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Journal articles on the topic 'Finance, United States, 1923'

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Published: 26 July 2024

Last updated: 27 July 2024

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1

Taylor, Alan M., and Janine L. F. Wilson. "International trade and finance: Complementaries in the United Kingdom 1870–1913 and the United States 1920–1930." Journal of International Money and Finance 30, no. 1 (February 2011): 268–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jimonfin.2010.10.002.

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2

Saez, Emmanuel, and Gabriel Zucman. "Wealth Inequality in the United States since 1913: Evidence from Capitalized Income Tax Data *." Quarterly Journal of Economics 131, no. 2 (February 16, 2016): 519–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjw004.

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Abstract This paper combines income tax returns with macroeconomic household balance sheets to estimate the distribution of wealth in the United States since 1913. We estimate wealth by capitalizing the incomes reported by individual taxpayers, accounting for assets that do not generate taxable income. We successfully test our capitalization method in three micro datasets where we can observe both income and wealth: the Survey of Consumer Finance, linked estate and income tax returns, and foundations’ tax records. We find that wealth concentration was high in the beginning of the twentieth century, fell from 1929 to 1978, and has continuously increased since then. The top 0.1% wealth share has risen from 7% in 1978 to 22% in 2012, a level almost as high as in 1929. Top wealth-holders are younger today than in the 1960s and earn a higher fraction of the economy’s labor income. The bottom 90% wealth share first increased up to the mid-1980s and then steadily declined. The increase in wealth inequality in recent decades is due to the upsurge of top incomes combined with an increase in saving rate inequality. We explain how our findings can be reconciled with Survey of Consumer Finances and estate tax data.

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3

Edmunds, John C., and Mark F. Lapham. "A Century of Instability in Housing Finance in the United States." Journal of Economics and Public Finance 2, no. 2 (November 25, 2016): 360. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jepf.v2n2p360.

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<em>The U.S. housing sector, including housing starts, house purchasing, and the institutions involved in financing house purchases, has been unstable for most of the past century. We divide the years since 1920 into periods and study the instability for each period. We found that there was no Golden Age of stability in the sector. Instead, the time intervals that we studied were each characterized by metrics of instability that were equal within a reasonable margin of error. These results imply that the U.S. has built a stock of housing and has succeeded in making home ownership an attainable dream, but that accomplishment is overshadowed by the frequent booms and busts. In a second paper we intend to examine the effects on economic growth and recessions that have been associated with the instability in the housing sector. The social costs of instability have been large, and our estimate will be intended to provoke debate and further research.</em>

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4

Olney, Martha L. "Credit as a Production-Smoothing Device: The Case of Automobiles, 1913–1938." Journal of Economic History 49, no. 2 (June 1989): 377–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700008007.

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Credit financing of automobile sales and dealer inventories was provided primarily by hundreds of sales finance companies in the interwar United States. The few finance companies tied to auto manufacturers wrote 90 percent of credit business. Manufacturers initially established finance companies not to bolster retail sales but to finance dealers' wholesale inventory so manufacturers could lower average costs by smoothing seasonal production patterns. Moreover, until the Justice Department intervened, manufacturers apparently illegally coerced franchised dealers into using the manufacturer's preferred finance company rather than an independent.

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5

Shiells, Martha Ellen. "Collective Choice of Working Conditions: Hours in British and U.S. Iron and Steel, 1890–1923." Journal of Economic History 50, no. 2 (June 1990): 379–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700036500.

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Twelve-hour days persisted in British and U.S. iron and steel after most industrial workers worked eight-hour days. When shorter hours finally came, sooner in Britain, they came abruptly. This article presents a model of working hours as public goods; when job attributes are shared there is a collective choice problem. In Britain, a collective bargaining mechanism reconciled the preferences of workers and capital owners and facilitated the move to shorter hours. In the United States immigrants had been willing to work long hours. When immigration was cut off, the government intervened.

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6

Hoag, Christopher. "Clearinghouse loan certificates as interbank loans in the United States, 1860–1913." Financial History Review 23, no. 3 (December 2016): 303–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565016000196.

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Before the founding of the Federal Reserve, bank clearinghouse associations served as an emergency lending facility during the National Bank Era (1863–1913). This article clarifies the operation of clearinghouse loan certificates during panic periods. If clearinghouse loan certificates do not circulate among the general public, then they bear similarities to interbank loans among clearinghouse member banks. In general, the central clearinghouse organization does not act alone as a lender of last resort to make loans from the central clearinghouse to individual member banks.

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7

Butkiewicz, James L., and Mihaela Solcan. "The original Operation Twist: the War Finance Corporation's war bond purchases, 1918–1920." Financial History Review 23, no. 1 (April 2016): 21–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565016000068.

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In 1918 the United States Treasury delegated to the War Finance Corporation, a newly created off-budget federal agency, the task of buying Liberty bonds and later Victory notes in an effort to stabilize prices. Bayesian vector autoregression analysis of the security purchases indicates that the WFC purchases provided statistically significant price support, and marginally lowered bond yields while the program operated. Once WFC purchases ended, war bond yields increased substantially. Between bond issues, the Treasury financed its operations, including security purchases from the WFC, by issuing short-term debt, which affected the money market interest rate. The WFC's bond purchases are found to have a positive and significant impact on the call loan rate. Thus the WFC's bond purchases twisted the yield curve.

