Journal articles on the topic 'Financial institutions – Government policy – European Unions countries'
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1
Guiso, Luigi, Helios Herrera, Massimo Morelli, and Tommaso Sonno. "Global crises and populism: the role of Eurozone institutions*." Economic Policy 34, no. 97 (January 1, 2019): 95–139. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/epolic/eiy018.
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SUMMARY Populist parties are likely to gain consensus when mainstream parties and status quo institutions fail to manage the shocks faced by their economies. Institutional constraints, which limit the possible actions in the face of shocks, result in poorer performance and frustration among voters who turn to populist movements. We rely on this logic to explain the different support of populist parties among European countries in response to the globalization shock and to the 2008–11 financial and sovereign debt crisis. We predict a greater success of populist parties in response to these shocks in Eurozone (EZ) countries, and our empirical analysis confirms this prediction. This is consistent with voters’ frustration for the greater inability of the EZ governments to react to difficult-to-manage globalization shocks and financial crises. Our evidence has implications for the speed of construction of political unions. A slow, staged process of political unification can expose the European Union to a risk of political backlash if hard to manage shocks hit the economies during the integration process.
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Baruk, Jerzy. "Financial aspects of research and development policy in the European Union." Marketing of Scientific and Research Organizations 33, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/minib-2019-0041.
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Summary In the article the author has attempted to realise the following goals: 1) identifying and critical assessment of the share of expenditure on research and development (R&D) in the gross domestic product (GDP) borne by business entities concentrated in four sectors (enterprises, government, higher education and private non-profit institutions) and jointly in all sectors. This meter is treated as an indirect measure of the level of managerial activity in shaping the research and development policy, 2) checking the thesis that R&D expenditure are changeable and differ in the particular Member States and does not give a clear positive picture of the systematic and dynamic growth of research and development activity in these countries. The article was developed using the following research methods: critical-cognitive analysis of the literature; statistical and comparative analysis of the “Eurostat” empirical material; the projection. The statistical and comparative analysis of the secondary empirical material “Eurostat” illustrating the share of expenditure on research and development in the gross domestic product was used to check the thesis. The results of the analysis confirm the rightness of the research thesis.
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Wildowicz-Giegiel, Anna. "The role of independent fiscal councils in improving fiscal performance of the European Union countries." Equilibrium 14, no. 4 (December 31, 2019): 611–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24136/eq.2019.029.
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Research background: Independent fiscal councils are an example of new fiscal institutions, the number of which has rapidly increased around the world, including the EU countries since the global financial crisis of 2008–09. A further deterioration of public finance has provoked many economists to intensify disputes regarding the optimal shape, functions and effectiveness of fiscal councils responsible for promoting sound fiscal policy. Given this, a research focus on independent fiscal councils, active in the public debate in Europe, seems intellectually attractive.
Purpose of the article: This article aims to explore the impact of Independent Fiscal Councils on fiscal performance, paying particular attention to their mandate, tasks and institutional models which can strengthen the achievement of fiscal discipline in the EU countries. In connection with this, the question arises about the effectiveness of fiscal councils, especially in the case of institutions that were compulsorily created under the external pressure (at the European level) and found no strong political support in national parliaments.
Methods: Descriptive analysis along with panel data analysis were implemented to show the role of fiscal councils in enhancing fiscal discipline in the EU countries in years 2006–17 on the basis of data collected by the European Commission.
Findings & Value added: The improvement in fiscal performance and better macroeconomic and budgetary forecasts can be achieved thanks to well-designed fiscal councils supported by appropriate fiscal rules. The conducted analysis confirms that independent fiscal councils are the useful mechanism introducing indirect social control over government revenues and expenditures. This means greater fiscal transparency and lower fiscal illusion between the government and the electorate. Due to the increase in the transparency of public finance, it is possible to reduce the ‘partisan’ deficit bias that contributes to public debt growth. The empirical research extends the existing knowledge on the role of fiscal councils and their impact on fiscal performance.
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Gerner-Beuerle, Carsten, Esin Küçük, and Edmund Schuster. "Law Meets Economics in the German Federal Constitutional Court: Outright Monetary Transactions on Trial." German Law Journal 15, no. 2 (March 1, 2014): 281–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200002959.
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The Eurozone banking and sovereign debt crisis has brought the fragility of the European monetary union into sharp focus and exposed the lack of effective instruments at the European level to maintain financial stability. As a response to the crisis, the Member States and the institutions of the Union adopted in short succession several financial assistance measures that have given rise to much political and legal controversy. The European Central Bank (ECB) played an active role in the institutions' efforts to contain the crisis and prevent the disintegration of the Eurozone by deploying a number of so-called non-standard or unconventional monetary policy measures, namely its Securities Markets Programme, Long-Term Refinancing Operations, and in September 2012 the Outright Monetary Transactions Programme (OMT Programme). The OMT Decision envisages unlimited purchases by the ECB of specific types of sovereign bonds issued by Member States participating in an EFSF/ESM macroeconomic adjustment or precautionary program in the secondary market. Without the program having been activated, i.e. without the ECB actually implementing the decision and without any purchases of government bonds, yields on bonds of the affected Eurozone countries decreased markedly after the announcement of the OMT Decision. The OMT Programme has accordingly been credited with having been instrumental in restoring financial stability and preventing a breakup of the Euro area and with being one of the most effective announcements any central bank has ever made.
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Dritsakis, Nikolaos, and Pavlos Stamatiou. "Causal Nexus between Government Debt, Exports and Economic Growth for Three Eurozone Countries: A Panel Data Analysis." Journal of Economics and Public Finance 3, no. 1 (December 30, 2016): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jepf.v3n1p47.
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<em>The relationship between government debt, exports and economic growth has been the focus of a considerable number of academic studies in recent years. The economic crisis, which started in the United States mortgage market, quickly went global when mortgage-backed securities traded by financial institutions. Europe’s response was immediate regarding the measures to tackle the crisis. The establishment of common strategies was the long term goal of the European Union (EU). This paper examines the relationship between government debt, exports and economic growth in the EU countries with the highest level of government debt, using panel data over the period 1990-2014. The Fully Modified Ordinary Least Square (FMOLS) and Dynamic Ordinary Least Square (DOLS) methods are used to estimate the long run relationship between the variables. In addition, the Vector Error Correction Model (VECM) is used in order to investigate the causal relationship between the examined variables. The empirical results of the study revealed that there are both short and long run relationships. Findings suggest that that there is a unidirectional causality running from exports to economic growth as well as from exports and economic growth to government debt. The results provide evidence to support the export led-growth hypothesis. Exports are an important factor for economic development. Moreover, the results reveal that government debt is affected by exports both directly and indirectly through economic growth. Policy implications are then explored in the conclusions.</em>
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Predmestnikov, Oleh, and Vitaliy Gumenyuk. "HARMONIZATION OF ECONOMIC AND LEGAL MECHANISMS FOR DEEPENING EU-UKRAINIAN RELATIONS." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 5, no. 1 (March 22, 2019): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2019-5-1-174-181.
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The policy of Ukraine for the establishment and development of relations with the European Union began in 1993, was carried out all the years of Ukraine’s existence, and received intensive deepening with the beginning of the formation of an international treaty – the Association Agreement, which includes a list of legal, social, economic, and technical regulations, and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA), in 2014 and its final signing in 2017. Political and economic objectives of the Agreement are of fundamental importance to the future of both Ukraine and the whole European region. The political goal is to implement European standards on the territory of Ukraine. This implies the introduction of fundamental European values, namely democracy, rule of law, respect for human rights and the standards of the European security system. The Agreement does not foresee membership in the European Union, however, does not exclude such an opportunity in the future. The economic goal is to help to modernize the Ukrainian economy by expanding trade volumes with the EU and other countries, as well as reforming economic regulation mechanisms in line with the best European practices. Subject to the improvement of the business climate, Ukraine will become attractive for foreign and domestic investment for further production for export to the EU and other markets of the world. Harmonization of standards and European regulations has become a much more important process than the fulfilment of strictly technical requirements and underlies the introduction of effective governance without corruption. In the process of harmonization of interaction, an adaptive institutional mechanism was formed (the highest level – annual Summits; the key coordinator is the Association Council, consisting of members of the Council of the European Union and members of the European Commission, and members of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine; the level of operational coordination – the Association Parliamentary Committee, which includes members of the European Parliament, representatives of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, and the Civil Society Platform; in order to coordinate processes on the territory of Ukraine, the Ukrainian government has introduced a few supervisory committees and commissions). The harmonization of the economic aspect of the mechanism has been determined in solving issues of openness of markets for duty-free import from Ukraine in April 2014, obtaining a visa-free regime with the EU, abolishing export-import tariffs, implementing European technical standards for food safety, phytosanitary norms, competition policy, service provision, and public procurement policy. The issues of further deepening of relations include a review of the terms for the introduction of regulations and legislative provisions before their actual implementation, stabilization of financial and economic processes in the country, and further development of democratic values and social institutions.
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Romanchuk, E. S. "View at the Reform of the Economy of Uzbekistan through the Prism of the Republic’s Cooperation with International Development Institutions." Post-Soviet Issues 9, no. 1 (June 2, 2022): 44–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2022-9-1-44-57.
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The reforms carried out recently in the Republic of Uzbekistan have caused a wide discussion. For many, the speed with which the liberalization of the economy is carried out, as well as the scale of transformations, came as a surprise. Being one of the most closed economies in the post-Soviet space five years ago, Uzbekistan managed not only to catch up with the progressive countries of the former Soviet Union, but also to do so with relatively small social consequences. As shown in the article, the “Uzbek miracle” was caused by three factors. Firstly, the reforms were prepared in advance. Secondly, after the change in the policy of multilateral development banks in terms of the conditions they set for issuing loans to governments, recapitalizing (in some cases) these organizations and optimizing their balance sheets, their ability to provide loans has expanded. In addition, criticism from the international community has stimulated multilateral development banks to take a more careful approach to the choice of tools used when working with borrowing states and literally “create” stories of successful transformation of national economies. Thirdly, the national development Institutes of the People’s Republic of China and Japan have been active in working with the Government of the Republic of Uzbekistan to implement projects aimed at modernizing the old and building new infrastructure. They have invested significant resources to transform certain sectors of the Uzbek economy. Financial institutions of European and Arab states also cooperate with the Uzbek government.Based on the matrix of projects compiled with the volumes of planned investments in the context of institutions and spheres of economic activity, the author pointed out sectors of the Uzbek economy that are the most attractive for individual foreign economic partners of the republic. The rapid growth of the state external debt of the republic has caused a discussion in the country about the effectiveness of the use of foreign loans, as well as the establishment of an upper limit on international borrowing. At the current stage, the Republic of Uzbekistan does not intend to reduce the amount of assistance it attracts from international financial organizations (at the same time, the public debt ceiling will still be set), since, together with loans, these institutions, as a rule, allocate funds free of charge for the preparation of projects and advisory assistance to the Government of the Republic of Uzbekistan.
