www.smh.com.au/traveller/travel-news/feminist-nightmare-full-size-barbie-dreamhouse-set-to-open-20130514-2jj2h.html>. Fletcher, Marion. Needlework in Australia: A History of the Development of Embroidery. Melbourne: Oxford UP, 1989. “Fierce Winds Knock Show Flower Entries.” Port Lincoln Times 10 Oct. 1968: 16. Forde, Ann. “A Very Happy Doll.” The Australian Women’s Weekly 20 Mar. 1968: 7. “Frolic, Pet Show at Mission.” Port Lincoln Times 27 Apr. 1967: 16. “From Port Elliot.” Victor Harbour Times 20 Jan. 1967: 6. “Gala Day Aids Salt Creek School.” The South-East Kingston Leader 15 Dec. 1966: 1. Gelber, Steven M. Hobbies: Leisure and the Culture of Work in America. New York: Columbia UP, 1999. Gerber, Robin. Barbie and Ruth: The Story of the World’s Most Famous Doll and the Woman Who Created Her. New York: HarperCollins, 2009. Gero, Annette. Historic Australian Quilts. Sydney: Beagle P/National Trust of Australia, 2000. “Glamorous Clothes for Teenage Dolls.” The Australian Women’s Weekly 24 Nov. 1965: 56–59. Green, Sue. “Knitting in Australia.” PhD. Diss. Melbourne: Swinburne U of Technology, 2018. “Guide and Brownie Doll Show and Carnival.” Western Herald 28 Jul. 1967: 1. “Hobbies Party.” The Coromandel 23 Jun. 1966: 7. “Hobby and Pet Show Aids Cubs.” Port Lincoln Times 20 Jul. 1967: 11. “Home-Made Toys in Fabric.” The Australian Women’s Weekly 9 Dec. 1933: 41. Hosany, Sameer. “The Marketing Tricks That Have Kept Barbie’s Brand Alive for over 60 Years.” The Conversation 8 Mar. 2023. 7 Apr. 2024 <https://theconversation.com/the-marketing-tricks-that-have-kept-barbies-brand-alive-for-over-60-years-200844>. Irvine, Jenny. “How to Make: Five Wigs for Teenage Dolls.” The Australian Women’s Weekly 29 Dec. 1965: 12–13. ———. “New Use for Gift Hankies.” The Australian Women’s Weekly 5 Jan. 1966: 23–25. Isaacs, Jennifer. The Gentle Arts: 200 Years of Australian Women’s Domestic & Decorative Arts. Sydney: Lansdowne, 1987. Johnstone, M. “Kitchen Furniture Floated from Wall to Wall.” The Australian Women's Weekly 5 Apr. 1967: 9. Kingston, Beverley. My Wife, My Daughter and Poor Mary Ann: Women and Work in Australia. Melbourne: Nelson, 1975. Lord, Melody, ed. Vintage Knits. Canberra: National Library of Australia, 2022. Lord, M.G. Forever Barbie: The Unauthorized Biography of a Real Doll. New York: Avon Books, 1995. “Measles Affected Doll and Toy Show.” Windsor and Richmond Gazette 22 Sep. 1965: 19. “Parish School Fete Most Successful.” Western Herald 15 Nov. 1968: 9. Pears, Alan. “In a Barbie World” The Conversation 17 Jul. 2023. 7 Apr. 2024 <https://theconversation.com/in-a-barbie-world-after-the-movie-frenzy-fades-how-do-we-avoid-tonnes-of-barbie-dolls-going-to-landfill-209601>. “Personal.” Western Herald 19 Aug. 1966: 12. “Pet Show Raises $150 For Scouts.” The Broadcaster 22 Nov. 1966: 2. “‘Present’ Problems Solved.” The Coromandel 20 Oct. 1966: 3. “Primary School Fete Raises $356.38.” The Berrigan Advocate 28 Feb. 1967: 3. “Prizewinning Teenage Doll Ideas.” The Australian Women’s Weekly 9 Feb. 1966: 29, 31. “Purim Panto.” The Australian Jewish Herald 25 Feb. 1966: 17. “School Fair.” Western Herald 9 Jun. 1967: 4. “School Fair Outstanding Success.” Western Herald 21 Jun. 1968: 1. “School Fete.” The Biz 6 Nov. 1963: 10. Spencer, Amy. DIY: The Rise of Lo-Fi Culture. London: Marion Boyars, 2008. “Successful ‘Gala Day’ Held for Kindergarten.” The South-East Kingston Leader 7 Apr. 1966: 3. “Teenage Doll’s Wardrobe.” The Australian Women’s Weekly 26 Jan. 1966: 17. “The Doll Fell In!” The Australian Women’s Weekly 19 Jan. 1966: 2. “The Weekly Round.” The Australian Women’s Weekly 9 Feb. 1966: 2. Thomas, Diana Mary Eva. “The Wagga Quilt in History and Literature.” The Social Fabric: Deep Local to Pan Global: Proceedings of the Textile Society of America 16th Biennial Symposium 19–23 Sep. 2018. Vancouver: Textile Society of America, 2018. 