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8

Kohl, Sebastian. "The Power of Institutional Legacies: How Nineteenth Century Housing Associations Shaped Twentieth Century Housing Regime Differences between Germany and the United States." European Journal of Sociology 56, no. 2 (August 2015): 271–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975615000132.

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AbstractComparative welfare and production regime literature has so far neglected the considerable cross-country differences in the sphere of housing. The United States became a country of homeowners living in cities of single-family houses in the twentieth century. Its housing policy was focused on supporting private mortgage indebtedness with only residual public housing. Germany, on the contrary, remained a tenant-dominated country with cities of multi-unit buildings. Its housing policy has been focused on construction subsidies to non-profit housing associations and incentives for savings earmarked for financing housing. The article claims that these differences are the outcome of different housing institutions that had already emerged in the nineteenth century. Germany developed non-profit housing associations and financed housing through mortgage banks, both privileging the construction of rental apartments. In the United States, savings and loan associations favored mortgages for owner-occupied, single-family house construction. When governments intervened during housing crises in the 1920/1930s, they aimed their subsidies at these existing institutions. Thus, US housing policy became finance-biased in favor of savings and loan associations, while Germany supported the housing cooperatives.

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9

Misiuna, Jan. "Zarys historii regulacji finansowania kampanii wyborczych w USA." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 1 (November 29, 2011): 203–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2011.1.8.

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The article presents the history of the US campaign finance law. It describes acts passed by the Congress, starting from the Tillman Act of 1907, followed among others by Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 and finished with McCain-Feingold Act of 2002. There are also described the most important decisions of the US Supreme Court related to the campaign finance including Newberry vs. United States (256 U. S. 232 (1921)), Buckley v. Valeo (424 U. S. 1 (1976)), McConnell v. Federal Election Commission (540 U. S. 93 (2003)) Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission (130 S. Ct. 876 (2010)) of 2010. The paper also how has changed the attitude of the Supreme Court towards campaign finance regulation The article also recalls the historical events, such as Teapot Dome Scandal and Watergate, that were important stimuli for passing new law by the Congress. The background of the Supreme Court decisions is also provided.

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10

Duran, Xavier, and Marcelo Bucheli. "Holding Up the Empire: Colombia, American Oil Interests, and the 1921 Urrutia-Thomson Treaty." Journal of Economic History 77, no. 1 (February 21, 2017): 251–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050717000055.

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Why did the United States subsidize American multinationals' entry into countries treated as informal colonies? We study a classic case of American imperialism, the 1903 U.S. support of Panama's secession from Colombia and subsequent U.S. payment of the 1921 reparations that opened Colombia's oil fields to Standard Oil. We test Noel Maurer's (2013) empire trap hypothesis quantitatively. Archival and econometric evidence documents Colombia's threat to Standard Oil's sunk investment, which induced the multinational to build a supermajority coalition in the U.S. Senate to back a reparations treaty. Results support the empire trap hypothesis but point out important qualifications.

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11

Nyasha, Sheilla, and Nicholas M. Odhiambo. "The dynamics of stock market development in the United States of America." Risk Governance and Control: Financial Markets and Institutions 3, no. 1 (2013): 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/rgcv3i1c1art3.

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This paper highlights the origin and development of the stock market in the United States of America. The country consists of several stock exchanges, with the three largest being the NYSE Euronext (NYX), National Association of Securities Dealers Automated Quotation (NASDAQ), and the Chicago Stock Exchange. Stock market reforms have been implemented since the stock market crash of 1929; and the exchanges responded positively to some of these reforms, but not so positively to some of the reforms. As a result of the reforms, the U.S. stock market has developed in terms of market capitalisation, the total value of stocks traded, and the turnover ratio. Although the U.S. stock market has developed over the years, its market still faces wide-ranging challenges.

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Klynina, Тetiana. "THE FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES (FRUS) SERIES AS AN EXAMPLE OF OFFICIAL DOCUMENTARY HISTORY." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki 32 (November 20, 2023): 262–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2023.32.262.

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The purpose of the article is to reveal the idea of the emergence and evolution of the FRUS publication as the gold standard of official documentary history, to analyze the main periods of the collection's development, focus on the legislative basis for the publication of the series and the problems of understanding the FRUS series as an example of the transparency of the American government. Analyzing the scientific work on the topic of the study, the author draws attention to two aspects: the lack of interest in this collection in the Ukrainian scientific community and the rather limited interest among the world scientific community. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity, a systematic approach, and relevant general scientific methods such as problem-chronological and information analysis. The scientific novelty is determined by showing the evolution of the collection, its functional orientation, and the proposed periodization of the publication's development. Conclusions: The publication of the collection began in 1861 and was viewed by Congress not only as a means of informing the public but also as a tool to control the executive branch. No clear criteria for publishing or removing materials were made public, although there was a consensus on which materials should not be published, namely those “that would be detrimental to the public good”. The publications of the period 1861-1905 did not take into account the fact of inconvenience to foreign governments, American diplomats, or US presidents. It is emphasized that the publications of the period 1920-1945 underwent profound changes in purpose, production, design procedures, and target audience. This period is associated with the appearance of the first official order that provided for mandatory historical “objectivity” and served as a charter for the series (with minor changes) until 1991. It is pointed out that the content of the collection and the speed of its appearance were seen as direct evidence of the US government's adherence to the policy of transparency and accountability. As a result, between 1920 and 1945, the State Department released 56 volumes, covering the years between 1913 and 1930. It is noted that gradually the balance between transparency and national security became increasingly difficult. The FRUS series has been and remains a vital resource for the public, academia, political scientists, and others. After the end of World War II, the State Department redefined the transparency paradigms of the 20th century. From the 1950s to the 1980s, the imperatives of the Cold War affected the timeliness of publication, as well as the decision-making process for declassifying U.S. government documents. At the beginning of the Cold War, the FRUS series was 15 years behind on average; by the 1980s, this gap had doubled to about 30 years. The volumes were also subjected to greater scrutiny by the U.S. government before being released. This was partly a result of expanding bureaucratic frameworks and partly a consequence of the Cold War. The publications of the second half of the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries moved away from the functional component of the nineteenth century and instead became a means of a certain historical transparency. The FRUS publications will allow us to analyze not only the evolution of US diplomatic skill but also the policy of openness as a key element of democratic development.

