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Journal articles on the topic 'Finance, United States, 1867'

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Published: 26 July 2024

Last updated: 27 July 2024

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1

Pérez, Santiago. "Intergenerational Occupational Mobility across Three Continents." Journal of Economic History 79, no. 2 (April 29, 2019): 383–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050719000032.

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I compare rates of intergenerational occupational mobility across four countries in the late nineteenth century: 1869–1895 Argentina, 1850–1880 United States, 1851–1881 Britain, and 1865–1900 Norway. Argentina and the United States had similar levels of intergenerational mobility, and these levels were above those of Britain and Norway. These findings suggest that the higher mobility of nineteenth-century United States relative to Britain might not have been a reflection of “American exceptionalism,” but rather a manifestation of more widespread differences between settler economies of the New World and Europe.

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2

Sylla, Richard, John B. Legler, and John J. Wallis. "Banks and State Public Finance in the New Republic: The United States, 1790–1860." Journal of Economic History 47, no. 2 (June 1987): 391–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700048142.

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The U.S. Constitution, by taking away the power of the states to issue paper money, removed a major source of flexibility in state public finance. In their search for new sources of revenue and fiscal flexibility, the states discovered that the banks they chartered could fill the gap. Investment earnings and tax revenues derived from banks soon became major elements of state public finance. We discuss the nature of these early business-government relationships and provide the first systematic assessment of their relative importance in state finance.

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3

Hoag, Christopher. "Clearinghouse loan certificates as interbank loans in the United States, 1860–1913." Financial History Review 23, no. 3 (December 2016): 303–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565016000196.

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Before the founding of the Federal Reserve, bank clearinghouse associations served as an emergency lending facility during the National Bank Era (1863–1913). This article clarifies the operation of clearinghouse loan certificates during panic periods. If clearinghouse loan certificates do not circulate among the general public, then they bear similarities to interbank loans among clearinghouse member banks. In general, the central clearinghouse organization does not act alone as a lender of last resort to make loans from the central clearinghouse to individual member banks.

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4

Zimran, Ariell. "Transportation and Health in the Antebellum United States, 1820–1847." Journal of Economic History 80, no. 3 (June 23, 2020): 670–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050720000315.

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I study the impact of transportation on health in the rural United States, 1820–1847. Measuring health by average stature, I find that greater transportation linkage, as measured by market access, in a cohort’s county-year of birth had an adverse impact on its health. A one-standard-deviation increase in market access reduced average stature by 0.14 inches, and rising market access over the study period can explain 37 percent of the contemporaneous decline in average stature, known as the Antebellum Puzzle. I find evidence that transportation affected health by increasing population density, leading to a worse epidemiological environment.

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5

Pritchett, Jonathan B. "QUANTITATIVE ESTIMATES OF THE UNITED STATES INTERREGIONAL SLAVE TRADE, 1820–1860." Journal of Economic History 61, no. 2 (June 2001): 467–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205070102808x.

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6

Cohn, Raymond L. "The Occupations of English Immigrants to the United States, 1836–1853." Journal of Economic History 52, no. 2 (June 1992): 377–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700010809.

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This article examines the recent view that economic distress was not an important cause of English immigration before 1860. Demographic information is used to show that characteristics of males on suspect passenger lists (those that listed only laborers) matched those of laborers on other lists. Based on this result and other information, laborers appear to be the dominant group of immigrants. Support is thus provided for the view that distress was the most important cause of immigration, even though many other immigrants were not fleeing economic distress.

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7

Zimran, Ariell. "Sample-Selection Bias and Height Trends in the Nineteenth-Century United States." Journal of Economic History 79, no. 1 (March 2019): 99–138. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050718000694.

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After adjusting for sample-selection bias, I find a net decline in average stature of 0.64 inches in the birth cohorts of 1832–1860 in the United States. This result supports the veracity of the Antebellum Puzzle—a deterioration of health during early modern economic growth in the United States. However, this adjustment alters the trend in average stature in the same cohort range, validating concerns over bias in the historical heights literature. The adjustment is based on census-linked military height data and uses a two-step semi-parametric sample-selection model to adjust for selection on observables and unobservables.

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8

Ferrie, Joseph P. "The Wealth Accumulation of Antebellum European Immigrants to the U.S., 1840–60." Journal of Economic History 54, no. 1 (March 1994): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700013978.