7. Apr. 2024 <https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/tsaconf/1117>. “Three Lovely Outfits for Teenage Dolls.” The Australian Women’s Weekly 9 Nov. 1966: 37. Trove. National Library of Australia 2024. 7 Apr. 2024 <http://trove.nla.gov.au>. Truu, Maani. “The Rise and Fall of Tupperware’s Plastic Empire and the Die-Hard Fans Desperate to Save It.” ABC News 16 Apr. 2023. 7 Apr. 2024 <https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-04-16/tupperware-plastic-container-inspired-generations-of-fans/102224914>. Tulinski, Hannah. “Barbie as Cultural Compass: Embodiment, Representation, and Resistance Surrounding the World’s Most Iconized Doll.” Hons. Diss. Worchester: College of the Holy Cross, 2017. “Turn Oddments into Gay Accessories.” The Australian Women’s Weekly 19 Jan. 1966: 3. “Weather Crowns Tenth Lock Show Success.” Port Lincoln Times 29 Sep. 1966: 15. Williams, Colin C. “A Lifestyle Choice? Evaluating the Motives of Do-It-Yourself (DIY) Consumers.” International Journal of Retail & Distribution Management 32.5 (2004): 270–78. ———. “Re-Thinking The Motives of Do-It-Yourself (DIY) Consumers.” The International Review of Retail, Distribution and Consumer Research 18.3 (2008): 311–23. Wilson, Katherine. Tinkering: Australians Reinvent DIY Culture. Clayton: Monash UP, 2017. Wolf, Marco, and Shaun McQuitty. “Understanding the Do-It-Yourself Consumer: DIY Motivations and Outcomes.” Academy of Market Science Review 1 (2011): 154–70. “Yennora Pupils’ Show Results.” The Broadcaster 25 Jul. 1967: 2.

As tools to establish collective memory, historical fiction films either connect or don’t connect with audiences depending on the historical context in which they are seen. It also makes sense, however, to account for their function psychologically as prompts for experience. In that regard, at least the following three sources account for their rhetorical power. First, for most viewers, they have an ambiguous reference to historical reality that puts into play the “sleeper effect,” which inhibits counterarguing and thus promotes the establishment of historical memory. Second, historical fiction films are mass media disseminated widely to millions of viewers. They also possess medium characteristics that foster viewer immersion and a sense of “presentness.” Third, the ritualized use of conventional narrative schemas elicits emotions that assist memory formation. To make these points, I draw on both media theory and social science research. I give examples and analyze scenes from films such as Selma (2014), Lincoln (2012), and BlacKkKlansman (2018) to illustrate my points. Finally, I conclude with a discussion of the ethics of the historical fiction film, arguing that a blanket dismissal of mainstream historical fictions would be wrong, for it would deny the possibility of establishing beneficial collective memories that have to do, for example, with antiracism or other values that should be widely embraced.

