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Journal articles on the topic 'Finance – France – History'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Potter, Mark, and Philippe Hamon. "Messieurs des finances: Les grands officiers de finance dans la France de la Renaissance." Sixteenth Century Journal 32, no. 3 (2001): 830. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2671546.

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2

LYNCH, FRANCES M. B. "FINANCE AND WELFARE: THE IMPACT OF TWO WORLD WARS ON DOMESTIC POLICY IN FRANCE." Historical Journal 49, no. 2 (June 2006): 625–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005371.

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Fathers, families, and the state in France, 1914–1945. By Kristen Stromberg Childers. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2003. Pp. 261. ISBN 0-8014-4122-6. £23.95.Origins of the French welfare state: the struggle for social reform in France, 1914–1947. By Paul V. Dutton. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Pp. 251. ISBN 0-521-81334-4. £49.99.Britain, France, and the financing of the First World War. By Martin Horn. Montreal and Kingston: McGill – Queen's University Press, 2002. Pp. 249. ISBN 0-7735-2293-X. £65.00.The gold standard illusion: France, the Bank of France and the International Gold Standard, 1914–1939. By Kenneth Mouré. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Pp. 297. ISBN 0-19-924904-0. £40.00.Workers' participation in post-Liberation France. By Adam Steinhouse. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2001. Pp. 245. ISBN 0-7391-0282-6. $70.00 (hb). ISBN 0-7391-0283-4. $24.95 (pbk).In the traditional historiography of twentieth-century France the period after the Second World War is usually contrasted favourably with that after 1918. After 1945, new men with new ideas, born out of the shock of defeat in 1940 and resistance to Nazi occupation, laid the basis for an economic and social democracy. The welfare state was created, women were given full voting rights, and French security, in both economic and territorial respects, was partially guaranteed by integrating West Germany into a new supranational institutional structure in Western Europe. 1945 was to mark the beginning of the ‘30 glorious years’ of peace and prosperity enjoyed by an expanding population in France. In sharp contrast, the years after 1918 are characterized as a period dominated by France's failed attempts to restore its status as a great power. Policies based on making the German taxpayer finance France's restoration are blamed for contributing to the great depression after 1929 and the rise of Hitler. However, as more research is carried out into the social and economic reconstruction of France after both world wars, it is becoming clear that the basis of what was to become the welfare state after 1945 was laid in the aftermath of the First World War. On the other hand, new reforms adopted in 1945 which did not build on interwar policies, such as those designed to give workers a voice in decision-making at the workplace, proved to be short-lived.

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3

Cardon-Quint, Clémence, and Johannes Westberg. "Educational Finance in France and Sweden: A Historiographical Overview." Nordic Journal of Educational History 8, no. 2 (March 24, 2022): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.36368/njedh.v8i2.289.

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4

Komlos, J. "An anthropometric history of early-modern France." European Review of Economic History 7, no. 2 (August 1, 2003): 159–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1361491603000066.

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5

Yates, Alexia. "Investor Letters and the Everyday Practice of Finance in Nineteenth-Century France." French Historical Studies 44, no. 2 (April 1, 2021): 279–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-8806468.

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Abstract In the last decades of the nineteenth century the Paris Exchange was the second largest in the world, and engagement in financial markets had become popular on a previously unknown scale. How ordinary people encountered, thought about, and navigated this new financial landscape has nevertheless proved elusive. This article analyzes everyday financial practice in the first age of global capital from the vantage of letters written by ordinary individuals concerning their investments. As the numbers of investors and bondholders in France grew, “investor letters”—missives to financial, legal, and governmental authorities—proliferated. Their existence and concerns offer rich insights into how and with what effect France's financial markets were evolving at the end of the nineteenth century. These letters prompt us to reconsider the place of routine business correspondence in our studies of epistolary culture and allow reflection on economic life as modest investors “wrote upwards” and across the wealth gap of late nineteenth-century France. Vers la fin du dix-neuvième siècle, la Bourse de Paris était la deuxième place financière la plus importante au monde, et ses marchés étaient devenus « populaires » à une échelle sans précédent. La manière dont les gens ordinaires ont réussi à s'orienter dans ce nouveau paysage se révèle difficile à saisir. Cet article analyse la pratique financière quotidienne de l’âge d'or de la globalisation du capital selon les particuliers écrivant à propos de leurs investissements. A mesure que le nombre d'investisseurs et d'obligataires a augmenté, ces « lettres d'investisseurs » adressées aux autorités financières, juridiques et gouvernementales se sont multipliées. Leur existence et leurs sujets de préoccupation offrent de riches informations sur l’évolution des marchés financiers français de la fin du dix-neuvième siècle. Ces lettres nous incitent à reconsidérer la place de la correspondance commerciale dans la culture épistolaire, et en nous montrant comment de modestes investisseurs écrivent « vers le haut » de la hiérarchie économique et sociale, nous permettent d'accéder à des aspects méconnus de la vie économique de la fin du dix-neuvième siècle français.