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This article explores wealth accumulation among European immigrants who arrived in the United States between 1840 and 1850. It uses a new sample of immigrants linked from passenger-ship records to the 1850 and 1860 federal census manuscripts. These immigrants rapidly accumulated real and personal wealth. Their real wealth grew 10 percent with each year≈s residence in the United States. This was not because immigrants arriving in the early 1840s were wealthier at arrival than later arrivals, nor was the rapid accumulation of wealth confined to one nationality or occupation. Rather, it reflects these immigrants≈ abilities to adapt to new circumstances after their arrival.

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9

Roberts, Alasdair. "“An ungovernable anarchy”: The United States’ response to depression and default, 1837–1848." Intereconomics 45, no. 4 (July 2010): 196–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10272-010-0337-4.

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10

Ng, Kenneth. "Free Banking Laws and Barriers to Entry in Banking, 1838–1860." Journal of Economic History 48, no. 4 (December 1988): 877–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700006653.

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The thesis that free banking laws lowered barriers to entry in the U.S. banking industry is tested by examining entry of firms and output of banking services before and after the institution of free banking. The output of banking services and the number of banks remained the same or declined after the institution of free banking, in all states with viable free banking laws except New York. In light of this evidence, the belief that free banking in the antebellum United States increased competition and efficiency of the banking industry by lowering barriers to entry must be reconsidered.

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11

Hanes, Christopher. "Degrees of Processing and Changes in the Cyclical Behavior of Prices in the United States, 1869-1990." Journal of Money, Credit and Banking 31, no. 1 (February 1999): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2601138.

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12

Mitch, David. "Women's Work? American Schoolteachers, 1650–1920. By Joel Perlmann and Robert A. Margo. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 2001. Pp. x, 188. $32.00." Journal of Economic History 61, no. 4 (December 2001): 1148–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050701005836.

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By the 1920s over 90 percent of primary-school teachers in the United States were women. But in 1860, only a third of Southern rural teachers were female whereas in New England and Mid-Atlantic rural areas, modern proportions had already been attained. One of the main objectives of this careful and lucid study is to examine the reasons for these different regional patterns.

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13

Klynina, Тetiana. "THE FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES (FRUS) SERIES AS AN EXAMPLE OF OFFICIAL DOCUMENTARY HISTORY." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki 32 (November 20, 2023): 262–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2023.32.262.

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The purpose of the article is to reveal the idea of the emergence and evolution of the FRUS publication as the gold standard of official documentary history, to analyze the main periods of the collection's development, focus on the legislative basis for the publication of the series and the problems of understanding the FRUS series as an example of the transparency of the American government. Analyzing the scientific work on the topic of the study, the author draws attention to two aspects: the lack of interest in this collection in the Ukrainian scientific community and the rather limited interest among the world scientific community. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity, a systematic approach, and relevant general scientific methods such as problem-chronological and information analysis. The scientific novelty is determined by showing the evolution of the collection, its functional orientation, and the proposed periodization of the publication's development. Conclusions: The publication of the collection began in 1861 and was viewed by Congress not only as a means of informing the public but also as a tool to control the executive branch. No clear criteria for publishing or removing materials were made public, although there was a consensus on which materials should not be published, namely those “that would be detrimental to the public good”. The publications of the period 1861-1905 did not take into account the fact of inconvenience to foreign governments, American diplomats, or US presidents. It is emphasized that the publications of the period 1920-1945 underwent profound changes in purpose, production, design procedures, and target audience. This period is associated with the appearance of the first official order that provided for mandatory historical “objectivity” and served as a charter for the series (with minor changes) until 1991. It is pointed out that the content of the collection and the speed of its appearance were seen as direct evidence of the US government's adherence to the policy of transparency and accountability. As a result, between 1920 and 1945, the State Department released 56 volumes, covering the years between 1913 and 1930. It is noted that gradually the balance between transparency and national security became increasingly difficult. The FRUS series has been and remains a vital resource for the public, academia, political scientists, and others. After the end of World War II, the State Department redefined the transparency paradigms of the 20th century. From the 1950s to the 1980s, the imperatives of the Cold War affected the timeliness of publication, as well as the decision-making process for declassifying U.S. government documents. At the beginning of the Cold War, the FRUS series was 15 years behind on average; by the 1980s, this gap had doubled to about 30 years. The volumes were also subjected to greater scrutiny by the U.S. government before being released. This was partly a result of expanding bureaucratic frameworks and partly a consequence of the Cold War. The publications of the second half of the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries moved away from the functional component of the nineteenth century and instead became a means of a certain historical transparency. The FRUS publications will allow us to analyze not only the evolution of US diplomatic skill but also the policy of openness as a key element of democratic development.