AbstractIn April 2017, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) participated in the Gotham Shield Exercise, led by the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) and in collaboration with other federal agencies to test the federal, state and local government’s ability to respond to an improvised nuclear device (IND). With active engagement from CDC leadership, 266 scientific and support staff from across the agency participated in the Gotham Shield exercise. The scenario involved a 10-kiloton detonation near the Lincoln Tunnel in New Jersey. This nuclear detonation scenario provided CDC with the opportunity to test some of the all-hazards tools the agency uses during response to other national or international emergencies, such as Geographic Information Systems (GIS) and mapping tools, and apply these tools to a nuclear emergency. Geospatial analysis associated with real time data can provide near real time information for individuals and entities associated with response and recovery activities. This type of analysis can provide timely data in regard to maps and information used to properly place staging areas for Community Reception Centers (CRC), mass care locations, and other medical care and countermeasure related services. Maps showing locations of power loss, such as locations of lost or inoperable main electrical grid and substations, combined with real time data on where power is available provides valuable information for first responders and emergency managers as well as responders engaged in communicating critical public messages to affected populations in these areas. By using real-time information, response officials can direct the response, allocate scarce resources, aid in coordination efforts, and provide a more efficient means of providing critical public health and medical services. The results of the exercise highlight the importance of using geospatial analysis for response planning and effect mitigation before, during, and after a public health event of this magnitude, and the value they represent in informed decision making.

IntroductionIn 2016, the online cause #Mission22 went viral on social media. Established to raise awareness about high suicide rates among US military veterans, the campaign involves users posting a video of themselves doing 22 push-ups for 22 days, and on some platforms, to donate and recruit others to do the same. Based on a ‘big data’ analysis of Twitter data (over 225,883 unique tweets) during the height of the campaign, this article uses #Mission22 as a site in which to analyse how people depict, self-represent and self-tell as moral subjects using social media campaigns. In addition to spotlighting how such movements are mobilised to portray moral selves in particular ways, the analysis focuses on how a specific online cause like #Mission22 becomes popularly supported from a plethora of possible causes and how this selection and support is shaped by online networks. We speculate that part of the reason why Mission22 went ‘viral’ in the highly competitive attention economies of social media environments was related to visual depictions of affective bodily, fitness and moral practices.Web 2.0 Culture: Self and Mass DepictionWeb 2.0 culture such as social networking sites (eg., Facebook; Instagram), the advent of video sharing technologies (eg., YouTube) and more recently, micro-blogging services like Twitter have created new and transformative spaces to create, depict and display identity. Web 2.0 is primarily defined by user-generated content and interaction, whereby users are positioned as both consumer and producers, or ‘produsers’ of Web content (Bruns and Schmidt). Challenging traditional “broadcast” media models, Web 2.0 gives users a platform to produce their own content and for “the many” to communicate “with the many” (Castells). The growth of mass self communication, supported by broadband and wireless technologies, gives unprecedented power to individuals and groups to depict and represent their identities and relationships to a potential global audience.The rise of user-generated communication technologies dovetails with broader analyses of the changing contours of self and identity in late-modern times. Individuals in the early decades of the 21st century must take charge for how they depict, portray and self-tell as distinctive, unique and individual subjects (Beck and Beck-Gernsheim; Giddens; Bauman). As contemporary lives become less bound to the strictures of tradition, community and religion, the self becomes a project to be worked out and developed. These theorists suggest that via processes of individualisation, detraditionalisation and globalisation, contemporary subjects have become disconnected from the traditional coordinates