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13

MAURER, NOEL, and CARLOS YU. "What T. R. Took: The Economic Impact of the Panama Canal, 1903–1937." Journal of Economic History 68, no. 3 (September 2008): 686–721. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050708000612.

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The Panama Canal was one of the largest public investments of its time. In the first decade of its operation, the canal produced significant social returns for the United States. Most of these returns were due to the transportation of petroleum from California to the East Coast. The United States also succeeded in leveraging the threat of military force to obtain a much better deal from the Panamanian government than it could have negotiated otherwise.“I took the Isthmus.” President Theodore Roosevelt, 1904“Why, it's ours, we stole it fair and square.” Senator Samuel Hayakawa, 1977

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14

Jalil, Andrew J. "A New History of Banking Panics in the United States, 1825–1929: Construction and Implications." American Economic Journal: Macroeconomics 7, no. 3 (July 1, 2015): 295–330. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/mac.20130265.

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There are two major problems in identifying the output effects of banking panics of the pre–Great Depression era. First, it is not clear when panics occurred because prior panic series differ in their identification of panic episodes. Second, establishing the direction of causality is tricky. This paper addresses these two problems (i) by deriving a new panic series for the 1825–1929 period and (ii) by studying the output effects of major banking panics via vector autoregression (VAR) and narrative-based methods. The new series has important implications for the history of financial panics in the United States. (JEL E32, E44, G21, N11, N12, N21, N22)

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15

Chernov, A. Yu. "The Industry and Public Finance of the USA and Europe in the XXI Century — the Decline Anatomy." Economics, taxes & law 12, no. 1 (March 12, 2019): 110–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/1999-849x-2019-12-1-110-119.

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The subject of the researchis the dynamics of industrial development in the USA and Europe over the past 15 years.The purpose of the paperwas critical examination of the widely accepted practice of studying the economy in terms of cost indicators. The paper analyzes primarily natural indicators that point to a deep industrial crisis in the United States and European countries who are losing their leadership in such innovative areas as electronics, semiconductor devices, robotics, renewable energy for reasons of a long-term gap in innovation and the chosen economic model. Until the beginning of the XX century, the USA and Europe developed on the principles of a free market economy formulated by Adam Smith that led to the industrial revolution in England while the USA went a century-long way to turn from an agrarian country into an industrial world leader. Other countries followed suit with varying degrees of success. After the global crisis of 1929 and the expansion of state participation in the economy, Marx–Keynes’s model, replaced Adam Smith’s market model. But since the 1970s, growth rates have declined sharply provoking deindustrialization; production facilities have been moving to third world countries; budget deficits and public debt have been increasing along with the accelerating unemployment, inﬂation and the inﬂux of migrants. Any attempts to reduce social expenditures trigger powerful protests of the population and the loss of votes. The United States and Europe have fallen into a social trap from which so far no one sees a way out. As a result,it is concludedthat in 15 years, assuming the current trends continue, the United States and Europe will turn into ordinary regions of the global economy.The relevance of this study, compared with other publications on this subject, stems from the fact that the true situation in the country’s economy is determined according to the valuation of the country’s industrial output rather than based on the analysis of the GDP per capita.

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16

Cohen, Michael J. "The British Mandate in Palestine: The Strange Case of the 1930 White Paper." European Journal of Jewish Studies 10, no. 1 (March 2, 2016): 79–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1872471x-12341287.

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After the “Wailing Wall” riots and pogroms that swept Palestine in August 1929, a British Commission of Inquiry reported that the Zionist project in Palestine could not proceed without encroaching upon the rights of the Palestinians, creating a class of landless Arabs. The minority Labour government endorsed these conclusions, in its White Paper of October 1930. But in a period of severe economic crisis, with Britain fearful of the Zionist lobby in the United States, and dependent upon Zionist finance to maintain its rule over Palestine, the government retreated from its own policy, in unique constitutional circumstances.

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17

Goldin, Claudia. "America's Graduation from High School: The Evolution and Spread of Secondary Schooling in the Twentieth Century." Journal of Economic History 58, no. 2 (June 1998): 345–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700020544.

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Secondary-school enrollment and graduation rates increased spectacularly in much of the United States from 1910 to 1940; the advance was particularly rapid from 1920 to 1935 in the nonsouthern states. This increase was uniquely American; no other nation underwent an equivalent change for several decades. States that rapidly expanded their high school enrollments early in the period had greater wealth, more homogeneity of wealth, and less manufacturing activity than others. Factors prompting the expansion include the substantial returns to education early in the century and a responsive “state.” This work is based on a newly constructed state-level data set.