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Yefymenko, T. I. "Fiscal Regulation of National Economies' Sustainable Growth." Science and innovation 16, no. 5 (October 30, 2020): 20–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/scine16.05.020.
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Introduction. One of the key contradictions in the modern market relations is associated with the phenomena of deglobalization. It is the practice of the European Union with respect to supranational influence on fiscal relations of economic agents and the “trumponomics” that have confirmed the need to further increase the effectiveness of international tax and budget regulatory institutions. Problem Statement. The modern fiscal policy in market economies aims at regulating the distribution of resources between the private and public sectors with minimal impact of inflationary or deflationary fluctuations on the producer price index. Government actions that mobilize market potential shall include elements of fiscal reform related to a set of targeted measures to reduce the growth rate of the monetary aggregates. Purpose. To identify the main directions of a systemic strengthening of fiscal functions of governments, primarily, in countering the threats of destabilization in the presence of dynamic phenomena of globalization and their further multiplication. Мaterials and Мethods. The methods of position-time situational analysis and synthesis have been used; the dynamics of statistical macroeconomic indicators (GDP) within the framework of various systematic model assessments of the tax reform impact have been compared. Results. Both the positive and the negative experience of implementing programs for international financial institutions and governments of different countries aim at achieving the goals of full employment and sustainable development with the help of revenue and budgetary means of demand management and established monetary leverages have been considered. Recommendations for improvement of regulatory fiscal effects on Ukraine’s socio-economic system (SES) stability growth have been justified in the light of current trends of change management. Conclusions. Rational tax policy shall provide for the improvement of legislative mechanisms in combination with the formation and use of costs, stimulating the saving of resources with a view to their best practical use. In the context of globalization and increasing threats of information asymmetry with the existence of various technological paradigms in the SES, regulations shall be based on establishing transparent “game rules”. Mandatory payments shall come from sources of business income rather than from capital, because the use of the latter for paying taxes is contrary to the interests of investors and the goals of sustainable growth.
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Khalatur, Svitlana, Lesia Kriuchko, and Anna Sirko. "WORLD EXPERIENCE ADAPTATION OF ANTI-CRISIS MANAGEMENT OF ENTERPRISES IN THE CONDITIONS OF NATIONAL ECONOMY’S TRANSFORMATION." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 6, no. 3 (August 5, 2020): 171–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2020-6-3-171-182.
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The purpose of the article is to systematize and generalize the experience of leading countries to form and implement an effective crisis management system; to clarify the role of the state in the formation and implementation of anti-crisis regulation strategy of the real sector of the economy, as well as to substantiate the main methodological provisions of its formation. The subject-matter of the study is the methodological and conceptual foundations of the process of the effective crisis management system of the USA, China, Japan, the EU and Ukraine. Methodology. The research is based on the set of well-known general scientific and special methods of research in economics. In particular, the dialectical method, the method of scientific abstraction, the method of systematic analysis, economic and mathematical modeling has been used in the article. Conclusion. The world experience of solving the problems of enterprise bankruptcy is generalized. The experience of the USA, Japan, China, the countries of the European Union is considered. The econometric model taking into account the heteroskedasticity of the residues shows that an increase of 1% Central government debt, bank capital to assets ratio, expense, exports of goods and services, foreign direct investment, net inflows will increase GDP by 2.41%, 1.53%, 1.23%, 2.03%, and 1.19% respectively in the studied countries. Examining the experience in the field of crisis management, it should be noted that in Europe there is a selective approach aimed at stimulating the activities of specific companies; public sector priorities are education, health care, pensions, and the labor market. In addition, in some countries in order to find innovative structures of enterprises, increase their competitiveness and efficiency, out of the crisis, the development of privatization programs is used, which in each country have their own characteristics. World experience shows that the models of anti-crisis management constructed in different countries of the world provide various potential opportunities for progressive socio-economic changes. However, none of them can be used in its pure form in the formation of anti-crisis management policy in Ukraine. This is due to the conditions of accumulation of this experience by countries, the formation of mechanisms and institutions in a balanced economy, differences in the construction of financial and credit mechanisms, and so on. The use of positive experience should be the first step towards reforming the crisis management system.
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Okanović, Hazim. "The importance of non-governmental organizations in public policy-making in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the time after the Dayton agreement." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 302–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.302.
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The main goal of this paper is to investigate the mechanisms of the influence of NGOs on public policy-making in Bosnia and Herzegovina after the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement on December 14, 1995 in Paris. The sharp increase in the number of NGOs occurs immediately after the Dayton Accords, and according to some estimates, there were more than 1,500 at the time, which cannot be considered a large number when compared to the number of NGOs in other transition countries. Data from the Collective Register of Foundations and Associations in Bosnia and Herzegovina state that their total number is 25,646, while the number of actually active is difficult to determine. The literature so far has been presented from the non-governmental sector in Bosnia and Herzegovina to a significant extent for public policy making, as well as research results and these claims primarily based on the number of qualitative impact diaries of individual NGOs (case studies). This research paper aims at systematic research of the domain of influence of the non-governmental sector, through quantitative analysis of newly collected data on the influence of non-governmental organizations. The survey was proven at the local, cantonal, authorial and state level on a representative and stratified sample (10% - according to the statistical method) and was trained by the leadership and activists of non-governmental organizations and government officials (ministries and state administrative organizations). One of the main assumptions is that by successfully networking with organizations from neighboring EU member states, NGOs become a respectable actor in public policy-making in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In addition to quantitative analysis, this paper provides a detailed overview and theoretical analysis of civil society, NGO sector and public policies as well as a comparative insight into institutional and non-institutional mechanisms of NGO influence on public policy making in Bosnia and Herzegovina and their practical application in neighboring countries European Union. This paper contributes to a better understanding of the role of the non-governmental sector (association) in public advocacy and the analysis and comparison of current theories of the legal policy framework, structure, size, factors of development of the non-governmental sector. In addition, the paper contributes to the assessment of the current state of the mechanism of influence on the creation of public policy agendas in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the formulation of measures for internal structures and networking of NGOs and the definition of their number, structure and types. The problem of the research is reflected in the fact that the started processes of transformation and the unfinished process of transition of the Bosnian society and civil sector are, due to the war destructions, significantly slowed down. Changes in society in the pre-war phase created realistic preconditions for the development of the non-governmental sector and civil society in general, and provided a realistic basis for influencing the advocacy and creation of various public policies. In the post-war period, international donors invested heavily in the NGO sector. The subject of this research is the influence of the non-governmental sector on policy-making processes, through knowledge of institutional mechanisms, as well as the correlation of the non-governmental sector and public policies from the aspect of democracy development as an integral process in all its aspects. Given that this topic has previously been partially addressed in this context, through a systematic review of the problem and offering an adequate solution to the problem, it is necessary to re-examine the key issues. The key issues explored within this paper are how networking with neighboring EU Member States has a positive impact (has a positive association) on the importance of NGOs in advocating for public policies. In addition, the extent to which financial support from EU institutions has a positive impact on the importance of NGOs in advocating for public policies has been explored.
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Adamowicz, Mieczysław, and Tomasz Adamowicz. "The World Financial Crisis and The Polish Economy." Zeszyty Naukowe SGGW w Warszawie - Problemy Rolnictwa Światowego 19(34), no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22630/prs.2019.19.1.1.
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The subject of the work is to provide an overview of the global financial crisis in the years 2007-2011; its course, symptoms and effects in the world and in Poland. The work presents the causes and the sources of crisis as well as corrective measures taken by governments and financial institutions. The subject literature and information from different national and international financial institutions and organisations were used as a source of research materials and data for analysis. The financial crisis appeared in Poland with some delay and was less intensive than in other developed countries. Anti-crisis measures taken in Poland complied with the recommendations of the European Union and the International Monetary Fund. The measures taken by the Polish central bank concerned the institutional sphere, the manner in which the financial policy worked and how it was pursued, as well as the real sphere of the economy, including especially enterprises, households and public institutions.
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Białek, Natalia. "Causes of The Outbreak of the Eurozone Crises: The Role of the Usa and the European Central Bank Monetary Policy." e-Finanse 11, no. 2 (June 1, 2015): 47–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/fiqf-2016-0114.
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Abstract This paper argues that the loose monetary policy of two of the world’s most important financial institutions-the U.S. Federal Reserve Board and the European Central Bank-were ultimately responsible for the outburst of global financial crisis of 2008-09. Unusually low interest rates in 2001- 05 compelled investors to engage in high risk endeavors. It also encouraged some governments to finance excessive domestic consumption with foreign loans. Emerging financial bubbles burst first in mortgage markets in the U.S. and subsequently spread to other countries. The paper also reviews other causes of the crisis as discussed in literature. Some of them relate directly to weaknesses inherent in the institutional design of the European Monetary Union (EMU) while others are unique to members of the EMU. It is rather striking that recommended remedies tend not to take into account the policies of the European Central Bank.
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BILORUS, Oleh, Volodymyr VLASOV, Sergіi GASANOV, and Igor KHANIN. "The end of the globalization erа, deglobalization, “new” globalization, or transition to noospheric co-development?" Fìnansi Ukraïni 2020, no. 8 (October 23, 2020): 7–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33763/finukr2020.08.007.
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The article highlights the controversial issues of the state, contradictions and trends of modern globalization in the face of new challenges and threats associated with political, immigration, pandemic, climate, economic and trade shocks – Britain’s exit from the EU, the implementation of the US President’s policy “America Above All”, the beginning of trade de-globalization as a result of the revision of free trade agreements (FTAs) and the trade “war” between the United States and China, the impact of the global COVID-19 pandemic and climate change on deepening the global economic recession, the collapse of national economies and international trade, lack of financial resources for active government support of the health care systems, social protection, small and medium-sized businesses. Political, economic, managerial and academic circles are actively discussing the problems of the “end” of globalization, de-globalization, “new” globalization, the need for a “new world order”, which will actually embody the fundamental values of democracy, economic freedom, free trade and, at the same time, will strengthen social responsibility of the world community and its international institutions, the main geopolitical, geo-economic and military centers of power (primarily the United States, China, the European Union, Russia, etc.) for the preservation of peace on the basis of consensus, recognition of global priorities in countering climatic and epidemic threats to human life on Earth , consistent implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals to eradicate poverty in all its forms and manifestations, combat inequality within and between countries, ensure continuous, inclusive and sustainable economic growth and promote social inclusion. The article drew attention to the strengthening of the trends of protectionism and economic nationalism, in particular, the US withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement and attempts to revise the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The article shows the loss of the US leadership in world trade due to the accelerated economic development of other countries, primarily the Asian region. The discussion of these problems at the Davos Economic Forum led to the conclusion about the likely end of Atlanticism and globalization. At the same time, the UN report (2018) highlighted a special section on trade hyperglobalization. The article hypothesizes that the Bali Round (2013) of negotiations on trade began the fourth wave of its globalization, and proposes a new theory of international trade – the theory of globalization impact.