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14

Khan, B. Zorina, and Kenneth L. Sokoloff. "“Schemes of Practical Utility”: Entrepreneurship and Innovation Among “Great Inventors” in the United States, 1790–1865." Journal of Economic History 53, no. 2 (June 1993): 289–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700012924.

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The growth in inventive activity during early American industrialization is explored by examining the careers of 160 inventors credited with important technological discoveries. Analysis of biographical information and complete patent histories through 1865 indicates that these “great inventors” were entrepreneurial and responded systematically to market demand. Their inventions were procyclical and originated disproportionately from localities linked with extensive markets. Although unexceptional in terms of schooling or technical skills, they vigorously pursued the returns to their inventions, redirected their inventive activity to meet emerging needs, and were distinguished by high geographical mobility toward districts conducive to invention and its commercialization.

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15

WEBER, WARREN E. "Early State Banks in the United States: How Many Were There and When Did They Exist?" Journal of Economic History 66, no. 2 (June 2006): 433–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050706000180.

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This article describes a newly constructed data set of all U.S. state banks from 1782 to 1861. It contains the names and locations of all banks and branches that went into business and an estimate of when each operated. The compilation is based on reported balance sheets, listings in banknote reporters, and secondary sources. Based on these data, the article presents a count of the number of banks and branches in business by state. I argue that my series are superior to previously existing ones for reasons of consistency, accuracy, and timing. The article contains examples to support this argument.

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16

O'Brien, Anthony Patrick. "Factory size, economies of scale, and the great merger wave of 1898–1902." Journal of Economic History 48, no. 3 (September 1988): 639–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700005866.

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Analysis of census data reveals that the size of the average factory in the United States grew more rapidly during the 1870s and 1880s than during any subsequent decade through the 1920s. While the average factory doubled in size between 1869 and 1889, it increased by only about a quarter between 1899 and 1929. These results support the view that the reaping of economies of scale was not an important motive for the great merger wave.

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17

Habinek, Jacob, and Heather A. Haveman. "Professionals and populists: the making of a free market for medicine in the United States, 1787–1860." Socio-Economic Review 17, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 81–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ser/mwy052.

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AbstractIn the early decades of the 19th century, physicians in the USA enjoyed unquestioned authority in medicine and increasing state recognition. But by mid-century, their monopoly had given way to a raucous free market for medical care. To explain the causes and consequences of this dismantling of a professional monopoly, we draw on political sociology. We argue that to maintain a monopoly, a dominant profession must defend its cultural authority against rival claims and preserve its institutional support from the state. A dominant profession can lose its monopoly if rival occupations mobilize to challenge its cultural authority and if populist political coalitions mobilize to repeal laws upholding professional monopolies. Our analysis, which covers all states in the Union by 1860, reveals that the dynamics of contention, both within the system of professions and in the wider political arena, can erode the foundations of professional monopolies.

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18

Hong, Sok Chul. "The Burden of Early Exposure to Malaria in the United States, 1850–1860: Malnutrition and Immune Disorders." Journal of Economic History 67, no. 4 (December 2007): 1001–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050707000472.

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This article uses nineteenth-century evidence to calculate the impact of early exposure to malaria-ridden environments on nutritional status and the immune system in America. I estimate the risk of contracting malarial fevers in the 1850s by using correlations between malaria and environmental factors such as climate and geographical features. The study demonstrates that Union Army recruits who spent their early years in malaria-endemic counties were 1.1 inches shorter at enlistment due to malnutrition and were 13 percent more susceptible to infections during the U.S. Civil War as a result of immune disorders than were those from malaria-free regions.

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19

Rutterford, Janette. "Learning from one another's mistakes: investment trusts in the UK and the US, 1868–1940." Financial History Review 16, no. 2 (September 16, 2009): 157–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565009990060.