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18

Fisher, Lawrence, and Barrie A. Wigmore. "The Crash and Its Aftermath: A History of Securities Markets in the United States, 1929-1933." Journal of Finance 42, no. 5 (December 1987): 1401. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2328537.

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19

Kinghorn, Janice Rye, and John Vincent Nye. "The Scale of Production in Western Economic Development: A Comparison of Official Industry Statistics in the United States, Britain, France, and Germany, 1905–1913." Journal of Economic History 56, no. 1 (March 1996): 90–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205070001603x.

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We use census data and information on large firms to generate descriptions of structural features of Western industry around 1906. We find that although the United States conforms to existing stereotypes, most other nations do not. German industry stands out as having the smallest plants and firms and the lowest concentration levels both in the aggregate and when grouped by industrial classifications. Equally startling, French levels of plant size and concentration are comparable to those of the United States. We speculate on the importance of these results for rethinking the traditional analysis of industrial development in the early twentieth century.

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20

Neill, Robin. "The Technological and Institutional Context of Cold War Growth Theory." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 16, no. 2 (1994): 310–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837200002005.

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Between 1928 and 1968, a common information environment in the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States with respect to the role of industrial capital in the economy produced theories of economic growth in all three countries. Emerging from different stages of development and different institutional circumstances in each country, the content of the theory of growth was different in each country. The different stages of development were defined by industrial structure and levels of capital accumulation, not by technological sophistication. In the 1920s and 1930s, all three countries experienced the obsolescence of the steam locomotive and the telegraph, and the emergence of new economic activities related to the internal combustion engine, electricity, radio and the telephone. With respect to technology, as such, there was a fairly common information environment. Differences lay in institutions, rates of investment, and levels of accumulation.

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21

Ernst, Daniel R. "Ernst Freund, Felix Frankfurter, and the American Rechtsstaat: A Transatlantic Shipwreck, 1894–1932." Studies in American Political Development 23, no. 2 (September 25, 2009): 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x09990058.

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From the passage of the Interstate Commerce Act of 1887 through the New Deal, American legislators commonly endowed administrative agencies with broad discretionary power. They did so over the objections of an intellectual founder of the American administrative state. The American-born, German-educated lawyer and political scientist Ernst Freund developed an Americanized version of the Rechtsstaat—a government bound by fixed and definite rules—in an impressive body of scholarship between 1894 and 1915. In 1920 he eagerly took up an offer from the Commonwealth Fund to finance a comprehensive study of administration in the United States. Here was his chance to show that a Continental version of the Rule of Law had come to America. Unfortunately for Freund, the Commonwealth Fund yoked him to the Austrian-born, American-educated Felix Frankfurter, a celebrant of the enlightened discretion of administrators. Freund's major publication for the Commonwealth Fund, Administrative Powers over Persons and Property (1928), made little impression on scholars of administrative law, who took their lead from Frankfurter. Today the Rechtsstaat is largely the beau ideal of libertarian critics of the New Deal; few recognize that it is also part of the diverse legacy of Progressive reform.

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22

Mason, J. W., and Arjun Jayadev. "“Fisher Dynamics” in US Household Debt, 1929–2011." American Economic Journal: Macroeconomics 6, no. 3 (July 1, 2014): 214–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/mac.6.3.214.

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The evolution of debt-income ratios over time depends on income growth, inflation, and interest rates, independent of any changes in borrowing. We examine the effect of these “Fisher dynamics” on household debt-income ratios in the United States over the period 1929–2011. Adapting a standard decomposition of public debt to household sector debt, we show that these factors explain, in accounting terms, a large fraction of the changes in household debt-income ratios observed historically. More recently, debt defaults have also been important. Changes in household debt-income ratios over time cannot be straightforwardly interpreted as reflecting shifts in the supply and demand of household credit. (JEL D14, E21, E31, E43, H63, N32)

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O'Brien, Anthony Patrick. "Factory size, economies of scale, and the great merger wave of 1898–1902." Journal of Economic History 48, no. 3 (September 1988): 639–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700005866.

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Analysis of census data reveals that the size of the average factory in the United States grew more rapidly during the 1870s and 1880s than during any subsequent decade through the 1920s. While the average factory doubled in size between 1869 and 1889, it increased by only about a quarter between 1899 and 1929. These results support the view that the reaping of economies of scale was not an important motive for the great merger wave.

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24

Eriksson, Katherine. "Ethnic enclaves and immigrant outcomes: Norwegian immigrants during the Age of Mass Migration." European Review of Economic History 24, no. 3 (November 28, 2019): 427–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ereh/hez013.

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Abstract This paper examines the effect of ethnic enclaves on economic outcomes of Norwegian immigrants in 1910 and 1920, the later part of the Age of Mass Migration. Using various identification strategies, including county fixed effects and an instrumental variables strategy based on chain migration, I consistently find that Norwegians living in larger enclaves in the United States had lower occupational earnings, were more likely to be in farming occupations, and were less likely to be in white-collar occupations. Results are robust to matching method and choice of occupational score. This earnings disadvantage is partly passed on to the second generation.