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BILORUS, Oleh, Volodymyr VLASOV, Sergіi GASANOV, and Igor KHANIN. "The end of the globalization erа, deglobalization, “new” globalization, or transition to noospheric co-development? (part 2)." Fìnansi Ukraïni 2020, no. 10 (December 24, 2020): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33763/finukr2020.10.007.
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The article highlights the controversial issues of the state, contradictions and trends of modern globalization in the face of new challenges and threats associated with political, immigration, pandemic, climate, economic and trade shocks – Britain’s exit from the EU, the implementation of the US President’s policy “America Above All”, the beginning of trade de-globalization as a result of the revision of free trade agreements (FTAs) and the trade “war” between the United States and China, the impact of the global COVID-19 pandemic and climate change on deepening the global economic recession, the collapse of national economies and international trade, lack of financial resources for active government support of the health care systems, social protection, small and medium-sized businesses. Political, economic, managerial and academic circles are actively discussing the problems of the “end” of globalization, de-globalization, “new” globalization, the need for a “new world order”, which will actually embody the fundamental values ??of democracy, economic freedom, free trade and, at the same time, will strengthen social responsibility of the world community and its international institutions, the main geopolitical, geo-economic and military centers of power (primarily the United States, China, the European Union, Russia, etc.) for the preservation of peace on the basis of consensus, recognition of global priorities in countering climatic and epidemic threats to human life on Earth , consistent implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals to eradicate poverty in all its forms and manifestations, combat inequality within and between countries, ensure continuous, inclusive and sustainable economic growth and promote social inclusion. The article drew attention to the strengthening of the trends of protectionism and economic nationalism, in particular, the US withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement and attempts to revise the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The article shows the loss of the US leadership in world trade due to the accelerated economic development of other countries, primarily the Asian region. The discussion of these problems at the Davos Economic Forum led to the conclusion about the likely end of Atlanticism and globalization. At the same time, the UN report (2018) highlighted a special section on trade hyperglobalization. The article hypothesizes that the Bali Round (2013) of negotiations on trade began the fourth wave of its globalization, and proposes a new theory of international trade – the theory of globalization impact.
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Giosi, Alessandro, Silvia Testarmata, Sandro Brunelli, and Bianca Staglianò. "The dimensions of fiscal governance as the cornerstone of public finance sustainability: A general framework." Journal of Public Budgeting, Accounting & Financial Management 26, no. 1 (March 1, 2014): 94–139. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jpbafm-26-01-2014-b005.
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Recently many European countries have incurred crises in public finance despite the fact that EU institutions have pushed the national governments toward the sustainability of public finance with compulsory and voluntary rules regarding fiscal governance. This paper investigates the relations between the quality of fiscal governance and the financial virtuosity of national fiscal policy. We proposed a general framework for analyzing the fiscal governance issue and we empirically tested the correlation between the dimensions of fiscal governance and the budgetary performance of EU countries. The results showed a positive correlation between the quality of fiscal governance in the EU countries and financial surplus in the period concerned. However further investigations are needed and an effort should be made to collect uniform data on fiscal governance in the European Union.
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Campanella, Miriam L. "Getting the Core: A Neo‐institutionalist Approach to the EMU." Government and Opposition 30, no. 3 (July 1, 1995): 347–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1995.tb00132.x.
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THE NEW REGIONALISM, MANIFESTED IN EUROPE BY THE SINGLE European Act and the Maastricht Treaty (1992) and in North America by the signature of the North-American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA 1993), is centred on strategic policies and new institutions, the aims of which are to achieve a more effective role in global competition. In Europe, the shift is marked by the impending process of monetary union and the creation of its related institutions. The new approach agreed in the Maastricht Treaty sets out four requirements for eligibility to membership of monetary union. Convergence criteria embodying the judgment of financial markets about future inflation, exchange rate and fiscal policy appeared to be the second best choice for governments seeking to institutionalize their commitment to inflation-avoiding policies. The whole mechanism is meant first to provide the region with a credible monetary institution able to win over the financial markets and secondly to set up bulwarks to the inflation-prone pressures of domestic sheltered interests. Thirdly, the aim is to commit member countries, through a so-called targeting exercise (in Keohane's words) to accomplishing the agreed objectives with monetary discipline and macroeconomic adjustment.
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Panico, Carlo, and Francesco Purificato. "European Policy Reactions to the Financial Crisis." STUDI ECONOMICI, no. 100 (October 2010): 191–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ste2010-100011.
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The paper examines how economic policy have been carried out in Europe during the recent financial crisis. It focuses on the changes introduced in the operational procedures of monetary policy in the euro area in 2007 and 2008, pointing out that the objective of the authorities has been to respond to the liquidity needs of the monetary financial institutions, avoiding to loose control over M3. The paper argues that the interventions of the Eurosystem have produced satisfactory results and underlines the problems generated by the fall in productive activity and the need to face them with fiscal policies instruments. The inefficient forms of coordination between monetary and fiscal policies and the management of the government debt in some euro area countries are seen as the main sources of preoccupation for the evolution of the crisis.
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Biletska, O. A. "Features of Scientific Research Financing in the European Union." Business Inform 7, no. 522 (2021): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.32983/2222-4459-2021-7-37-43.
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The article is aimed at identifying the scope and features of financial provision for scientific research in the founding countries of the EU – Germany, France and Italy, as well as in new countries – the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia. Methodological basis of researches constituted the publications of scholars on this issue, analytical methods, the Eurostat data, and developed scientific approaches. According to the substantiated criteria, the analysis of research costs in terms of total expenses, costs by sector and per person is carried out. The identified features are grouped by common and distinctive characteristics regarding business structures, the public sector and higher education institutions. The dynamics of increasing or reducing these costs for a particular country during 2014–2019 are distinguished. The acyclicity of expenses detected during the specified period in all the analyzed countries by certain sectors is an evidence of a permanent search for the optimal ratio between the subjects of financing and reflects the specifics of the financial policy implemented by governments. Significant results of the study are the definition of a significant role of Germany in financing these costs, the share of which is almost a third of all EU spending, as well as the identification among the analyzed countries of a significant difference in costs between Germany, as the most economically developed EU country, and Slovakia, as the least developed, which makes 141 times. Separately, it is emphasized that the peculiarities of financing the costs are determined by the factors of historical, economic and mental content, which are disclosed with the appropriate substantiation in the article. The conclusions of the completed research are consistent with the views of other scholars whose works are taken into account in this article. A reasoning of the research results is provided and the feasibility of further searches for optimization of research costs is defined.
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Kozhura, Liudmila, Svitlana Zadereiko, and Andrii Omelchenko. "SYSTEM OF ECONOMIC MEANS OF STATE ADMINISTRATION OF THE RIGHTS OF PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES TO HEALTHCARE." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 7, no. 4 (September 27, 2021): 101–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2021-7-4-101-107.
Full textAbstract:
At the current stage of the development of society the problem of social protection and state support for people with disabilities is particularly relevant and requires reform and improvement. Ukraine, as a country aspiring to join the European Union, should take into account the best foreign experience of the leading countries of the world in the field of state policy to support people with disabilities and its implementation. The process of reforming the national healthcare system demonstrated the ineffective policy in this area, the high level of corruption and the inability to transform this system to the level of world standards of medical care, especially for people with disabilities. The problem of disability in Ukraine is becoming particularly acute. The goal of this article is to investigate the system of economic means of state administration of the rights of people with disabilities to healthcare, to identify the areas of budgetary management and the formation of a new mechanism of economic administration. Scientific analysis was carried out by using the method of systematic approach and analysis, which enabled us to study theoretical aspects of economic methods of state administration of the right of people with disabilities to healthcare, formation of the budget management in Ukraine for the economic security of the rights to healthcare, and features of the new mechanism of the economic administration of the right of people with disabilities to health care. It has been researched that along with administrative methods of state management of the right to health protection of people with disabilities the economic group of methods is important. These include programs of economic development of health care, rehabilitation programs for people with disabilities, implementation of pilot projects to change the mechanism of financial support for operative treatment, etc. Methods of regulating influence (indirect management) are becoming increasingly important, and economical methods of management belong to them. Implementation ensures that the financial and material interests of the management objects are satisfied through the activities of its subjects, which create favorable conditions for achieving the goals and objectives of management. For example, local self-government bodies, within the limits of their competence, can finance local programs for the development and support of community healthcare institutions. In 2019, a new mechanism of rehabilitation support for children with disabilities was introduced based on the principle of "money follows the people", which should ensure targeting, transparency and improve the quality of rehabilitation services. Resources are divided vertically among regional bodies, which divide budgetary funds among local bodies in proportion to the number of children who require rehabilitation measures, according to the place of their residence (location). The national legislation also reflects the norms that created the conditions for the implementation of the right to work of people with disabilities, as well as ratified Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and the ILO Convention on professional rehabilitation. From the point of view of the Ministry of Healthcare of Ukraine, the funds allocated by the state are extremely insufficient for the uninterrupted functioning of the medical system. In its budget memorandum for 2021 the ministry has allocated twice as much – 296 billion UAH, 225 billion UAH of which for the implementation of the medical guarantee program (which is 5% of GDP, as required by the Law of Ukraine "On State Financial Guarantees of Medical Services to Population"). But the proposals of the Ministry of Health both at the time of formation of the state budget and at the time of its approval were not taken into account. The requirement of the Law of Ukraine "On State Financial Guarantees of Medical Services to the Population" for the establishment of financing of the program of medical guarantees at the level of 5% of GDP was lengthened for one more year.
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Schulz, Daniel F., and Thomas Henökl. "New Alliances in Post-Brexit Europe: Does the New Hanseatic League Revive Nordic Political Cooperation?" Politics and Governance 8, no. 4 (November 3, 2020): 78–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i4.3359.
Full textAbstract:
As Brexit removes the Nordic countries’ most powerful ally from the EU, what does this imply for their approach to European affairs? The literature on small states within the EU suggests that they can counterbalance limited bargaining capacities by entering two types of alliances: strategic partnerships with bigger member states and institutionalised cooperation on a regional basis. Against this backdrop we ask whether, by significantly raising the costs of non-cooperation for Nordic governments, the Brexit referendum has triggered a revival of Nordic political cooperation. We scrutinise this conjecture by analysing Nordic strategies of coalition-building on EU financial and budgetary policy, specifically looking at attempts to reform Europe’s Economic and Monetary Union and proposals to strengthen the EU’s fiscal powers. We find that Nordic governments have successfully collaborated on these issues in the context of new alliances such as the ‘New Hanseatic League’ or the ‘Frugal Four.’ Yet, their coalition-building strategies rely on relatively loose and issue-specific alliances rather than an institutionalisation of Nordic political cooperation, implying that this revival of Nordic political cooperation hardly involves the institutions of ‘official’ Nordic cooperation. We argue that this reflects lasting differences among the Nordics’ approach to the EU as well as electorates’ scepticism about supranational institution-building, implying that ‘reluctant Europeans’ are often also ‘reluctant Scandinavians.’