of community and are thus faced with the imperative of self-construction and reinvention (Elliott and Lemert).More recently, theoretical and empirical work has attempted to interpret and evaluate how networks of mass self-depiction powered by new digital and wireless technologies are reshaping identity practices. For some theorists, like Bauman (Consuming 2) and Turkle, Web 2.0 is a worrying trend. Bauman suggests in the “confessional society” – think reality TV, talk shows, social media – people are compelled to curate and reflect upon their lives in the public realm. These public acts of self-depiction are part of a move to treating the self as a brand to be consumed, “as products capable of drawing attention, and attracting demands and customers” (Bauman and Lyon 33). The consumer quality of new communications sees connections replace relationships as social bonds become short-term and brittle. Turkle makes a similar argument, suggesting that our preoccupation with online curation centres on controlling our identities and depicting “perfect” versions of ourselves. The result is diminished forms of intimacy and connection; we preach authenticity and realness but practice self-curation and self-stylisation.A more positive body of literature has examined how Web technologies work as tools for the formation of self. This literature is based on more close-up and detailed readings of particular platforms and practices rather than relying on sweeping claims about technology and social change. Following Foucault, Bakardjieva & Gaden argue that personal blogs and social networking site (SNS) profiles constitute a contemporary technology of the self, whereby users employ Web 2.0 technologies in everyday life as practices of self care and self-formation. In a similar way, Sauter argues that SNSs, and in particular Facebook, are tools for self-formation through the way in which status updates provide a contemporary form of self-writing. Eschewing the notion of social media activity as narcissistic or self-obsessive, Sauter argues that SNSs are a techno-social practice of self-writing that facilitate individuals to “form relations to self and others by exposing themselves to others and obtaining their feedback” (Sauter 836). Other research has explored young people’s sustained use of social media, particularly Facebook, and how these sites are used to tell and archive “growing up” narratives and key rites of passage (Robards and Lincoln).One area of research that has been overlooked is how people use social media to construct and depict moral identity. Following Sauter’s arguments about the self work that occurs through networked self-writing, we can extend this to include the ethical self work performed and produced through online depictions. One exception is work by Hookway which analyses how people use blogs – an earlier Web 2.0 form – to write and self-examine their moral experiences. This research shows how bloggers use blogging as a form of online self-writing to construct a do-it-yourself form of morality that emphasises the self, emotions, body and ideals of authenticity. Hookway highlights the idea that morality is less about obedience to a code of rules or following external laws to becoming a particular moral person through a set of self-practices. Paralleling broader shifts in identity construction, people are no longer bound to the inherited guidelines of the past, morality becomes a project to be worked out, designed and depicted in relation to Others (Hookway).In Foucault’s terms, morality involves a process of ethical self-stylisation – an “aesthetics of existence” – based on “the ethical work of the self on the self” (Foucault 91). “Care of the self” involves a “set of occupations” or “labours” that connect and link the self to the Other through guidance, counselling and communication (Foucault 50). For Foucault, self-creation and self-care imply “care for others” as individuals perform a mutual concern with achieving an “art of existence”. This is a reciprocated ethics that obligates the individual to care for others in order to help them care for themselves.This stylisation of the ethical self has been drastically reshaped by the new opportunities for self-expression, belonging and communication offered in our digitally networked society. Digital worlds and spaces create new multi-media modes for individuals and groups to depict, perform and communicate particular moral identities and positions. Web 2.0 technologies are seeing the boundaries between the private and public sphere collapse as more people are willing to share the most intimate part of their moral lives with a diverse mix of strangers, friends, family and associates.The confessional quality of online spaces provide a unique opportunity to analyse “lay