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AbstractThis article explores the development of the closed-end investment trust in both the UK and the US, in the context of the investment management strategies adopted and whether they provided value-added services for investors. Although US investment trusts of the 1920s boom years were heavily influenced by their earlier UK counterparts, they differed from British investment trusts in a number of key ways, in particular, size, capital structure, tax and accounting practices, management, and costs. These differences led to their relatively much worse performance in the stock market crash of the late 1920s and early 1930s. This poor US trust performance led directly to the creation of the US open-ended ‘fixed trust’, marketed as an antidote to the generally poor management of conventional closed-end investment trusts. As confidence in mutual funds slowly returned in the United States, open-ended funds were gradually given more flexibility, but US investment trust companies, with share prices at a steep discount to liquidation value, and partly blamed for the crash, were encouraged to convert to mutual fund status by the 1936 Revenue Act. By 1944, open-end funds had overtaken investment trusts in terms of asset size, a phenomenon that did not occur in Britain for another 30 years.

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20

Fenstermaker, J. Van, and John E. Filer. "Impact of the First and Second Banks of the United States and the Suffolk System on New England Bank Money: 1791-1837." Journal of Money, Credit and Banking 18, no. 1 (February 1986): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1992318.

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21

Vatter, Harold G. "Investigation and Responsibility: Public Responsibility in the United States, 1865–1900. By William R. Brock. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1984. Pp. viii, 280.$39.50." Journal of Economic History 46, no. 2 (June 1986): 557–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700046581.

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22

Woodman, Harold D. "United States and Canada - Grass-Roots Reconstruction in Texas, 1865–1880. By Randolph B. Campbell. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1997. Pp. x, 251. $35.00." Journal of Economic History 59, no. 1 (March 1999): 235–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700022580.

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23

Virts, Nancy. "United States and Canada - Southern Agriculture During the Civil War Era, 1860–1880. By John Solomon Otto. Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group, 1994. Pp. xi, 171. $49.95." Journal of Economic History 55, no. 1 (March 1995): 189–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700040857.

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24

Guenther, David. "Of Bodies Politic and Pecuniary: A Brief History of Corporate Purpose." Michigan Business & Entrepreneurial Law Review, no. 9.1 (2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.36639/mbelr.9.1.bodies.

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American corporate law has long drawn a bright line between for-profit and non-profit corporations. In recent years, hybrid or social enterprises have increasingly put this bright-line distinction to the test. This Article asks what we can learn about the purpose of the American business corporation by examining its history and development in the United States in its formative period from roughly 1780-1860. This brief history of corporate purpose suggests that the duty to maximize profits in the for-profit corporation is a relatively recent development. Historically, the American business corporation grew out of an earlier form of corporation that was neither for-profit nor nonprofit in today’s parlance but rather, served a multitude of municipal, religious, charitable, educational, and eventually business purposes in early nineteenth-century New England. The purposes of early American business corporations—rather than maximization of profit to private shareholders— were often overtly public, involving development of local transportation, finance, and other much-needed economic infrastructure. With the rise of factory-based manufacturing, railroads, and other capital-intensive industries in the middle decades of the nineteenth century and the advent of general incorporation statutes, the purpose of the American business corporation shifted fundamentally from public to private. By 1860, the stage was set for the modern firm. This Article concludes that the corporation has no intrinsic purpose. The corporation’s defining features are separate legal personality and the ability to aggregate capital toward any otherwise lawful end, whether for-profit or nonprofit. Social enterprises today more closely resemble the early American business corporation than the profit-maximizing modern firm. Social enterprise should be seen less as a legally uncertain novelty than a return to the business corporation’s nineteenth-century American roots. Finally, this Article suggests potential limitations for social enterprise.

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25

Lewis, Bradley G. "Canals for a Nation: The Canal Era in the United States, 1790–1860. By Ronald E. Shaw. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1990. Pp. x, 284. $28.00." Journal of Economic History 53, no. 2 (June 1993): 430–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700013206.

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26

Sokoloff, Kenneth L. "United States - Engines of Change: The American Industrial Revolution, 1790–1860. By Brooke Hindle and Steven Lubar. Washington, D. C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1986. Pp. 309. $29.95. cloth, $14.95 paper." Journal of Economic History 48, no. 1 (March 1988): 205–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700004587.