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Rudner, Martin. "European Community Development Assistance to Asia: Policies, Programs and Performance." Modern Asian Studies 26, no. 1 (February 1992): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00015912.
Full textAbstract:
The European Community is distinctive among the donors of international development assistance. Although it is categorized officially as a multilateral aid institution, the Community differs in structure, purpose and role compared to other, more familiar organizations of that genre. Like other multilaterals, the European Community derives its aid budget, as well as its other financial resources, from the fiscal contributions of its Member states (each of which provides its own bilateral assistance to developing countries). Yet, to be sure, the Community represents more than just a multilateral economic union, since it also constitutes a supra-European governmental authority in the making. Indeed, the European Community has begun to evolve a common foreign policy, which is reflected in its role in Official Development Assistance (ODA). Its aid effort, in giving expression to the Community's common international purpose, has taken on most of the attributes of government-to-government assistance. It is this combination of multilateral and quasi-bilateral characteristics that sets the European Economic Community (EEC, as the Community is styled in its ODA role) apart as a uniquely meta-national participant in international development cooperation.
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Daragan, Tetiana, and Oksana Vlasyuk. "THE ROLE OF EUROPEAN PRACTICES OF THE YOUTH POLICY IMPLEMENTATION IN THE FORMATION OF YOUNG POLITICAL ELITE IN UKRAINE." Educational Analytics of Ukraine, no. 3 (2022): 119–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.32987/2617-8532-2022-3-119-127.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the study of the organization of student self-government in two European countries, such as France and England. The relevance of the study is due to the need to analyze and thus introduce the best experience of leading universities in Western Europe on the functioning of student unions. Student activity in European HEIs is aimed not only at obtaining high-quality higher education but also at active social and public activities. As a result, in various unions, students acquire primary skills in organizing election companies and acquire the basics of management and political experience. The article reveals that the activities of student self-government in France are mainly reflected in the work of the various student unions. Students should be elected and work in councils of students and, therefore, gain experience in electoral campaigns. Student unions are politically oriented, and their members have certain political preferences, but they do not openly support any political party. Student union activity in England is characterized by excessive politicization, which is a consequence of the history of its establishment. Hence, all forms of political life in England are reflected in the activities of student unions. Through their activities, student unions seek to involve more young people in public life. For this, seminars and conferences are held, various manuals are printed and different projects are implemented. Financial support for the work of student councils not only creates good conditions for their activities but also requires justification for the use of funds and is constantly monitored. Thus, students acquire the skills of correct and balanced use of finance and timely reporting on expenditures. According to the results of the study, the authors found that the experience of student government in France and England is essential for the development of student democracy in Ukraine, as well as for determining the form of youth involvement in social and political life (both within their community and within the state). Prospects for further research include an analysis of the impact of the activities of student self-government bodies of Ukrainian HEIs on the formation of the civic position of youth, as well as the development of a new political elite of the country.
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Polzer, Tobias, and Christoph Reichard. "IPSAS for European Union member states as starting points for EPSAS." International Journal of Public Sector Management 33, no. 2/3 (December 13, 2019): 247–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpsm-12-2018-0276.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose The European Commission is pursuing an initiative to establish European Public Sector Accounting Standards (EPSAS) as a common mandatory set of rules for financial reporting of all member states of the European Union (EU). As a basis for developing EPSAS, the International Public Sector Accounting Standards (IPSAS) are being used. The purpose of this paper is to structure and analyze the discussion around EPSAS, with particular emphasis on the arguments that were brought forward by governments and other stakeholders of various EU countries regarding the suitability of IPSAS. Design/methodology/approach Drawing on several schools of thought in new institutional theory, how the prevailing institutional contexts in countries influence the debates is explored. Empirically, this research investigates the responses to a consultation on the suitability of IPSAS for EU member states and takes a closer look, via document analysis, at France and Germany as two critical cases. Findings It is found that, first, the majority of arguments from respondents are framed in a rational choice way. Second, skeptics of IPSAS tend to make arguments rather from positions closer to historical and/or sociological institutionalism. Research limitations/implications The paper illustrates that while technical matters around EPSAS seem solvable, political, historical and cultural differences go deeper, and need to be addressed by change agents. Regarding limitations of the research, first, the analysis concentrates on financial reporting and does not deal with the implications for more reliable and comparable national accounts in the context of the European System of Accounts (ESA, 2010). Second, it is focused on debates in the context of the EPSAS proposal, and there is a need for an evaluation after the changes have gone live. Originality/value The study looks at a text genre that has so far received less attention in public sector accounting research: responses to consultations. The paper contributes to the literature by showing how institutional contexts matter in settings characterized by contestation of reform contents.
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Rudenko Olha, Rudenko Olha, Zhytar Maksym Zhytar Maksym, and Kodis Yevheniy Kodis Yevheniy. "EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVE OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION IN THE CONTEXT OF IMPLEMENTATION OF THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP PROJECT IN UKRAINE." Socio World-Social Research & Behavioral Sciences 03, no. 01 (January 14, 2021): 139–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/swd03012021139.
Full textAbstract:
It was found that today Ukraine is not ready to introduce a decentralized system due to shortcomings in budget planning and non-transparency of public financial management. In case of its introduction in the management system of EU funds of Ukraine, it is advisable to develop a preparatory stage for a decentralized management system of EU assistance resources, which will ensure an independent audit of Ukraine's external assistance management system. Based on the results of the audit, it is necessary to determine the responsible state institution that will carry out the overall coordination of the decentralized system in the subsequent stages of its implementation. An urgent challenge for modern Ukraine is the ability to develop a national research and innovation strategy in line with the best EU models. To date, Ukraine lacks a comprehensive systemic vision for the development of science, technology and innovation, and dialogue with civil society and the expert community is somewhat of a formality. The plans and proposals submitted by the Ministry of Education and Science and the Ministry of Economic Development, Trade and Agriculture need to be properly coordinated. After all, such inconsistency of actions of government structures is also reflected in the quality and effectiveness of the legislation of Ukraine, increases the time of adoption of laws in the Verkhovna Rada. In this regard, cooperation between the three committees in particular needs to be significantly improved, namely: the Committee on Education and Science, the Committee on Informatization and Communications and the Committee on Industrial Policy and Entrepreneurship. Promoting cooperation and integration with the European Union will allow the citizens of the respective partner countries to adapt European values faster, increase people's awareness of the experience and prospects of EU countries, and significantly strengthen their self-identification as Europeans. The importance of the role of the Eastern Partnership in security issues for both the EU and the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership should be emphasized. Keywords: European Union, European integration, Eastern Partnership, regional cooperation, Association Agreement, public administration.
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Мульска, Ольга П. "ІНСТИТУЦІОНАЛЬНЕ ЗАБЕЗПЕЧЕННЯ ДЕРЖАВНОЇ ПОЛІТИКИ УПРАВЛІННЯ МІГРАЦІЙНИМИ ПРОЦЕСАМИ В УКРАЇНІ." Bulletin of the Kyiv National University of Technologies and Design. Series: Economic sciences 153, no. 6 (July 4, 2021): 30–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.30857/2413-0117.2020.6.4.
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This paper discusses the changes in the key factors of socioeconomic development in Ukraine related to the transition to an innovation-driven economy, the most important of which are the availability and development of human resources that Ukraine is rapidly losing in the context of intensified external migration flows. The purpose of the article is to shape an institutional support framework to facilitate government migration management policy in Ukraine. The theoretical and methodological background of the research relies on scientific advances in migration, institutional and social economics theories. The methods of generalization and synthesis used in the study allowed to formulate research findings and develop proposals. The study presents a toolkit to ensure robust government migration management policy realization in Ukraine that in the first place envisages the need to develop and implement the concept of migration services infrastructure development, programs to encourage re-emigration of student and labor migrants and attain convergence of Ukrainian legislation with legislation of major recipient countries through international social security agreements enabling migrant pension applications, deepening of the cooperation between trade unions and migrant associations in recipient countries as well as with trade unions of EU citizens to develop a mechanism to ensure social protection of migrant workers. This study suggests an effective management mechanism to provide institutional support through launching of information and resource centres under the auspices of the State Migration Service of Ukraine, ensuring successful implementation of grant programs of international organizations and funds to create structures at border service offices, further development of financial institutions (funds, unions or investment banks) to foster effective migration remittance transfers to the real sector of the economy, creating strategic alliances between international corporations and institutions of higher education.
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Voytyk, Oleksandra, and Nataliia Mazii. "Labor market amid the crisis and ways to improve its governmental regulation." Democratic governance 30, no. 2 (December 31, 2022): 144–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/dg2022.02.144.