morality” or everyday moral understandings, constructions and depictions and how this is co-produced in relation to new technological affordances. Following Sayer (951), morality is defined as “how people should treat others and be treated by them, which of course is crucial for their subjective and objective well-being”. Morality is understood as a relational and evaluative practice that involves being responsive to how people are faring and whether they are suffering or flourishing.In this article, we use the #Mission22 campaign – a campaign that went “viral” across multiple social media platforms – as a unique site to analyse and visualise lay moral depictions and constructions. Specifically, we analyse the #Mission22 campaign on Twitter using a big data analysis. Much of the empirical work on online self construction and depiction is either purely theoretical in the vein of Bauman, Turkle and Sauter or based on small qualitative samples such as the work by Lincoln and Robards and Author A. This article is unique not only in investigating the crafting of moral depictions in Web 2.0 forums but also in the scale of the textual and visual representation of mass moral self-depictions it captures and analyses. Big Data Analysis of #Mission22 on TwitterIn order to empirically examine the #Mission22 campaign on Twitter, we used the Twitter API to collect over three months of tweets that contained the campaign hashtag (from 20 Aug. 2016 to 1 Dec. 2016). This resulted in a dataset of 2,908,559 tweets, of which 225,883 were non-duplicated (i.e., some tweets were collected multiple times by the crawler).There were 3,230 user accounts participating during this period, with each user tweeting 70 times on average. As Figure 1 shows, a sizeable percentage of users were quite active at the height of the campaign, although there is clearly a number of users who only tweeted once or twice. More specifically, there were 1,232 users (or 38%) who tweeted at least 100 times, and on the other hand 1080 users (or 33%) who only tweeted two times or less. In addition, a tiny number of ‘power users’ (18 or 0.006%) tweeted more than 400 times during this period. Figure 1: Frequency distribution of #Mission22 tweets for each user in the datasetTo get a sense of what users were talking about during the campaign, we constructed a wordcloud out of the text data extracted from the tweets (see Figure 2). To provide more information and context, usernames (preceded with @) and hashtags (preceded with #) were included along with the words, providing a set of terms. As a result, the wordcloud also shows the user accounts and hashtags that were mentioned most often (note that #Mission22 was excluded from the data as it, by definition of the data collection process, has to occur in every tweet). In order to remove meaningless terms from the dataset we applied several text processing steps. First, all terms were converted to lowercase, such that “Veteran” and “veteran” are treated as the same term. Next, we applied a technique known as term frequency-inverse document frequency (tf-idf) to the tweet text data. Tf-idf effectively removes terms that occur so frequently that they provide no interesting information (e.g., the term “mission22”), and also terms that occur extremely infrequently. Finally, we removed English “stop words” from the text data, thereby eliminating common words such as “the” and “and”. Figure 2: Wordcloud of the #Mission22 tweet contentAs Figure 2 shows, the most frequent terms revolve around the campaign message and call-to-action for suicide awareness, including, for example, “day”, “veteran”, “support”, “push-ups”, “band”, “challenge”, “suicide”, “fight”, and “alone”. A number of user accounts are also frequently mentioned, which largely relate to the heavily retweeted users (discussed further below). Furthermore, alongside the central #mission22 hashtag, a number of other popular hashtags were in circulation during the campaign, including “#veteran”, “#americasmission”, “#22kill”, and “#22adayis22toomany”. Table 1 provides the top 50 most frequently occurring terms in decreasing order.Table 1: Top 50 words in the #Mission22 tweet content (decreasing order)1-1011-2021-3031-4041-50day@mrbernardedlong@uc_vetsnothingveteran#veteranbetter@kappasigmauceverysupporteverydaybelieve@ucthetachimissionpush-upschallengetodaytakehelp@sandratxassuicidehaulone#22kill@defensebaronveteransawarenessjustsay@the_usofightaccepted@piedmontlax#veterans@nbcnewsaloneptsdgoodweaknessbandvets22kwrong#nevertrumpcimmunity [sic]#americasmissionshoutoutgodwillA surprising finding of our study is that the vast majority of tweets are simply just retweets of other users. The number of retweets was 223,666, which accounts for about 99% of all tweets in the dataset. Even