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6

Weir, David R. "Tontines, Public Finance, and Revolution in France and England, 1688–1789." Journal of Economic History 49, no. 1 (March 1989): 95–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205070000735x.

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Tontines were used more extensively by France than Britain. Comparative tontine history illuminates the differing evolution of public finance in the two countries and its political consequences. Archival materials establish the number of participants in French tontines. Internal rates of return on tontines and alternatives show subsidy of tontines by the French government. Repudiation in 1770 contributed to the political attitudes of life annuitants, the most important class of state creditors, during the fiscal crisis of the late 1780s.

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7

McLay, K. A. J. "Review: Corps and Clienteles: Public Finance and Political Change in France, 1688–1715." French History 19, no. 3 (September 1, 2005): 406–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/cri037.

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8

Dermineur, Elise M. "Peer-to-peer lending in pre-industrial France." Financial History Review 26, no. 3 (August 13, 2019): 359–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565019000143.

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This article explores the world of informal financial transactions and informal networks in pre-industrial France. Often considered merely as simple daily transactions made to palliate a lack of cash in circulation and to smooth consumption, the examination of private transactions reveals not only that they served various purposes, including productive investments, but also that they proved to be dynamic. The debts they incurred helped to smooth consumption but also helped to make investments. Some lenders were more prominent than others, although no one really dominated the informal market. This article also compares informal transactions with formal ones through the study of probate inventories and notarial records respectively. It compares these two credit circuits, their similarities and different characteristics, and their various networks features. The debts incurred in the notarial credit market were more substantial but did not serve a different purpose than in the informal market. Here too, the biggest lenders did not monopolise the extension of capital. Perhaps the most striking result lies in the fact that the total volume of exchange between the informal credit market and the notarial credit market (after projection) was similar.

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9

Knecht, R. J. "L'Argent du roi Philippe Hamon ‘Messieurs des finances’. Les grands officiers de finance dans la France de la Renaissance Philippe Hamon." English Historical Review 115, no. 464 (November 2000): 1292–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/115.464.1292.

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10

Knecht, R. J. "L'Argent du roi Philippe Hamon 'Messieurs des finances'. Les grands officiers de finance dans la France de la Renaissance Philippe Hamon." English Historical Review 115, no. 464 (November 1, 2000): 1292–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/115.464.1292.

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11

Brunelle, Gayle K. "Reviews of Books:"Messieurs des finances": Les grands officiers de finance dans la France de la Renaissance Philippe Hamon." American Historical Review 107, no. 1 (February 2002): 288–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/532248.

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12

Carlos, Ann M., and Larry Neal. "Amsterdam and London as financial centers in the eighteenth century." Financial History Review 18, no. 1 (February 1, 2011): 21–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565010000338.

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In the seventeenth century, Amsterdam and London developed distinctive innovations in finance through both banks and markets that facilitated the growth of trade in each city. In the eighteenth century, a symbiotic relation developed that led to bank-oriented finance in Amsterdam cooperating with market-oriented finance in London. The relationship that emerged allowed each to rise to unprecedented dominance in Europe, while the respective financial innovations in each city provided the means for the continued expansion of European trade, both within Europe and with the rest of the world. The increasing strains of war finance for the competing European powers over the course of the eighteenth century stimulated fresh financial innovations in each city that initially reinforced the symbiosis of the two centers. The external shocks arising from revolutionary movements in America and France, however, interrupted the relationship long enough to leave London as the supreme financial center.

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13

BRIGGS, ROBIN. "FINANCE, RELIGION, AND THE FRENCH STATE." Historical Journal 42, no. 2 (June 1999): 565–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98008371.

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L'argent du roi: les finances sous François Ier. By Philippe Hamon. Paris: Comité pour l'histoire économique et financière, Ministère de l'Economie, 1994. Pp. xliii+609. ISBN 2-11-087648-4. 249F.The king's army: warfare, soldiers, and society during the wars of religion in France, 1562–1576. By James B. Wood. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Pp. xvi+349. ISBN 0-521-55003-3. £45.00.One king, one faith: the parlement of Paris and the religious reformations of the sixteenth century. By Nancy Lyman Roelker. Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1996. Pp. xiii+543. ISBN 0-520-08626-0. £50.00.A city in conflict: Troyes during the French wars of religion. By Penny Roberts. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1996. Pp. xi+228. ISBN 0-7190-4694-7. £40.00.The birth of absolutism: a history of France, 1598–1661. By Yves-Marie Bercé, translated by Richard Rex. Basingstoke and London: Macmillan Press, 1996. Pp. viii+262. ISBN 0-333-62757-1. £15.50.The French sixteenth century has always posed serious difficulties for historians. It was a time of rapid change and, in its later decades, of massive disorder, so that there are many large and complex issues to unravel. The need for close analysis as an antidote to over-hasty generalizations is obvious, yet on many issues the archives are frustratingly scanty or even non-existent. A group of recent books tackles these problems with considerable ingenuity and a fair degree of success, even if some of the gaps in the evidence inevitably defy the authors' best efforts.