Full textAbstract:
Statement of the problem. Employment of the population and reduction of unemployment rate are priority objectives for economic recovery in the country suffering from the hybrid war for many years, affected by the COVID-19 pandemic for two years, and involved into the full-scale war since February 24, 2022 that results in joblessness for thousands of people, destruction of the businesses, equipment and facilities, as well as the natural resources of Ukraine. These and other factors are undermining the normalfunc- tioning of the labor market that currently features high unemployment rate, essential territorial differentiation in the area of employment in connection with the temporary occupation of the territories and warfare, imbalances between the vacancies and the qualifications in demand, negative demographic processes (increase in the rate of mortality, disability, migration within and outside the country). Today, governmental regulation of the labor market is a necessity because coordination between the interests of the workforce and the employers has to be supported and monitored by the government to enable fast recovery from the crisis and integration of Ukraine into the world economic space, increase of the economic competitiveness and acceptance of Ukraine as the member of the European Union. Analysis of the latest researches and publications. The war in Ukraine that has caused social and economic crisis has also adversely affected the national labor market and employment industry. The vacancies have been curtailed as a result of emigration of people and relocation of businesses, employment has become problematic or impossible, accordingly, there is increase in unemployment rate stemming from the pandemic and economic crisis emerging before the war. That is why a lot of scientists have started researching this problem, namely, N. Balashova, O. Bokov, M. Butko, V. Vasylchenko, R. Voitovych [4], S. Honcharova, K. Dubych [4], M. Kravchenko, O. Krainyk, E. Libanova, Y. Marshavin, L. Novak-Kaliaieva, V. Onikienko, N. Savchenko, K. Suprun [5], N. Titchenko. Addressing the previously untouched points of the general problem. The subject of the research constitutes study of the particulars of formation of offer and demand in the labor market of Ukraine amid improvement of its governmental regulation, with due regard to the European Integration ambitions of Ukraine. Presentation of the basic research material. Employment of the population is one of the most important criteria influencing the state of economy and efficiency of public administration in any country. The purpose of the governmental policy in this area is to ensure the fullest involvement of the population in the socioeconomic development processes. Public administration of employment includes ensuring balance between the labor offer and demand for the people with different occupational qualifications, increase of the income and improvement of the quality of life of the people, facilitation of staff support in order to generate and fulfill the creative and business ideas. Public administration of employment plays an important rolein the socioeconomic development policy, offersso- lution to the multidimensional problems, and not only furthers achievement of quantitative target values, but also encourages qualitative economic changes, human capital development, especially in the context of the European integration. Based on the completed analysis, the key measures aimed at improvement of the governmental regulation of the labor market amid the crisis are creation of equal opportunities for the unemployed in the Employment Center of the region, provision of access to the training programs and job offers, introduction of the mechanisms of cooperation and interaction among the State Employment Service and private employment agencies; elimination of imbalance between the workforce offer and demand revealed while analyzing the number of vacancies and unemployed in the labor market of Ukraine, which is especially necessary in times of war, by achieving the balance between the workforce offer and demand in the market through generation of the system of monitoring and forecasting, and estimation of the numbers of the state order in the educational institutions; career guidance organization and promotion, training and re-training of staff; harmonization of the legislative regulation of labor relations of the market participants; in view of the experience gained from the developed countries, prioritization of the social protection of the unemployed population (financial aid, unemployment benefits, unemployment insurance, etc.), which shall definitely decrease emigration of the staff and reduce the criminal rate; generation of the competitive environment, both in the labor market and in the businesses, with due regard to the economic and regional aspects; increase of motivation among the unemployed, etc. Conclusions. The research addresses the evident lack of balance between the offer and demand in the labor market occurring as a result of the pandemic, as well as substantial worsening of this situation since February 24, 2022. In 2018–2019, the difference between the vacancies and the unemployed was not essential, in 2020, the number of unemployed exceeded the number of vacancies 1.5 times, in 2021, 1.7 times, and in 2022, 2.7 times. In addition to the social crisis when the war destroys the life of people and families, ruins or paralyzes the state and private economy sector, the governmental regulation of the labor market is required both at the state and the regional levels. Today, the worst situation is in the occupied territories or the area affected by fighting, and despite partial relocation of businesses, many companies are staying in the danger area any putting the life of their employees at stake every day due to impossibility to move their business to another area, desire to keep the jobs or for other reasons, for stabilization of economic processes and the future without war.
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Derzhaliuk, M. "Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 1)." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 144–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-7.
Full textAbstract:
The article is dedicated to the elections to the State Assembly of Hungary on April 3, 2022, which ended with the victory and acquisition of a constitutional majority by the now ruling coalition of Fidesz-Hungarian Civil Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) - (Fidesz–KDNP).
It analyzes its electoral platform “War or Peace”, the center of which was the attitude to the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is indicated that this war divided the political forces of Hungary into two camps – supporters of neutrality (peace) or supporters of Ukraine (war). The ruling coalition advocated neutrality, non-intervention in the war, which guaranteed the preservation of peace and tranquility for the citizens of Hungary. All the opposition forces showed support for Ukraine against Russia. The authorities accused the latter of the fact that their pro-Ukrainian and anti-Putin activities posed a danger and threatened the spread of the war to the territory of Hungary. It is emphasized that thanks to this position, Fidesz–KDNP won a convincing victory in Hungary as a whole and especially among the Hungarian communities abroad, while the six-party opposition bloc, although it won convincingly in 17 of Budapest’s 18 districts, suffered a significant defeat in the country as a whole.
The main reasons for the unexpected victory of the ruling coalition Fidesz - HDNP in these elections are highlighted. Among them: the coalition flexibly combined centrist and center-right values, synthesized them and rose above narrow party interests, turning into a broad popular front of the Hungarian nation. It is also noted that during the 12-year remaining stay in power in the country, transformations were completed, namely, a new Basic Law (constitution) was adopted, relevant legislation was formed, and a national democratic model of political and economic power was introduced according both to the state and EU standards that complies with state and EU standards. The internal policy was aimed at the development of traditional branches of the economy and the formation of modern forms of management. Relatively high economic development of the country was ensured thanks to by the effective use of foreign investments, international markets, which are far from being limited to EU countries. Hungary develops close cooperation with countries of all regions, if its national interests are ensured. Great attention is paid to the support and protection of Hungarian communities living in countries neighboring Hungary (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, Ukraine). At the legislative level, the status of Hungarians abroad is almost equal to that of Hungarians in the country itself. The policy of national unity, the recognition of Hungarians, regardless of their residency country of residence, as members of a united single Hungarian nation, gained general approval. The concentration of domestic and foreign policy on the priority of Hungarian interests helped Fidesz to turn into an authoritative and reliable political force of the country, which, using civilized methods, fights for the future of Hungary, the comprehensive development of its people, the preservation of the identity of Hungarian communities abroad, the prevention of assimilation, mass emigration and the restriction of their rights along national lines. In addition, the ruling coalition managed to form a reliable financial, personnel, and media potential, to significantly expand the electoral field of its activities, which no opposition political force is able to compete with, especially during the elections to the State Assembly.
The qualitative composition of the new parliament was analyzed. The progress of the election of the new President of Hungary on March 9, the speaker of the newly elected parliament, his deputies and heads of parliamentary factions on May 2, and finally the Prime Minister of Hungary on May 16 and the approval of the country’s new government headed by Viktor Orbán on May 24, is highlighted.
Great attention is paid to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations. The analysis of political processes during the election campaign and in the first months after the end of the elections, in particular the attitude of Budapest to the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations, allowed us to draw conclusions that the priorities of the international activities of the ruling coalition of Hungary will remain unchanged: serving the interests of the Hungarian nation on in all territories of its residence, in particular support, protection and assistance to Hungarian national communities in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine. The results of the parliamentary elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 confirmed that these principles are unchanged and continue to be binding in the activities of the Hungarian government institutions.
It is emphasized that the level of development of Hungary's bilateral relations with neighboring states will depend on ensuring the Hungarian foreign communities interests how the interests of the Hungarian foreign communities will be ensured (granting dual citizenship, autonomy status for the community, creating conditions for cultural and educational development based on in the national language and traditions). Hungarian-Ukrainian relations will be in the same condition state. Hungary supports the territorial integrity of Ukraine, its European choice, condemns Russian aggression, supports the EU’s sanctions policy against the Russian Federation, and provided shelter for 800,000 refugees from Ukraine. More than 100,000 people from Ukraine stay are in Hungary illegally. Since July 19, Hungary has allowed the transit of weapons from other countries through its territory to Ukraine. Yet But it continues to maintain neutrality in the Russian-Ukrainian war, supports EU energy sanctions against the Russian Federation in such a way that it does not harm its economic interests. At the same time, it does not agree to the application of certain legal provisions on education the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, that came into force in 2017 and 2019 to the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia of a number of provisions of the laws on education and the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, which came into force in 2017 and 2019.
It is emphasized that the settlement of cultural and educational issues of the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia should become a priority task for both countries.
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Derzhaliuk, M. "Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 2)." Problems of World History, no. 19 (October 27, 2022): 143–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-9.
Full textAbstract:
The article is dedicated to the elections to the State Assembly of Hungary on April 3, 2022, which ended with the victory and acquisition of a constitutional majority by the now ruling coalition of Fidesz-Hungarian Civil Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) - (Fidesz–KDNP).
It analyzes its electoral platform “War or Peace”, the center of which was the attitude to the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is indicated that this war divided the political forces of Hungary into two camps – supporters of neutrality (peace) or supporters of Ukraine (war). The ruling coalition advocated neutrality, non-intervention in the war, which guaranteed the preservation of peace and tranquility for the citizens of Hungary. All the opposition forces showed support for Ukraine against Russia. The authorities accused the latter of the fact that their pro-Ukrainian and anti-Putin activities posed a danger and threatened the spread of the war to the territory of Hungary. It is emphasized that thanks to this position, Fidesz–KDNP won a convincing victory in Hungary as a whole and especially among the Hungarian communities abroad, while the six-party opposition bloc, although it won convincingly in 17 of Budapest’s 18 districts, suffered a significant defeat in the country as a whole.
The main reasons for the unexpected victory of the ruling coalition Fidesz - HDNP in these elections are highlighted. Among them: the coalition flexibly combined centrist and center-right values, synthesized them and rose above narrow party interests, turning into a broad popular front of the Hungarian nation. It is also noted that during the 12-year remaining stay in power in the country, transformations were completed, namely, a new Basic Law (constitution) was adopted, relevant legislation was formed, and a national democratic model of political and economic power was introduced according both to the state and EU standards that complies with state and EU standards. The internal policy was aimed at the development of traditional branches of the economy and the formation of modern forms of management. Relatively high economic development of the country was ensured thanks to by the effective use of foreign investments, international markets, which are far from being limited to EU countries. Hungary develops close cooperation with countries of all regions, if its national interests are ensured. Great attention is paid to the support and protection of Hungarian communities living in countries neighboring Hungary (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, Ukraine). At the legislative level, the status of Hungarians abroad is almost equal to that of Hungarians in the country itself. The policy of national unity, the recognition of Hungarians, regardless of their residency country of residence, as members of a united single Hungarian nation, gained general approval. The concentration of domestic and foreign policy on the priority of Hungarian interests helped Fidesz to turn into an authoritative and reliable political force of the country, which, using civilized methods, fights for the future of Hungary, the comprehensive development of its people, the preservation of the identity of Hungarian communities abroad, the prevention of assimilation, mass emigration and the restriction of their rights along national lines. In addition, the ruling coalition managed to form a reliable financial, personnel, and media potential, to significantly expand the electoral field of its activities, which no opposition political force is able to compete with, especially during the elections to the State Assembly.
The qualitative composition of the new parliament was analyzed. The progress of the election of the new President of Hungary on March 9, the speaker of the newly elected parliament, his deputies and heads of parliamentary factions on May 2, and finally the Prime Minister of Hungary on May 16 and the approval of the country’s new government headed by Viktor Orbán on May 24, is highlighted.
Great attention is paid to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations. The analysis of political processes during the election campaign and in the first months after the end of the elections, in particular the attitude of Budapest to the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations, allowed us to draw conclusions that the priorities of the international activities of the ruling coalition of Hungary will remain unchanged: serving the interests of the Hungarian nation on in all territories of its residence, in particular support, protection and assistance to Hungarian national communities in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine. The results of the parliamentary elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 confirmed that these principles are unchanged and continue to be binding in the activities of the Hungarian government institutions.