more surprising was that the vast majority of these retweets are from a single tweet. Indeed, 221,088 (or 98%) of all tweets in the dataset were retweets of the following tweet that was authored on 2 March 2015 by @SandraTXAS (see Figure 3). Clearly we can say that this tweet went ‘viral’ (Jenders et al) in the sense that it became frequently retweeted and gained an increasing amount of attention due to its cumulative popularity and visibility over time. Figure 3: #1 most retweeted #Mission22 tweet – @SandraTXAS (https://twitter.com/SandraTXAS)This highly retweeted or viral #Mission22 tweet provides a point of departure to examine what aspects of the tweet content influence the virality or popularity of #Mission22 tweets during the height of the campaign. To do this, we extracted the next nine most retweeted tweets from our dataset, providing an analysis of the “top 10” retweets (including the @SandraTXAS tweet above). Figure 4: #2 most retweeted - @mrbernarded (https://twitter.com/mrbernarded/status/776221040582295553)This tweet was retweeted 715 times in our dataset. Figure 5: #4 most retweeted - @Mission22 (https://twitter.com/Mission22/status/799872548863414272)This was retweeted 317 times in our dataset. Figure 6: #4 most retweeted - @UCThetaChi (https://twitter.com/UCThetaChi/status/784775641430384640)This was retweeted 180 times in our dataset. Figure 7: #5 most retweeted - @PamKeith2016 (https://twitter.com/PamKeith2016/status/782975576550305792)This was retweeted 121 times in our dataset. Figure 8: #6 most retweeted - @PiedmontLax (https://twitter.com/PiedmontLax/status/770749891698122752)This was retweeted 105 times in our dataset. Figure 9: #7 most retweeted - @PiedmontLax (https://twitter.com/PiedmontLax/status/771181070066692098) This was retweeted 78 times in our dataset. Figure 10: #8 most retweeted - @PatriotBrother (https://twitter.com/PatriotBrother/status/804387050728394752) This was retweeted 59 times in our dataset. Figure 11: #9 most retweeted - @alexgotayjr (https://twitter.com/alexgotayjr/status/787112936644849664) This was retweeted 49 times in our dataset. Figure 12: #10 most retweeted - @csjacobson89 (https://twitter.com/csjacobson89/status/772921614044233729) This was retweeted 45 times in our dataset.DiscussionThis article has provided the first “big data” analysis of the #Mission22 movement that went viral across multiple social media platforms in 2016. We began by arguing that Web 2.0 has ushered in profound changes to how people depict and construct identities that articulate with wider transformations in self and identity in conditions of late-modernity. The “confessional” quality of Web 2.0 means individuals and groups are presented with unprecedented opportunities to “mass self-depict” through new communication and Internet technologies. We suggest that the focus on how Web technologies are implicated in the formation of moral subjectivities is something that has been overlooked in the extant research on identity and Web 2.0 technologies.Filling this gap, we used the #Mission22 movement on Twitter as an empirical site to analyse how contemporary subjects construct and visually depict moral identities in online contexts. A central finding of our analysis of 225883 Twitter posts is that most engagement with #Mission22 was through retweeting. Our data show that retweets were by far the most popular way to interact and engage with the movement. In other words, most people were not producing original or new content in how they participated in the movement but were re-sharing – re-depicting – what others had shared. This finding highlights the importance of paying attention to the architectural affordances of social media platforms, in this case, the affordances of the ‘retweet’ button, and how they shape online identity practices and moral expression. We use moral expression here as a broad term to capture the different ways individuals and groups make moral evaluations based on a responsiveness to how people are faring and whether they are suffering or flourishing (Sayer). This approach provides an emic account of everyday morality and precludes, for example, wider philosophical debates about whether patriotism or nationalistic solidarity can be understood as moral values.The prominence of the retweet in driving the shape and nature of #Mission22 raises questions about the depth of moral engagement being communicated. Is the dominance of the retweet suggestive of a type of “moral slacktivism”? Like its online political equivalent, does the retweet highlight a shallow and cursory involvement with a cause or movement? Did online engagement translate to concrete moral actions such as making a donation to the cause or engaging in some other form of civic activity to draw attention to the