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27

Olmstead, Alan L. "Structures of Change in the Mechanical Age: Technological Innovation in the United States, 1790–1865. By Ross Thompson. Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009. Pp. xiv, 432. $68.00." Journal of Economic History 70, no. 3 (September 2010): 778–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050710000690.

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28

Logan, Trevon D. "The Republic for Which it Stands: The United States During Reconstruction and the Gilded Age, 1865–1896. By Richard White. New York, NY: Oxford, 2017. Pp. xx, 94. $35.00, hardcover." Journal of Economic History 79, no. 1 (March 2019): 305–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050718000864.

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29

Levi, Margaret. "United States and Canada - Mobilizing for Modern War: The Political Economy of American Warfare, 1865–1919. By Paul A. C. Koistinen. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1997. Pp. xii, 391. $45.00." Journal of Economic History 59, no. 1 (March 1999): 237–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700022592.

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30

Weeks, William Earl, and Norman E. Saul. "Distant Friends: The United States and Russia, 1763-1867." Journal of the Early Republic 12, no. 2 (1992): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3124157.

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31

Jensen, Ronald J., and Norman E. Saul. "Distant Friends: The United States and Russia, 1763-1867." American Historical Review 97, no. 2 (April 1992): 638. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165904.

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32

Unterberger, Betty Miller, and Norman E. Saul. "Distant Friends: The United States and Russia, 1763-1867." Russian Review 52, no. 1 (January 1993): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130891.

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33

Travis, Frederick F., and Norman E. Saul. "Distant Friends: The United States and Russia, 1763-1867." Journal of American History 79, no. 1 (June 1992): 243. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2078501.

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34

MacKenzie, David, and Norman E. Saul. "Concord and Conflict: The United States and Russia, 1867-1914." American Historical Review 102, no. 4 (October 1997): 1234. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2170772.

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35

Travis, Frederick F., and Norman E. Saul. "Concord and Conflict: The United States and Russia, 1867-1914." Russian Review 56, no. 2 (April 1997): 311. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/131675.

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36

Jensen, Ronald J. "Concord and Conflict: The United States and Russia, 1867–1914." History: Reviews of New Books 25, no. 1 (July 1996): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1996.9952631.

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37

Unterberger, Betty Miller, and Norman E. Saul. "Concord and Conflict: The United States and Russia, 1867-1914." Journal of American History 83, no. 3 (December 1996): 1026. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945707.

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38

Hanson, Mary Eschelbach. "United States and Canada - The Farmer's Benevolent Trust: Law and Agricultural Cooperation in Industrial America, 1865–1945. By Victoria Saker Woeste. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1998. pp. xvii, 369. $49.95, cloth; $19.95, paper." Journal of Economic History 59, no. 2 (June 1999): 543–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700023299.

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39

Jeleń, Mateusz. "The Purchase of Alaska by the United States of America in 1867 in the Light of the American Press." Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio F – Historia 78 (December 22, 2023): 79–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/f.2023.78.79-103.

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In the 19th century, Russia was one of the most territorially expansive states in the world. However, a century and a half ago there was a spectacular sale of a part of its territory to a foreign state. This large-for-the-time financial transaction did not escape the attention of the world opinion expressed in periodicals. Particularly interesting is the coverage of this event in the press published in the United States between 1867 and 1903. On the basis of the latter, public opinion on the territorial, economic and political implications of the 1867 transaction was analyzed. The research carried out also made it possible to outline the media resonance of the United States of America in the second half of the 19th century, i.e. a media reconstruction of the problems operating in the reality of the time, and in the case of this work, mainly those concerning the new territorial acquisition.

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40

Pechatnov, Valentin V., and Vladimir O. Pechatnov. "AMERICA IN THE EYES OF DIPLOMATS AND PRIESTS OF TSAR RUSSIA: THE COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS." Научное мнение, no. 1-2 (February 16, 2024): 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.25807/22224378_2024_1-2_11.

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The article examines the perception of the United States by Russian diplomats and priests of the Russian Orthodox Church in the United States in 1867–1917. The authors analyse the views of Russian diplomats and clergymen on various aspects of the American reality in the political, social, economic, scientific, technical, cultural and spiritual spheres. The research is based on a wide source base of domestic archives. Conclusions are drawn about the dual nature of perception of the United States by Russian diplomats and clergymen. On the one hand, they admired the level of economic, scientific and technological development of the United States, as well as the religiosity of Americans, on the other hand, they were critical of democracy and secularity of the American civilisation.