It is emphasized that the level of development of Hungary's bilateral relations with neighboring states will depend on ensuring the Hungarian foreign communities interests how the interests of the Hungarian foreign communities will be ensured (granting dual citizenship, autonomy status for the community, creating conditions for cultural and educational development based on in the national language and traditions). Hungarian-Ukrainian relations will be in the same condition state. Hungary supports the territorial integrity of Ukraine, its European choice, condemns Russian aggression, supports the EU’s sanctions policy against the Russian Federation, and provided shelter for 800,000 refugees from Ukraine. More than 100,000 people from Ukraine stay are in Hungary illegally. Since July 19, Hungary has allowed the transit of weapons from other countries through its territory to Ukraine. Yet But it continues to maintain neutrality in the Russian-Ukrainian war, supports EU energy sanctions against the Russian Federation in such a way that it does not harm its economic interests. At the same time, it does not agree to the application of certain legal provisions on education the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, that came into force in 2017 and 2019 to the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia of a number of provisions of the laws on education and the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, which came into force in 2017 and 2019.
It is emphasized that the settlement of cultural and educational issues of the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia should become a priority task for both countries.
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Pakhnenko, Olena, Maryna Brychko, and Anzhelika Shalda. "Financial Support of Communities During the Covid-19 Pandemic." Financial Markets, Institutions and Risks 6, no. 3 (2022): 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/fmir.6(3).83-92.2022.
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The article provides a study of the financial provision of local communities to respond the COVID-19. The main purpose of the research is to analyze the role of alternative sources of funding for local communities in strengthening their financial capacity and supporting the health care system during the pandemic. The analysis was carried out on the basis of a study of world trends, a comparative analysis of the financial support of Eastern and Western European countries at the expense of international organizations and government institutions; as well as the study of contributions of charitable funds, public organizations and corporate entities in supporting the health care system (the case of Ukraine). The research empirically confirms and theoretically proves that the pandemic had long-lasting effects on the global economy and created a demand for financial support from citizens and businesses, local and central governments. In order to cover the expenses related to the provision of health care in the conditions of the pandemic, as well as aimed at minimizing the consequences of COVID-19 for the economy and society, various sources of funding were involved, which included funds from the state and local budgets, as well as external funding, such as financial activities, programs and grants of international organizations and other donors, charitable contributions from foundations and corporations. The study proved the existence of inter-country and inter-regional differences in the structure of sources of financing, as well as in the focus areas of funding. The analysis of funding activities of major international organizations, unions and government structures, such as the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the European Investment Bank, the European Union, the United States Agency for International Development and others, for the period 2020-2021 confirmed that most of the funding initiatives have an economic orientation, but only some of them are directly aimed at financial support of local communities. On the other hand, alternative sources of funding, such as funds from charitable foundations and donations from the corporate sector, were directly aimed at supporting medical institutions and patients in local communities. That makes them important both for the economy and for saving lives, despite of the lower values of funding compared to international or state programs. The results of the research can be useful for scientists, state and local self-government bodies in managing the financial capacity of local communities and their resilience to health threats.
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Pempetzoglou, Maria, and Zoi Patergiannaki. "Debt-driven water privatization: The case of Greece." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 5, no. 1 (May 19, 2017): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v5i1.p102-111.
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The privatization of water services is a basic conditionality in the structural adjustment programs imposed by international financial institutions, such as the IMF and the World Bank, on indebted countries. In the same sense, the financial assistance that has been offered to Greece from Troika, since the beginning of the financial crisis, in the late 2009, was accompanied by the commitment, to privatize, among others, the two largest public water companies. The consequences of water privatization policies include increases in prices, poor quality of services, little or no investment, rise of income inequality, high levels of corruption, loss of jobs and deterioration of working conditions. Despite the fact that privatization of water supply companies has been proven to be ineffective in many parts of the world and the tendency towards the remunicipalization of water services that has lately been detected, international financial organizations continue to set water privatization as conditionality. The unconstitutionality of the policy and the strong opposition of citizens and unions to water privatization seem to be inefficient to prevent the Greek government to proceed to the establishment of a public-private partnership in the water supply sector.
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Prokhorenko, I. L. "The strategy of Spain in the United Nations." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-2-9-18.
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The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.
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Prokhorenko, I. L. "The strategy of Spain in the United Nations." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-2-9-18.
Full textAbstract:
The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.
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Prokhorenko, I. L. "The strategy of Spain in the United Nations." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-2-9-18.
Full textAbstract:
The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.
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MEKVABISHVILI, ELGUJA. "THE ECONOMIC ROLE OF THE STATE IN CONDITIONS OF GLOBALIZATION." Globalization and Business 4, no. 8 (December 27, 2019): 22–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.35945/gb.2019.08.002.
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State (government) intervention in the economy has a long history. This issue has become especially crucial after the formation of the market economy. The cyclical (uneven) nature of market economy development determines state›s intervention with various levels in certain periods. the role of government in economy is getting more important in recession and crisis periods and it is becoming less important in a period of the normal development of the economy. The most obvious proof of this is the global financial and economic crisis of 2007-2008, that has been overcome by the active anti-crisis policy of the State. The government’s role in the economy during the post-crisis period was relatively weakened. Globalization significantly changes the state›s economic role, but it does not nullify it. Nowadays, the relationship between the state and the economy is crucial and beneficial for both sides. In the modern economic system the state has one of the most important parts of the market economy. Unlike the private market, which is determined by the profit and-loss categories, the main objective of the State›s economic activity is to maximize welfare of the entire society. Governments of the countries participating in the globalization process are not able to carry out economic policy without taking into consideration the interests of the global members - international financial and economic institutions, transnational companies (TNCs) and regional unions.
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Major, Iván. "Trust, Cooperation and Time Horizon in Economic Decisions." Journal of Economics and Public Finance 2, no. 2 (November 28, 2016): 373. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jepf.v2n2p373.
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<p><em>My paper addresses an issue that is rarely discussed in the economics literature: how does the economic actors’ trust in each other and in the legal and political institutions affect a country’s economic performance? The first part of the paper is an empirical analysis of the interrelationship between confidence in institutions in different countries, the economic actors’ willingness to cooperate with each other and with state institutions, and their decisions’ time horizon on the one hand, and the countries’ economic performance on the other. I compare the relevant indicators of Central and East European countries (CEE countries), the advanced Western countries and some Asian countries. I show that the low level of trust, the lack of cooperation among the economic actors and with their state institutions, and the short-term time horizon of economic decisions in CEE countries are at the root of how these countries can cope with the current financial and economic crisis.</em></p><p><em>The second part of the paper applies the theoretical models of mechanism design to the issues discussed in the first part. I demonstrate that government policy results in “perverse incentives” toward the economic actors if they do not have confidence in their economic institutions.</em><em></em></p>
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Gold, Michael. "‘The Bullock Report and European Experience’: What We Can Still Learn about Worker Directors from Hugh Clegg." Historical Studies in Industrial Relations 41, no. 1 (September 1, 2020): 197–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/hsir.2020.41.9.
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Hugh Clegg’s paper, ‘The Bullock Report and European Experience’, written in 1977, analyses the role of worker directors appointed to the boards of UK companies, a move which formed part of the then Labour government’s Social Contract with the trade unions designed to stem the country’s long-term industrial decline. My commentary argues that three aspects of the paper are likely to strike the contemporary reader most forcibly. Initially it seems alien as it describes a world of collectivist industrial relations that was erased by the Conservative government elected in 1979. Yet on closer reading its main theme - reforming corporate accountability - emerges as all too familiar, as worker exploitation and other corporate scandals have continued largely unchecked to the present. And we may reflect that more recent research into policy transfer has improved our contemporary understanding of the barriers to corporate governance reform since the 1970s. Clegg correctly cautioned against attempting to import institutions from countries such as Germany into the UK, a view that has since been refined by analysis of the contrasts between co-ordinated and liberal market economies. Reforming corporate governance requires tailor-made policies, not those transferred merely on grounds of success in their original host countries.
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Simon, Sven. "Direct Cooperation Has Begun: Some Remarks on the Judgment of the ECJ on the OMT Decision of the ECB in Response to the German Federal Constitutional Court's First Request for a Preliminary Ruling." German Law Journal 16, no. 4 (September 1, 2015): 1025–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200019982.
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By its first request for a preliminary ruling, the German Constitutional Court aired its doubts about the lawfulness of the Outright Monetary Transactions (OMTs) program. In this article it is argued that the ECB's pledge in the summer of 2012 to do “whatever it takes” to safeguard the monetary policy transmission mechanism in all countries of the euro area by buying government bonds was generally compatible with EU law. However, it is argued that there is some potential for the ECB to infringe the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) while acting according to this announcement. The peculiarity of the situation, the author argues, is that we might be dealing with a “self-fulfilling prophecy” in that the ECB announces a particular policy, which might not be compatible with EU law, but the act announced, will never take place because the political problem would have been resolved by the measure previously announced. The critical question in this scenario refers to how a court should react to such a situation. The author argues that a court in such a situation has to show the legal limits of the particular institution, but neither the ECJ nor the German Constitutional Court may replace the central banks' task to maintain financial stability. Finally, a comment is given on how the German Constitutional Court will react to the ECJ's decision in that case.
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Petrov, Alexey V. "Models of a welfare state in European countries." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Ekonomika, no. 58 (2022): 42–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/19988648/58/3.
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The article is concerned with the evolution process of European-style social welfare state. The welfare state is considered as a set of institutionalized strategies in the context of social citizen rights, which provide protection for everyone who can and is experiencing economic and/or social difficulties. Nowadays, there has been a significant amount of interest in the concept of a welfare state. The concept passed a long way of formation through its implementation in models of countries' development and repeated crises. This interest is contingent on actual issues of evaluating effects that lie in the plane of the influence of various welfare state aspects on the socioeconomic processes taking place in countries. In this context, particular attention is focused on redistributive mechanisms. In some countries, income redistribution is a secondary goal and even a side effect if it appears at all in documents regulating the social policy of government. The approaches used within the framework of specific models have many differences either in the effectiveness of results or in the role of state institutions in terms of resource provision. The study of the approaches makes it possible to assess the impact of the welfare state on the level of income inequality. On the other hand, it is important to determine what kind of protection from social risks (age, unemployment, disability, etc.) different welfare state models can offer, how these ensure the preservation of an individual's income necessary to meet a sufficiently wide range of needs. In the furtherance of this goal, the existing welfare state models - liberal, social democratic, conservative and South/Mediterranean - were analyzed. The study focuses on methods of measuring the resource component of social models within the framework of the described cases. The analysis has revealed that welfare states differ from each other not only in the amount of social budget spending but also in approaches of building their social protection systems. These differences have a significant impact on operation of labour market, people's work and family life and also on the level of social protection and income equality promoted by societies. The results of the redistributive mechanisms' influence of social state models on the level of income inequality were analyzed. The article identifies problematic elements of models critically dependent on the budget that governments spend to reduce inequality. It is difficult to count on increases in the volumes of resources necessary to ensure a permanent protection of people from social risks under unpredictable financial markets and real economic consequences of global financial crises. The considered aspects allow formulating recommendations for the formation of a welfare state in the Russian Federation.