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Richardson, Gary. "The Collapse of the United States Banking System during the Great Depression, 1929 to 1933. New Archival Evidence." Australasian Accounting, Business and Finance Journal 1, no. 1 (2007): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.14453/aabfj.v1i1.4.

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Bleakley, Hoyt. "Malaria Eradication in the Americas: A Retrospective Analysis of Childhood Exposure." American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 2, no. 2 (April 1, 2010): 1–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.2.2.1.

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This study uses the malaria-eradication campaigns in the United States (circa 1920) and in Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico (circa 1955) to measure how much childhood exposure to malaria depresses labor productivity. The campaigns began because of advances in health technology, which mitigates concerns about reverse causality. Malarious areas saw large drops in the disease thereafter. Relative to non-malarious areas, cohorts born after eradication had higher income as adults than the preceding generation. These cross-cohort changes coincided with childhood exposure to the campaigns rather than to pre-existing trends. Estimates suggest a substantial, though not predominant, role for malaria in explaining cross-region differences in income. (JEL I12, I18, J13, O15)

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Terrill, Thomas E. "The Rise of Cotton Mills in the South. By Broadus Mitchell, with a new introduction by David L. Carlton. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2001. Pp. lviii, 281. $18.95, paper." Journal of Economic History 61, no. 4 (December 2001): 1152–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050701005861.

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Written as his doctoral dissertation at Johns Hopkins University and published as a book in 1921, Mitchell's study was a highly influential study of the explosive growth of cotton manufacturing in the southeastern United States from 1880 to World War I. The first scholarly assessment of what would become the leading industry of the region and set within the historical context of that region, Mitchell's book was, as Carlton says, “[r]ooted in the militant modernizing ethos of the Progressive era reform milieu” (p. x).

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Romer, Christina. "New Estimates of Prewar Gross National Product and Unemployment." Journal of Economic History 46, no. 2 (June 1986): 341–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700046167.

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The paper examines in detail revised estimates of unemployment and gross national product for the United States before 1929. It first discusses the nature of the revisions to each series and contrasts the assumptions underlying the new data with those underlying the Kuznets GNP series and the Lebergott unemployment rate series. It then examines the business cycle properties of the new prewar estimates. In analyzes the volatility and serial correlation properities of the new macroeconomic series and investigates the Okun's Law relationship between unemployment and GNP, concluding with an evaluation of the assumptions underlying the old and new data.

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Connor, Dylan Shane. "The Cream of the Crop? Geography, Networks, and Irish Migrant Selection in the Age of Mass Migration." Journal of Economic History 79, no. 1 (March 2019): 139–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050718000682.

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With more than 30 million people moving to North America during the Age of Mass Migration (1850–1913), governments feared that Europe was losing its most talented workers. Using new data from Ireland in the early twentieth century, I provide evidence to the contrary, showing that the sons of farmers and illiterate men were more likely to emigrate than their literate and skilled counterparts. Emigration rates were highest in poorer farming communities with stronger migrant networks. I constructed these data using new name-based techniques to follow people over time and to measure chain migration from origin communities to the United States.

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Mitch, David. "Women's Work? American Schoolteachers, 1650–1920. By Joel Perlmann and Robert A. Margo. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 2001. Pp. x, 188. $32.00." Journal of Economic History 61, no. 4 (December 2001): 1148–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050701005836.

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By the 1920s over 90 percent of primary-school teachers in the United States were women. But in 1860, only a third of Southern rural teachers were female whereas in New England and Mid-Atlantic rural areas, modern proportions had already been attained. One of the main objectives of this careful and lucid study is to examine the reasons for these different regional patterns.

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Alchon, Guy. "United States - Making America Corporate, 1870–1920. By Oliver Zunz. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990. Pp. x, 267, $24.95." Journal of Economic History 52, no. 1 (March 1992): 238–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700010470.

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32

Best, Michael H. "Organizing America: Wealth, Power, and the Origins of Corporate Capitalism. By Charles Perrow. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002. Pp. ix, 259. $34.95." Journal of Economic History 63, no. 1 (March 2003): 283–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050703461809.

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Charles Perrow is interested in big organizations and how they shape communities, the distribution of wealth, power and income, and working lives. Today, organizations with over 500 employees employ more than half the working population in the United States. There were no such organizations in 1800. Referring to William Roy (Socializing Capital: The Rise of Large Industrial Corporations in America. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997) and Naomi Lamoreaux (The Great Merger Movement in American Business, 1895–1904. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985) Perrow argues that corporate capitalism was entrenched in five short years (1898–1903) during which more than half the book value of all manufacturing capital was incorporated. The firms were made giant by consolidating the assets of several firms in the same industry.

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Tarascio, Vincent J. "An Intellectual Autobiography." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 21, no. 1 (March 1999): 53–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837200002844.

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Although this essay is essentially an intellectual biography, personal experiences have influenced my career as an economist and historian of economic thought. For this reason, I shall devote some space to these experiences before turning to the main topic.My parents migrated from Sicily to the United States prior to the First World War; met and then married in this country and eventually settled in Hartford, Connecticut. I was conceived in 1929, the year of the Great Crash and born the following year at the onset of the Great Depression. However, for my family our economic depression had begun in 1929, when my father was seriously injured at a construction site and spent the next 8 months hospitalized, leaving my mother, who was pregnant with me, and my two siblings, without any means of support.