movement? These questions are beyond the scope of this article but it is interesting to consider the link between the affordances of the platform, capacity for moral expression and how this translates to face-to-face moral action. Putting aside questions of depth, people are compelled not to ignore these posts, they move from “seeing” to “posting”, to taking action within the affordances of the architectural platform.What then is moving Twitter users to morally engage with this content? How did this movement go viral? What helped bust this movement out of the “long tail distribution” which characterises most movements – that is, few movements “take-off” and become durable within the congested attention economies of social media environments. The Top 10 most retweeted tweets provide powerful answers here. All of them feature highly emotive and affective visual depictions, either high impact photos and statements, or videos of people/groups doing pushups in solidarity together. The images and videos align affective, bodily and fitness practices with nationalistic and patriotic themes to produce a powerful and moving moral cocktail. The Top 50 words also capture the emotionally evocative use of moral language: words like: alone, fight, challenge, better, believe, good, wrong, god, help, mission, weakness and will.The emotional and embodied visual depictions that characterise the the Top 10 retweets and Top 50 words highlight how moral identity is not just a cerebral practice, but one that is fundamentally emotional and bodily. We do morality not just with our minds and heads but also with our bodies and our hearts. Part of the power of this movement, then, is the way it mobilises interest and involvement with the movement through a physical and embodied practice – doing push-ups. Visually depicting oneself doing push-ups online is a powerful display of morality identity. The “lay morality” being communicated is that not only are you somebody who cares about the flourishing and suffering of Others, you are also a fit, active and engaged citizen. And of course, the subject who actively takes responsibility for their health and well-being is highly valued in neoliberal risk contexts (Lupton).There is also a strong gendered dimensions to the visual depictions used in #Mission22. All of the Top 10 retweets feature images of men, mostly doing push-ups in groups. In the case of the second most popular retweet, it is two men in suits doing push-ups while three sexualised female singers “look-on” admiringly. Further analysis needs to be done to detail the gendered composition of movement participation, but it is interesting to speculate whether men were more likely to participate. The combination of demonstrating care for Other via a strong assertion of physical strength makes this a potentially more masculinised form of moral self-expression.Overall, Mission22 highlights how online self-work and cultivation can have a strong moral dimension. In Foucault’s language, the self-work involved in posting a video or image of yourself doing push-ups can be read as “an intensification of social relations”. It involves an ethics that is about self-creation through visual and textual depictions. Following the more pessimistic line of Bauman or Turkle, posting images of oneself doing push-ups might be seen as evidence of narcissism or a consumerist self-absorption. Rather than narcissism, we want to suggest that Mission22 highlights how a self-based moral practice – based on bodily, emotional and visual depictions – can extend to Others in an act of mutual care and exchange. Again Foucault helps clarify our argument: “the intensification of the concern for the self goes hand in hand with a valorisation of the Other”. What our work does, is show how this operates empirically on a large-scale in the new confessional contexts of Web 2.0 and its cultures of mass self-depiction. ReferencesBakardjieva, Maria, and Georgia Gaden. “Web 2.0 Technologies of the Self.” Philosophy & Technology 25.3 (2012): 399–413.Bauman, Zygmunt. Liquid Modernity. Cambridge: Polity, 2000.———. Consuming Life. Cambridge: Polity, 2007.