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Vanthemsche, Guy. "Unemployment Insurance in Interwar Belgium." International Review of Social History 35, no. 3 (December 1990): 349–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900001004x.
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SUMMARYIn 1900, a special type of unemployment insurance was set up in Belgium: the so-called “Ghent system”, which had some influence on the development of unemployment insurance in many European countries. This particular system was characterized by the important role played by the trade-union unemployment societies. The public authorities (in Belgium, from 1920 onwards, the central government next to the towns and provinces) encouraged the affiliation of the labourers to these societies by granting different sorts of financial support to the unemployed society members and to the societies themselves. During the crisis of the 1930s, this led to an important growth of Belgian trade-union membership. On the other hand, the quantitative growth of the labour movement due to this particular organization of unemployment insurance, led to many negative sideeffects for the trade unions (administrative chaos, financial problems, loss of combativity). Moreover, the employers' organizations strongly opposed this system of unemployment insurance, because they thought it reinforced the labour movement's power in society (strengthening of union membership, influence on wage formation, obstruction of deflation policy). This article examines the heated debates waged in the labour movement itself and between this actor, the employers' organizations and the government, to solve the many important problems posed by this type of social insurance. The Belgian pre-Second World War debate concerning unemployment insurance was of great importance for the shaping of the Welfare State in Belgium, which took its present-day form in 1944.
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BONDARUK, Т., and І. BONDARUK. "Regulation of the Development of Small Business and its Social Responsibility." Scientific Bulletin of the National Academy of Statistics, Accounting and Audit, no. 3 (November 1, 2019): 111–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31767/nasoa.3.2019.10.
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In the developed countries, functions of the central government policy on regulation of small business are for the most part concentrated in local administration bodies. Practices of these countries need to be considered in creating the regulatory system focused on the development of small business and its social responsibility.
The theoretical principles for the process of regulation of the development of social responsibility of small business are extended. A brief review of the most widespread models for socially responsible business is made, dependent on national and cultural peculiarities. It is demonstrated that the Ukraine’s integration in the European economic area, apart from corporate social responsibility of large business, requires implementation of social responsibility of small business. It is substantiated that the regulation of the development of small business and its social responsibility, if implemented on the continuous basis, will create highly performing small business sector in Ukraine, contributing in the production output, revenue collection, and employment.
A system approach to the regulation of the development of social responsibility of small business is proposed, which is based on interactions of three parties: state power bodies and local self-government bodies; the center for promotion of small business, associating small enterprises; public associations and professional unions. It is substantiated that the system approach to the regulation of the development of social responsibility of small business should be based on interactions in organizational, consultative and educational, social, financial and investment areas.
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Tchitchinadze, Boris. "GEORGIA'S MACROECONOMIC CHALLENGES AGAINST THE BACKGROUND OF THE WORLD PANDEMIC." Economic Profile 15, no. 20 (December 25, 2020): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.52244/ep.2020.20.02.
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The presented paper analyzes the economic situation in Georgia against the background of the world pandemic. The relevant statistical data on the high tax balance and dollarization ratio of Georgia are presented in detail. The article notes that Georgia did not have a good starting economic rate even before the Coronavirus pandemic, which creates a precondition for future problems. The paper focuses on the need for rapid economic reforms. The paper presents conclusions and recommendations on the measures to be taken by the government in the near future. If the recommendations presented by the central government in the near future do not take into account the pandemic in the country, the socio-economic situation will become even more complicated, which will pose a significant threat to political stability as a whole. An analysis of the economic situation in Georgia prior to the spread of the coronavirus clearly demonstrates the need for a rapid, time-bound, national economic policy. This reforms should be provide to get healthy the situation, which caused coronavirus pandemic and develop of the economy from 2021. Georgia has all the necessary resources (intellectual, natural, strategic location) to deal with the negative consequences of the global pandemic and to take effective steps compared to other countries to ensure the stabilization of the economy. Therefore, in order to improve the overall macroeconomic situation of the country, appropriate reforms should be carried out quickly. When carrying out reforms, it should be taking into account that an important impediment to improving the country's economic situation will be the fact that significant problems have accumulated in the modern global world in the following areas, such as: international rating companies, international financial institutions and international lobbying institutions. Despite the effective steps taken to solve the problem, the situation in this direction is entering in deeper crisis, and overall it is hindering the real improvement of the economic situation of countries (especially developing countries). it is necessary that The Government of Georgia take into account the significant problems existing in the above-mentioned international organizations when pursuing national economic policy. Although various international financial institutions, compared to other countries, make positive forecasts about the economic situation in Georgia, it still does not entitle us to calm down. It is well known that the governments and central banks of almost every country in the world have allocated colossal sums of money to alleviate the difficult economic situation caused by the coronavirus. Complicating the situation is the fact that it is still unknown whether there will be a second wave of virus outbreaks. In the world is an extraordinary and difficult to predict situation in this regard. International organizations, such as the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the Asian Bank, the World Trade Organization, etc., can not forecast the current situation and can not offer relevant recommendations to countries, while such recommendations are vital, especially developing countries. The situation is further complicated by the fact that the Nobel Prize winners in the field of economics do not make any predictions about the extraordinary situation and do not offer appropriate action plans to the governments of the countries of the world. Therefore it is still unknown in the near future what socio-economic problems will be in countries the light of this pandemic. Given the complex and unpredictable economic situation in the world, the Government of Georgia needs to prepare a short-term and long-term strategic development plan based on local resources (National Academy of Sciences, higher education institutions, national research institutions, etc.) Will facilitate handling. According to this strategic plan, Georgia should avoid the expected risks as much as possible.
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Antinucci, Dr Sc Mario. "Internal and International Corruption." ILIRIA International Review 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2015): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v5i1.16.
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This subject, whence the name of this paper originates from, must be addressed with courage and intellectual integrity by all of us, the different parts of the civil society, the public institutions, the entrepreneurs and the legal professionals, the youth and the new generations.All the public policies of the European governments share the belief of a direct correlation between the criminal density connected to corruption of States political and economic protagonists and the lack of availability of investments on young talents, new generations, both in the entrepreneurial and in the professional fields. In most Member States, anticorruption policies have gained an increased prominence in government agendas and the financial crisis has drawn attention to the integrity and accountability of policy-makers.Most Member States that are currently in serious financial difficulties have acknowledged the seriousness of issues related to corruption and have created (or are planning) anticorruption programs in order to deal with the risks deriving from this issue and with the diversion of public funds. In some Member States, the economic adjustment programs provide for explicit obligations related to anti-corruption policies. Even when not formally connected to adjustment programs, anticorruption policies complement the adjustment measures, especially in those countries in which corruption is a serious issue. During the European Semester of economic policy coordination, recommendations for efficiently fighting corruption have been laid out; Among the most vulnerable sectors, urban development and building projects are certainly very exposed to corruption risks and to infiltration of internal and transnational organized crime.
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Sergeevna, Budovich Lidia, and Nikolaeva Olga Yurievna. "Sources and Sociology Concerns of Financing the Innovation Activities in Russia." International Journal of Criminology and Sociology 10 (December 31, 2020): 479–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.6000/1929-4409.2021.10.56.
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The innovation abilities of an enterprise and the feasibility of an innovative project always depend on financing. We can say that the main issue is the assessment of funds required for the implementation of an innovation and the analysis of their possible sources. In this paper, different mechanisms of financing and allocation of financial resources and their impact on innovative performance were examined. In general, financing sources of the institutes in different countries have adopted different mechanisms to provide and allocate resources from the range of public funding to private financing. But the amount varies from country to country so that in European institutions most government funding and the United States, private financing is the predominant form of financing. Some governments subsidize the supply side (higher education institutions), some on the demand side (customers), and some on both sides of the higher education services market. In general, negotiation-based and formula-based allocation, personnel-based allocation, student-based allocation, per capita cost, priority-based, and performance-based allocation are among the mechanisms used in this regard. The results of this article showed that the mechanisms of allocating and allocating resources in higher education play the role of policy-making and guiding the behavior of actors and can affect the performance of universities and institutions of higher education at the macro and micro level (individual). In the area of funding, graduates should contribute to the financing of universities, and in the area of allocation, performance-based allocation mechanisms should be used to achieve greater efficiency, accessibility, and equity.
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Yushkevych, Volodymur. "Major vectors of cooperation of the War Refugee Board with non-governmental organizations (1944 – 1945)." European Historical Studies, no. 11 (2018): 254–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.11.254-270.
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The article analyzes one of the areas of the operational work of the War Refugee Board, an American governmental agency that emerged at the end of the World War II. The purpose of the new US government structure was to plan and implement relief and rescue actions for Jews and Nazi minorities persecuted in wartime. This organization appeared in early 1944 due to the efforts of the Secretary to the Treasury Henry Morgenthau Jr. and with the support of President Franklin Roosevelt. The WRB complemented the international organizations system on refugees, the active participant of which was the US government. The article shows that during the sixteen months of its existence the researched governmental structure was able to carry out specific tasks in the territory of the neutral and occupied countries as it was subordinated exclusively by the American administration. On the other hand, the WRB appeared more flexible in its operational activities in comparison with International institutions and entities (the Intergovernmental Committee on Refugees and the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation initiative) which needed overall consensus in decision-making process. It is revealed that the important part of the work of the War Refugee Board was to cooperate with public non-governmental organizations. The range of American Jewish and Christian structures that established close partnership with the War Refugee Board has been identified. Considerable attention is paid to the analysis of the main directions of bilateral cooperation. An important element in the implementation of US aid policy in the European armed forces was the involvement of a number of financial resources licensed by the US Department of Defense, of non-governmental organizations, mainly Jewish. It was reached that financial and diplomatic work in the neutral countries of Europe was an indispensable part of the work of the WRB, which was augmented by the cooperation with agents of non-governmental organizations on the occupied territories.
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Denysenko, V. I. "THE FAILURE TO SIGN THE UKRAINE-EU ASSOCIATION AGREEMENT (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER 2013)." Sums'ka Starovyna (Ancient Sumy Land), no. 55 (2019): 30–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/starovyna.2019.55.3.