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Pincus, Jonathan. "International Trade and Political Conflict: Commerce, Coalitions, and Mobility. By Michael J Hiscox. Princeton, NJ, and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2002. Pp xiv, 209. $49.50, cloth; $18.95, paper." Journal of Economic History 63, no. 1 (March 2003): 306–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050703621807.

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This short book has a novel thesis, which is that the degree of factor mobility at the national level influenced the politics of foreign-trade policies. When factor mobility was high, tariff legislation was class legislation. When mobility was low, tariffs were decided by interest-group competition. Michael Hiscox brings data on mobility to bear on the history of foreign trade policies of the six countries—the United States, Britain, France, Sweden, Canada, and Australia—over the last one or two hundred years or so, devoting a chapter to each. He then tests his ideas quantitatively on U.S. congressional voting between 1924 and 1994, finding that, when the indicators of factor mobility were low, an “interest group theory” better explains U.S. tariff politics than does a “class legislation theory” (and the reverse when mobility was high).

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Leonard, Henry B. "German Workers' Culture in the United States, 1850 to 1920. Edited by Hartmut Keil. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1988. Pp. xxii, 330. $24.95." Journal of Economic History 49, no. 3 (September 1989): 771–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700009219.

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MUELLER, BERNARDO. "United States–Latin American Relations 1850–1903: Establishing a Relationship. Edited by T. M. Leonard. Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 1999. Pp. 303. $44.95." Journal of Economic History 60, no. 01 (March 2000): 308–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700480149.

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Kwolek-Folland, Angel. "Domesticity and Dirt: Housewives and Domestic Servants in the United States, 1920–1945. By Phyllis Palmer. Philadelphia: Pemple University Press, 1990. Pp. xvi, 214. $29.95." Journal of Economic History 51, no. 3 (September 1991): 746–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700039929.

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Rao, R. Srinivasa. "EMERGING TRENDS IN HOSPITALITY AND TOURISM." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 1, no. 1 (August 31, 2014): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v1.i1.2014.3080.

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The hospitality and tourism industry has changed more than a little since the first motel, in San Luis Obispo, California, was opened in 1925. (Its rooms went for $2.50 a night.) Today, there are more than four million guest rooms in the country, and tourists and businesspeople spend about $550 billion each year on travel in the United States As a vast and growing industry, hospitality and tourism provides more opportunities for ambitious educated and uneducated persons who enjoy working with people. The hospitality and tourism industry working in a more competitive environment. It is essential that those seeking careers as successful professionals develop a strong business foundation and customer service skills. There are few main themes are to be required to promote the hospitality and tourism industry such as international tourism planning; the development and operation of hotels; Europe and the Single Market; planning issues and techniques; service improvement; finance and performance; and the psychology of management. The purpose of this study is to identify, analyze, and noted the future trends that has been done tat now related to hospitality and tourism sector. This kind of study will be helpful to identify both the advancement and some gaps in this field, thus help to establish a more efficient, effective, and accountable tourism research to support practical work.

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Marks, Sally. "The Misery of Victory: France’s Struggle for the Versailles Treaty." Historical Papers 21, no. 1 (April 26, 2006): 117–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030949ar.

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Abstract From 1920 to this day, French policy after Versailles has been termed unreasonable, but was it really? Britain and the United States thought so, and effectively deemed it simplest if France would accept defeat in the aftermath of deliverance. They mistakenly thought Germany wanted to forget the past, as they did, and they misread the power balance, exaggerating Germany's temporary prostration and France's fleeting ascendancy. Thus they feared French predominance. France worried about survival. She acted consistently to prevent a return of German predominance. France was realistic about the facts, if not always about her erstwhile allies. She was sometimes tactless and often disorganized; she clearly had failures of courage, will, propaganda, and economic insights. She knew, however, that she had not won the war and could not impose the peace alone against a largely intact Germany whose power position had been enhanced by the fragmentation of Europe. She saw that small-power alliances could not compensate for the Russian tie, that Germany was stronger, and that treaty clauses to offset that fact were mostly temporary. Thus France relied on Britain and the United States for security because without them she was lost, refusing to face mounting evidence that they were at best neutral, at worst in Germany's camp. Germany and France both concentrated on Britain in their efforts respectively to undo or preserve the Versailles treaty. Germany had the easier task, as Britain soon wanted to circumvent the treaty too. Preoccupied with imperial and economic problems, Britain feared German market competition to finance reparations and also France's dwindling military power; she was hostile to her historic foe and eager to be the fulcrum of the power balance again. Hence, seconded substantially by the United States, she tried to strengthen Germany at French expense ― a state of affairs which largely explains why France painfully progressed in five years from a determination to enforce key treaty clauses to defeated resignation. The chief battlegrounds of “the continuation of war by other means” were reparations and disarmament. The Ruhr conflict was the climax of the first battle, and the Dawes Plan embodied France's defeat. Locarno signalled both abandonment of requiring Germany's disarmament and her return to equality and diplomatic respectability. Thereafter a defeated France built the Maginot Line, tried with scant success to salvage something in the Young Plan, and clutched at straws, as in Briand's attempt to freeze the political status quo in his “European Union” scheme. France's failure stemmed partly from her own errors but primarily from Anglo-American defection. As admitting defeat or combining with Soviet Russia were politically unthinkable, she struggled on in vain, trying not to face facts. Yet her decision at the outset to accept a misnamed and fatefully moderate Armistice may have contributed to her eclipse, leaving France only the misery, not the grandeur, of victory.