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41

STEINDL., J. "WAR FINANCE IN THE UNITED STATES." Bulletin of the Oxford University Institute of Economics & Statistics 5, no. 13 (May 1, 2009): 205–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0084.1943.mp5013001.x.

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42

Chiu, Shirley, Robin Newberger, and Anna Paulson. "Islamic finance in the United States." Society 42, no. 6 (September 2005): 64–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02687517.

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43

Smith, Dwight L., and Jill St Germain. "Indian Treaty-Making Policy in the United States and Canada, 1867-1877." Western Historical Quarterly 33, no. 2 (2002): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4144819.

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44

Castile, G. P. "Indian Treaty-Making Policy in the United States and Canada, 1867-1877." Ethnohistory 49, no. 2 (April 1, 2002): 441–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-49-2-441.

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45

Wunder, John R., and Jill St Germain. "Indian Treaty-Making Policy in the United States and Canada, 1867-1877." Journal of American History 89, no. 2 (September 2002): 650. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3092236.

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46

CHRISTIANS, ALLISON, SAMUEL A. DONALDSON, PHILIP F. POSTLEWAITE, and Cynthia Blum. "United States International Taxation." Journal of the American Taxation Association 32, no. 2 (September 1, 2010): 93–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/jata.2010.32.2.93.

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47

Gass, Kenneth C., Gregory D. Edgecombe, Lars Ramsköld, Donald G. Mikulic, and Rodney Watkins. "Silurian Encrinurinae (Trilobita) from the central United States." Journal of Paleontology 66, no. 1 (January 1992): 75–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022336000033497.

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Silurian (Llandovery–Ludlow) Encrinurinae from Wisconsin, Indiana, and Illinois include species ofBalizomaHolloway, 1980,CurriellaLamont, 1978,DistyraxLane, 1988,EncrinurusEmmrich, 1844,MackenziurusEdgecombe and Chatterton, 1990a, andNucleurusRamsköld, 1986.Mackenziurus lauriaen. sp. is described from Wenlock strata of the Racine and Sugar Run Dolomites; nine segments in the holaspid thorax are the fewest known for any encrinurid. A square rostral plate is diagnostic ofMackenziurus. New morphological data are provided by Illinois specimens ofBalizoma indianensis(Kindle and Breger, 1904) from the Wenlock–Ludlow Racine Dolomite, and ofCurriella tuberculifrons(Weller, 1907) from the Llandovery Elwood–Wilhelmi Formations.Nucleurusn. sp. is possibly from Llandovery strata in Wisconsin.Distyraxn. sp. occurs in the Brandon Bridge Member (late Llandovery–early Wenlock) of the Joliet Dolomite in Illinois. The type pygidia and possible topotype material ofEncrinurus nereusHall, 1867, confirm assignment to that genus as currently viewed; this reefal species is distinct from the closely related inter-reef speciesE. eganiMiller, 1880, and appears to be distinct from reefalE. reflexusRaymond, 1916. Lectotypes are selected for theseEncrinurusspecies.

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48

Bertonha, João Fábio. "Representing Austrian, American, and Mexican Interests: Consul Charles Frederick de Loosey in Emperor Maximilian's Diplomacy, 1864–1867." Journal of Austrian-American History 4, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jaustamerhist.4.1.0073.

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Abstract During the existence of the Second Mexican Empire (1864–67), Emperor Maximilian of Austria had to face the hostility of the United States and the indifference of the Austrian Empire, having to rely for its survival on the military, financial, and diplomatic support of France. This article does not question these general premises but seeks to problematize them, taking into account the activities of the Mexican Empire within the United States territory and the discreet support of Austrian diplomacy to them. To this end, the focus of the article will be the activities of Maximilian's main representative in the United States, Luís de Arroyo, and especially those of the Austrian consul general in New York, Charles Frederick de Loosey.

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49

Morgan, Philip D. "The United States and the Transatlantic Slave Trade to the Americas, 1776–1867." Journal of American History 105, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 172–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jay064.

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50

Dawson, Kevin. "The United States and the Transatlantic Slave Trade to the Americas, 1776–1867." Hispanic American Historical Review 100, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 158–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-7993320.

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