———, and David Lyon. Liquid Surveillance. Cambridge: Polity, 2013.Beck, Ulrich, and Elizabeth Beck-Gernsheim. Individualisation. London: Sage, 2001.Bruns, Axel, and Jan-Hinrik Schmidt. “Produsage: A Closer Look at Continuing Developments.” New Review of Hypermedia and Multimedia 17.1 (2011): 3–7.Dutta-Bergman, Mohan J. “Primary Sources of Health Information: Comparisons in the Domain of Health Attitudes, Health Cognitions, and Health Behaviors.” Health Communication 16.3 (2004): 273–288.Elliott, Anthony, and Charles Lemert. The New Individualism: The Emotional Costs of Globalization. New York: Routledge, 2006.Foucault, Michel. The Care of the Self: The History of Sexuality. Vol. 3. New York: Random House, 1986.Giddens, Anthony. Modernity and Self-Identity: Self and Society in the Late Modern Age. Cambridge: Polity, 1991.Hookway, Nicholas. “The Moral Self: Class, Narcissism and the Problem of Do-It-Yourself Moralities.” The Sociological Review, 15 Mar. 2017. <http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0038026117699540?journalCode=sora>.Jenders, Maximilian, et al. “Analyzing and Predicting Viral Tweets.” Proceedings of the 22nd International Conference on World Wide Web (WWW). Rio de Janeiro, 13-17 May 2013.Kata, Anna. “Anti-Vaccine Activists, Web 2.0, and the Postmodern Paradigm: An Overview of Tactics and Tropes Used Online by the Anti-Vaccination Movement.” Vaccine 30.25 (2012): 3778–89.Lincoln, Sian, and Brady Robards. “Editing the Project of the Self: Sustained Facebook Use and Growing Up Online.” Journal of Youth Studies 20.4 (2017): 518–531.Lupton, Deborah. The Imperative of Health: Public Health and the Regulated Body. London: Sage, 1995.Sauter, Theresa. ‘“What's on Your Mind?’ Writing on Facebook as a Tool for Self-Formation.” New Media & Society 16.5 (2014): 823–839.Sayer, Andrew. Why Things Matter to People: Social Science, Values and Ethical Life. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011.Smith, Gavin J.D., and Pat O’Malley. “Driving Politics: Data-Driven Governance and Resistance.” The British Journal of Criminology 56.1 (2016): 1–24.Turkle, Sherry. Reclaiming Conversation: The Power of Talk in a Digital Age. Penguin: New York, 2015.

This chapter discusses the role of the legal system, including the Supreme Court, in upholding the constitutionality of slavery. It first examines the case of Prigg v. Pennsylvania in 1842, in which the Supreme Court reversed the conviction in state court of Edward Prigg, a professional slave-catcher, for kidnapping Margaret Morgan, who escaped from slavery in Maryland to the free state of Pennsylvania. Ruling that state officials could not hinder enforcement of the federal Fugitive Slave Act of 1793, the Court also held that state officials could decline to aid slave-catchers, leading to mass demonstrations in Boston over the “rendition” of escaped slaves George Latimer and Anthony Burns. The chapter includes a recounting of the infamous Supreme Court decision in Dred Scott v. Sandford in 1857, in which Chief Justice Roger Taney held that no Black person was a citizen and that Blacks were “an inferior order of beings” who had “no rights that the white man was bound to respect.” The chapter concludes with a discussion of the impact of the Dred Scott ruling on the presidential campaign of 1860, in which Abraham Lincoln denounced the decision and provoked the slave states to secede from the Union and launch the Civil War.

But while all this was going on, while the noble gases were being used to work out all the details of stellar processes, a different argon-based experiment was sneaking in and threatening to upset the whole applecart. I first began to learn about it way back in the fading summer of 1958, when I pulled myself up off the Westhampton sands and sauntered back to the lab, angry—in my own self-importance—that Gert Friedlander had hopped off to Europe and left me on my own. You’ll remember Ray Davis, in whose lab I was to work on the iron meteorite K/Ar problem? Well, I first met him that summer when I found Ollie Schaeffer and his mass spectrometer. In the lab next door was this courtly, soft-spoken Southern gentleman, Raymond Davis, Junior, who was putting together a most unlikely experiment and who invited me to join him in his journey into the unknown. Except that it wasn’t really unknown. It was a basic part of quantum mechanics, the theory describing the inner workings of atomic nuclei, which was put together largely during the 1920s and ‘30s—some thirty years before my sojourn at Brookhaven, and which I considered a time of ancient history, not quite real. Oh, I accepted that the 1920s had really existed, but in an intellectual way only, as a sort of existential fantasy—they had happened before I was born. (I first noticed this in others when, in the 1980s, I referred during a class lecture to the Kennedy assassination and was received with blank, uninterested stares. The students knew about it, but it had happened before they were born and had the same status as the Lincoln assassination: it was true, certainly, but basically it was a story grown-ups told.) It’s hard to realize that I’m writing this now more than twice as far removed from my Brookhaven years as those years were from the beginnings of quantum mechanics. So anyhow, it was known back then that the nuclei of atoms were held together by a binding energy which can be expressed through Einstein’s famous equation E = mc2.