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Zevin, Robert B. "The Crash and its Aftermath: A History of Securities Markets in the United States, 1929–1933. By Barrie A. Wigmore. Westport: Greenwood Press, 1985. Pp. xx, 731. $49.95." Journal of Economic History 46, no. 4 (December 1986): 1089–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205070005107x.

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Bortz, Jeffrey. "Shoulder to Shoulder? The American Federation of Labor, the United States, and the Mexican Revolution, 1910–1924. By Gregg Andrews. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991. Pp. 272. $45.00." Journal of Economic History 54, no. 1 (March 1994): 213–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700014200.

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Zhabskiy, M., and K. Tarasov. "Globalization of Cinematographic Communication." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 20, no. 3 (June 5, 2023): 28–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.3.70.4.

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The article examines the globalization – in its Americanization format – of the international cinematic communication within the perspective of the cultural diversity issue. The globalization process is comprehended as a result of the historical succession of market formations: from free competition in American cinema to an oligopoly and on to a national and an international monopoly. During the period of polipoly, the trail for globalization was blazed by the grande dame of the cinématographe: France. The United States, where in 1908 the market share of French films equaled 70%, mounted a resolute challenge. Under consideration are three factors – institutional, geopolitical, and creative – of the loss by the French of their domination over the American and, then, their own market. To the soft power of American cinema, the French state responded with the quota stimulation for the exhibition of national films, motivating it, among other things, by the necessity of providing for the external and internal security of the state, by the guardianship of customs and national traditions. To the quotas as a means of mitigating the soft power of the United States did recourse some other countries too: larger ones, for economic considerations; smaller ones, for cultural. The globalizational might of the American film industry is explained through the rational choice of the main line for its stylistic development and the filmmakers’ masterfulness, as well as through the professionalism of managemental and marketing actors, investment from big capital, and through support from government in its push for the «cultural hegemony» of the United States. The major studios that emerged during the period of oligopoly (1909– 1929) competed with one another on the terms of a certain accord. With the means of competing by supercostly investments, far beyond the capabilities of smaller studios, the majors established for the domestic market a regime of national monopoly (1930–1946). On the world market the elected method of competition enabled the American film industry, in the second half of the 1940s, to gain the position of the international monopolist. An important role in the process was played by Motion Picture Export Association, established in 1945: a sort of «a diplomatic service» that functioned with permission from and under the support of the U.S. government. From its position of the global monopolist the American film industry strives not only to dominate in the intercultural cinematic communication, but, in this status and as a means of the popular geopolitics, to control it through lobbying and by exporting capital and goods. The transborder circulation of products by various national cinemas and cultural diversity of cinematography have largely fallen prey the globalization process. On the basis of vast factual research is recreated the state of the art for the imbalance in the intercultural film communication. When, in a socialfunctional respect, the importing of films mainly supplants their production in a certain country, the socium, by a large magnitude, is deprived of the chance to reproduce its culture and, accordingly, its identity with the means of depicting its own image and of mastering it. The making of national cinematic picture of the world and its integration into the communicative process becomes a topical task of providing for cultural diversity.

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Woirol, Gregory R. "The Contributions of Frederick C. Mills." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 21, no. 2 (June 1999): 163–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837200003126.

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Economics in the United States in the 1920s and 1930s was notable for the richness of its methodological and theoretical approaches. Encompassing the peak period of American institutionalism, these years also witnessed a recurrent debate over the proper scope and method of economics which was bracketed by a minor methodenstreit in the 1920s and the measurement-withouttheory dispute of the late 1940s. In retrospect it is apparent which lines of thought would dominate economic discourse in later decades. At the time, however, this future was not as clear. A late 1920s evaluation by Paul Homan of the state of contemporary economics concluded that economists “seem in our own day to be separated by more impassable barriers of thought than at any time in the past” (Homan 1928, p. 10). In looking beyond “the present impasse,” as he called it, Homan concluded that “whether economics in the future shall consist of a body of doctrines, or a body of facts scientifically ascertained, or a technique, or more or less of one and the other, is on the laps of the gods” (ibid., pp. 466-67).

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Leonard, Robert. "“Between Worlds,” or an Imagined Reminiscence by Oskar Morgenstern about Equilibrium and Mathematics in the 1920s." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 26, no. 3 (September 2004): 285–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1042771042000263803.

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“Iwas born in 1902 in Görlitz, a small provincial town in Germany, and raised in Vienna, the great city of the multinational Austro-Hungarian empire. On my father's side, my family goes back to about 1530 in Saxony, my Lutheran forebears having been farmers, church wardens, judges, and businessmen. My mother was a natural daughter of Frederick III of Germany …”Yet another account of myself, for yet another encyclopaedia. Italian, this time. Once again, I put pen to paper and collapse the events of fifty years ago to a few familiar milestones. Now what shall I tell these Italians?“I finished the Gymnasium and took my Dr. Rer. Pol. at the University of Vienna in 1925. Awarded a Rockefeller Memorial Fellowship, I spent the next three years in England, the United States, France and Italy. Returning to Vienna, I soon became Docent, later Professor, at the University, and Director of the Austrian Institute for Business Cycle Research …”And then there will be the doctoral thesis, Wirtschaftsprognose, the other Institute, Princeton, and so on. It is remarkable really, the rehearsed inevitability of it all … So often have I gone through exercises of this kind that there are times when I even begin to believe them myself.