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The failure to sign the Association Agreement with the EU in autumn 2013 has been investigated. The role of the Russian factor, which became decisive in the foreign policy reversal of the Yanukovych regime, has been revealed. The importance of Viktor Yanukovych’s meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin on October 27, 2013, in the dramatic change of Ukraine’s international vector has been emphasized. On the basis of diplomats’ memoirs, the assumption about intimidation of the Ukrainian President by the Russian side has been substantiated. The timeline of the preparation of the 2013 Vilnius Summit, the position of EU structures and the attempts of the fourth President of Ukraine to win time to trade with the Russians have been reproduced. The thesis about the Donetsk clan’s attempts to prepare public opinion for a 180 degree turn in late October - early November 2013 has been presented. For this purpose, demonstration meetings were organized with representatives of Ukrainian business and trade unions, who called for revision of plans for European integration on their own initiative. The main role in manipulating public opinion rested on the government of Mykola Azarov and the Verkhovna Rada, which had a majority coalition led by the Party of Regions. Instead, Viktor Yanukovych continued his European integration rhetoric and reiterated to Western partners his own willingness to sign the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. On November 21, the real position of the ruling elite was made available to the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine. According to it, the process of preparation for the signing of the Association Agreement was suspended, the proposal was made for the trilateral Ukraine-EU-Russia negotiations, and the ministries were tasked with developing measures to maintain economic ties with the CIS countries. The decision was rejected by European partners and led to Yanukovych’s attempts to find other ways to thwart the signing of the Agreement. It has been proved that this role was played by Yanukovych’s requirements for financial assistance from the EU amounting to about 160 billion euros, which aimed to prevent the signing of the Association Agreement. Key words: Viktor Yanukovych, association of Ukraine with the EU, эYulia Tymoshenko, European integration, Pat Cox, Alexander Kwasniewski, Vladimir Putin.
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DEWICK, PAUL, and MARCELA MIOZZO. "FACTORS ENABLING AND INHIBITING SUSTAINABLE TECHNOLOGIES IN CONSTRUCTION: THE CASE OF ACTIVE SOLAR HEATING SYSTEMS." International Journal of Innovation Management 06, no. 03 (September 2002): 257–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1363919602000598.
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The domestic building sector across Europe accounts for around 40% of total energy consumption. Mitigation strategies for greenhouse gas emissions have focused on improving the energy efficiency of buildings, both in terms of electricity use and space heating. In addition to improving the thermal properties of the building envelope and developing mechanisms to encourage energy conservation, the use of new energy technologies in new build and retro-fit residential buildings has the capacity to reduce significantly energy consumption. Active solar heating (ASH) systems are one such technology, suitable for widespread use across new and existing buildings in the housing stock, which have the potential to make a significant contribution to sustainable building and regeneration. Their generally slow adoption can be attributed to high capital cost and unknown cost effectiveness, but these factors do not adequately explain considerable differences between European countries in the take-up of new sustainable technologies in construction. This suggests that there are sets of more important factors and institutions inhibiting or facilitating their adoption. This paper examines the structural and institutional factors behind these differentials and draws implications for the management of innovation by construction firms and government policy for those countries under-exploiting the potential of ASH systems. Regulation, legislation and fiscal and financial incentives can encourage innovation and can help to promote solar technology. For countries such as the UK and France, lessons can be learned from the fixed price schemes, direct capital grant support, tax incentives and other such initiatives employed in Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands and Sweden. However, manufacturers and suppliers of ASH systems cannot be considered independently of other firms along the building chain. By raising the visibility of the adoption of this sustainable technology, construction firms can benefit their organisations from the reputation for installing this innovation, while confining the risk to this particular technology. Government can also play a role in increasing the capacity of construction firms to identify appropriate sustainable technologies and evaluate their potential costs and benefits.
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Reshetilov, Heorhii. "Financing the Circular Economy: a European Perspective." Modern Economics 32, no. 1 (April 20, 2022): 84–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31521/modecon.v32(2022)-11.
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Abstract. Introduction For the development of the circular economy, many countries have begun to actively use various tools and mechanisms of public policy to ensure its complexity: from technology, financing and forms of business to the readiness of society as a whole to change their habits and create new schemes. However, achieving this goal is impossible without changing existing production strategies, taking into account the world's best practices for the implementation of the concept of circular economy, providing a positive economic effect for both producers and consumers. Expanding the circular economy at the global level requires a combination of business models, technological advances and innovations, as well as the joint efforts of stakeholders to secure its financing, including business and government. Purpose. The main purpose of the article is to study the views of the European community on the possibilities of financing projects in the field of circular economy, as well as to identify key recommendations for accelerating the funding cycle in the light of changes in the circular economy, taking into account best European practices. Results. The article examines the peculiarities of forming an opinion on the circularity of business processes by the European community; approaches to classifying projects as circular are given; There are three groups of circular economy business projects that differ significantly in terms of financing and cash flow: product as a service, joint models or industrial symbioses with other organizations, innovative models of products and processes; it is substantiated that the implementation of business projects requires a new perspective on their financing; the main sources of financing of circular economy projects are considered; the main barriers to accessing bank financing are presented, as well as the experience of foreign banks in their commitments to facilitate the transition to a circular economy; examples of European organizations and associations that take an active position on the financing of circular economy projects are given; It is argued that the growth of circular business models will require innovation and structural changes in production and consumption systems and related technological changes, which in turn requires a new view of banking institutions, insurers and investors to accelerate the financing cycle in the circular economy. sector by government organizations, creating a favorable policy and legal framework to accelerate a systematic, concrete and scalable approach to integrating circularity into financial products and services. Conclusions. Studies show that the implementation of circular economy projects requires a balanced approach to their financing, and there is no single right option for choosing a source of funding. Given the three groups of circular economy business projects that differ significantly in terms of financing and cash flow, financing will also differ in the way and by organization. It is established that the effective development of the circular business requires the use of several financing instruments, and in accordance with the partners in the chain of movement of materials. In order to expand the sources of possible financing of circular projects, it is necessary to consolidate the circular economy both as a strategic direction of economic development in order to achieve sustainable development, and as a priority area of investment.
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Kobushko, Ia, and O. Maiboroda. "FUNDRAISING AS AN INSTRUMENT FOR FINANCING HIGHER EDUCATION INSTITUTIONS." Vìsnik Sumsʹkogo deržavnogo unìversitetu, no. 1 (2020): 132–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/1817-9215.2020.1-14.
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The current development of Ukrainian higher education institutions is characterized by the growth of their aspirations and opportunities to increase their own budgets by finding new sources and funding tools. In the context of the study of sources of additional funding, the peculiarities of the use of fundraising have been studied. Based on the analysis of statistical data, it is concluded that the main sources of raising funds in the world are business companies, foundations and individual donors. Factors influencing the motivation in fundraising for business entities, individuals, and authorities have been identified. It has been found that the population makes up the majority of fundraising donors in most countries. As a result of the reform of funding models for foreign universities, private capital flows are becoming relevant, which contribute to the introduction of a fundraising tool in the field of education. The article analyzes the experience of implementing fundraising in public institutions on the example of American and European universities. It is established that intensifying the actions of foreign governments to support fundraising activities in higher education plays a key role in promoting fundraising for universities through the introduction of tax benefits, tax incentives for fundraising, providing the necessary prerequisites for successful fundraising and more. The characteristics of fundraising measures and directions of financing at the expense of attracted funds are generalized. The main steps and difficulties of introduction of fundraising by higher education institutions in Ukraine are considered, its functions, the basic normative-legal maintenance of fundraising in educational and scientific spheres are analyzed. The need to implement fundraising as a tool in the strategy of financing higher education institutions, to develop a structure for raising funds and the purposes of their use. It is established priority areas for the use of funds raised as a result of fundraising in the field of education in Ukraine have been identified. The essence of fundraising in the field of higher education on the basis of the mechanism of endowment funds, which provides for the mobilization of financial resources for the development of higher education institutions, is investigeted. It is established that under the condition of symbiosis of cooperation between universities and the government, the development of fundraising will contribute to the implementation of state economic policy in the field of education.
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GOLOVNYA, Olena. "LOBBYING IN THE SYSTEM OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC PRIORITIES OF UKRAINE." "EСONOMY. FINANСES. MANAGEMENT: Topical issues of science and practical activity", no. 1 (50) (April 28, 2020): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.37128/2411-4413-2020-1-4.
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The article is devoted to the research of lobbying activities as an important component of the process of forming the state policy of socio-economic development. The author emphasizes that the Ukrainian economy has a high dependence on the external environment, as well as high sensitivity to global economic fluctuations. In turn, the openness of the country's economy is a significant factor in its involvement in modern value chains, global and regional integration. It is determined that securing a full-fledged public-private partnership in the modern world requires lobbying as a deliberate influence on the public by the authorities in order to make a number of economic decisions. The study found that the structure of the phenomenon of "lobbying" includes three main components: object, subject, technology. Thus, lobbying in the modern world appears to be a complex process of purposeful influence on the government in order to obtain the desired solution. The purpose of lobbying structures activities is often a series of decisions, in which the adoption of laws concerning economic activity and investment, innovation, and customs policies is of great importance. It is revealed that lobbying requires an extensive network of institutions and organizations - from trade unions and business owners to the media and civil society organizations. Significant influence on the advancement of national socio-economic priorities is exercised by consulting firms, mass media, non-state think tanks, various industry associations. Lobbying in developed countries is a tool for cooperation and communication that leads to progressive decisions that are beneficial to both business and society. This confirms the progressive experience of the USA and the EU. The study draws attention to the fact that Ukraine mainly practices shadow lobbying, since the activities of domestic lobbyists are not regulated by any legislative acts. This is explained by the fact that our business and political leaders benefit from such interaction when large financial and industry groups sponsor, large decision-makers and expensive electoral campaigns.
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Кошиков, Д. О. "International Experience in Assessing Economic Security: Basic Approaches and Opportunities for Ukraine." Law and Safety 77, no. 2 (June 24, 2020): 118–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.32631/pb.2020.2.16.
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It has been stated that the implementation of state policy in the field of economic security of the country requires systematic monitoring and adjustment, taking into account the rapid changes in the global world and economic space. This monitoring of the state of economic security of the country should be carried out by obtaining and studying certain factual data that allows to make a conclusion about the effectiveness of joint efforts of the authorized state agencies in the direction of national economic security.
The necessity of further study of the effectiveness of the activities of state agencies of foreign countries in the implementation of economic security policy, which would strongly influence the development of the national system for assessing such effectiveness.
The author has considered scientific approaches to the definition of the term “economic security” in foreign scientific sources depending on the object of study (country, region, person), as well as indicators of its evaluation.
International experience of assessing the economic condition and economic security of foreign countries has been analyzed, which is used both at the level of government and for compiling international ratings of the World Bank and the Bank for Reconstruction and Development. The World Bank and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development carry out several comprehensive studies of the economic development of the world countries, covering both the assessment of the current state of its main industries and possible security threats arising from the current global tendencies in public life. It is interesting fact in the researched methods that along to purely economic data, experts study related areas, in particular the level of corruption, crime, efficiency of government agencies, the quality of the regulatory base and the level of state intervention in economic processes and business structures. It is also important in these studies that qualitative indicators are used along with quantitative ones, which consist of studying the opinions of the business environment, entrepreneurs and other business entities.
The main directions of the implementation of positive international experience in assessing the level of economic security to national practice have been suggested. It has been concluded that the national method of calculating the level of economic security of Ukraine needs to be improved by introducing into its system the indicators of state agencies’ work in the relevant area, defining criteria and indicators for combating economic crime and corruption, improving the mechanism of collecting primary data by adding sociological research, expert assessments and research of foreign financial institutions.