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Kousser, J. Morgan. "United States and Canada - Two-Party Politics in the One-Party South. Alabama's Hill Country, 1874–1920. By Samuel L. Webb. Tuscaloosa and London: The University of Alabama Press, 1997. Pp. xi, 220. $34.95." Journal of Economic History 59, no. 1 (March 1999): 234–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700022579.

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Juraev, Diyor T., Sherzod D. Dilmurodov, Norboy Sh Kayumov, Sevara R. Xujakulova, and Umida Sh Karshiyeva. "Evaluating Genetic Variability and Biometric Indicators in Bread Wheat Varieties: Implications for Modern Selection Methods." Asian Journal of Agricultural and Horticultural Research 10, no. 4 (August 14, 2023): 335–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.9734/ajahr/2023/v10i4275.

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Major grain-producing countries such as Canada, the United States of America, Mexico, Brazil, Australia, China, India, Turkey, and Russia, in the direction of selection for the creation of new varieties of wheat resistant to abiotic factors, are paying great attention to creating new wheat varieties by developing new genotypes by identifying donors with high-quality and positive indicators of valuable economic traits and introducing them into modern selection methods. Progress has been made in this direction worldwide. Today, many varieties of wheat with valuable economic traits and high grain quality have been created and introduced to large areas. In this study, 23 genotypes were selected from 45 genotypes of bread wheat varieties and lines. The nursery’s growth period lasted between 233-238 days, and the lines appeared more mature than the local check varieties. Compared to the local check varieties, among the plant’s biometric indicators, 15 lines showed positive results in terms of plant height, 10 lines in peduncle length, 5 lines in spike length, 1 line in spike number, and 1 line in resistance to lodging. The statistical analysis of grain yield and grain quality using the Dospekhov method showed that the experimental error rates for various indices as follows: 0.888% for yield, 3.018% for weight of 1000 grains, 0.627% for Test weight, 2.028% for protein content, 1.519% for gluten content, 2.001% for IDK, and 4.01% for grain glassiness. It was noted that the experiment was conducted correctly in terms of repetitions and showed a positive result. 10 genotypes with yield of genotypes 72.6-96.7 c/ha, weight of 1000 grains 37.9-43.2 g, test weight 803-835 g/l, protein content 16.2-19.3%, gluten content 28.5-30.4% were selected. Accordingly, it was observed that the amount of iron was 1.0-1.8 mg. It was observed that the sample was 1.3 mg in the Gozgon variety and 1.4 mg in the Antonina variety. KR20-27-FAWIR-67, KR20-BWF5IR-2625, KR20-27-FAWIR-138 lines 1.6 mg relative to the local check variety. Lines KR20-BWF5IR-2460, KR20-27-FAWIR-39, KR20-BWF5IR-246 1.7 mg. It was observed that the KR20-27-FAWIR-154 line showed a high result of 1.8 mg.

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Clifton, James M. "United States and Canada - The Shadow of a Dream: Economic Life and Death in the South Carolina Low Country, 1670–1920. By Peter A. Coclanis. New York: Oxford University Press, 1989. Pp. ix, 370. $39.95." Journal of Economic History 49, no. 4 (December 1989): 1041–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700009852.

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Zagorsky, Jay L. "Job Vacancies in the United States: 1923 to 1994." Review of Economics and Statistics 80, no. 2 (May 1998): 338–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/003465398557438.

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DUR, PHILIP F. "US Diplomacy and the Salvadorean Revolution of 1931." Journal of Latin American Studies 30, no. 1 (February 1998): 95–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x97004914.

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The United States reacted to the revolution which brought General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez to power in 1931 by refusing to recognise him under a 1923 treaty. Martínez broke precedent by entrenching himself in the presidency. The State Department first attempted to subvert him. The outbreak of a peasant rebellion, supposedly under communist leadership, then caused Washington to seek a face-saving accommodation. The bargain failed because of the general's duplicity. Eventually the United States was forced to abandon the 1923 treaty and recognise Martínez. This opened the way to habitual recognition of non-communist dictators in Latin America.

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Deol, Amrit. "“Gilded Cages”." Ethnic Studies Review 46, no. 1-2 (2023): 12–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2023.46.1-2.12.

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In 1923, the landmark Supreme Court case, United States v. Bhagat Singh Thind determined that Bhagat Singh Thind and all other “Hindus” were ineligible for citizenship because they did not meet the “common understanding” of white. This article explores the debates surrounding the question “who is the ‘Hindu?’” in the United States in the early 1900s. The article depicts how the racialized category of “Hindu” was fabricated and constantly curated throughout the early twentieth century to protect the Anglo-American claim to whiteness. This challenges the idea that the category of “Hindu” was labeled as “non-white” following the United States v. Thind decision in 1923 and instead, highlights how the “Hindu” was always made to be “non-white.” Here, the article showcases the leading discourses in written media, labor, and immigration policies surrounding the racial classification of South Asian men in the United States, also known as “Hindu/Hindoos,” from 1906 to 1923. The question posed by these three American sources of discourse was not an ontological one set to explore the essence or being of “Hindu,” but rather a brutal effort to place the “Hindu” in a position to fail in American racial politics. This article examines the development of the racial category of “Hindu” in labor and immigration discourse and how it became embedded within the American “common sense.”

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