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14

BONNEY, RICHARD. "Corps and clienteles: public finance and political change in France, 1688–1715." Economic History Review 57, no. 3 (August 2004): 592. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.2004.00289_11.x.

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15

Greenfield, Jerome. "The Origins of the Interventionist State in France, 1830–1870*." English Historical Review 135, no. 573 (April 2020): 386–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceaa130.

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Abstract The historiography of the French state’s economic interventionism has focused primarily on the Ancien Régime and the period from the 1850s into the twentieth century. This article argues that, though often overlooked, the French state embarked on a major expansion in the 1830s and 1840s, as government spending on public works grew sharply. Most notably, the government contributed to the financing of railways and urban improvements. Following the 1848 revolution, rising pressure for fiscal rectitude forced a reconfiguration of the interventionist Orleanist state. While the new Bonapartist regime remained committed to public works, it relied more heavily on private finance than its predecessor, benefiting from the ‘great boom’ of the 1850s. Still, private enterprise remained inadequate to sustain public works without the support of public money, particularly once economic expansion began to slow in the 1860s. As a result, government spending on public works continued to rise under the Bonapartists. In this respect, they sustained the conception of an interventionist state developed by the Orleanists.

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16

Nishimura, Shizuya. "The French Provincial Banks, the Banque de France, and Bill Finance, 1890-1913." Economic History Review 48, no. 3 (August 1995): 536. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2598180.

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17

Vause, Erika. "A subject of interest: usurers on trial in early nineteenth-century France." Financial History Review 24, no. 1 (April 2017): 103–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565017000063.

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This article examines perceptions and practices of habitual usury, a crime consisting of lending above the legal rate of interest on multiple occasions, in early nineteenth-century France using descriptions of usury trials found in the popular legal periodical the Gazette des Tribunaux. Following the French Revolution, French law legitimized lending at interest in principle, but punished ‘habitual usurers’ who ‘made a profession’ from lending above the legal limit. The decades that followed witnessed striking growth in banking, joint-stock companies and other financial institutions. Highlighting the connections between cultural constructions of the usurer and the actual processes deemed usurious, this article seeks to understand a paradox: that usury was deemed omnipresent in French society yet it was rarely prosecuted. By examining how habitual usury was defined and prosecuted in French courtrooms, this article shows how habitual usurers both validated and undermined stereotypical notions of predatory lending behavior found in popular culture of the time. Habitual usury trials also reveal the actual practices that allowed those excluded from formal financial networks to participate in the growth of capitalist relations. This article argues that the nineteenth-century obsession with the usurer can be explained by the crucial role played by usurious practices in the credit economy of the period. As such, prosecution of usury tended to focus on the character of the usury rather than the actual practice of illegal lending. This article suggests that by occasionally prosecuting particularly egregious ‘immoral’ moneylenders, the legal system and journals like the Gazette des Tribunaux worked to keep credit accessible to the ‘underbanked’.

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18

Félix, Joël. "Book Review: Corps and Clientèles, Public Finance and Political Change in France, 1688-1715." European History Quarterly 36, no. 4 (October 2006): 645–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691406068197.

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19

Schmidt, Albert J., and Elizabeth A. R. Brown. "Customary Aids and Royal Finance in Capetian France: The Marriage Aid of Philip the Fair." American Journal of Legal History 37, no. 4 (October 1993): 521. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/845823.

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20

QUENNOUëLLE-CORRE, LAURE. "Bertrand Blancheton, Le Pape et L'Empereur. La Banque de France, La Direction du Trésor et la Politique Monétaire de la France (1914–1928) (Paris: Albin Michel, 2001. 501 pp. $49.75)." Financial History Review 12, no. 2 (October 2005): 320–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565005170139.

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21

Evergates, Theodore, and Elizabeth A. R. Brown. "Customary Aids and Royal Finance in Capetian France: The Marriage Aid of Philip the Fair." American Historical Review 99, no. 4 (October 1994): 1301. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168812.

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22

QUENNOUËLLE-CORRE, LAURE. "The state, banks and financing of investments in France from World War II to the 1970s." Financial History Review 12, no. 1 (April 2005): 63–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565005000041.

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This article examines how corporate financing has been adjusted during the high growth period after World War II. First, it discusses how the Ministry of Finance tried on the one hand to liberalise the system after the 1950s, but on the other hand, did not want to undermine the ‘Treasury circuit’ that allowed its administration to control the economic situation. Secondly, during 1960s, the relationships between state and banking industry became so tight that they strengthened the banking cartel and increased the banking system's contribution to the financial system. The high costs of issuing capital in France contrast with the low interest rates during the period. The French choice of financial system for economic development clearly did not favour markets, but focused on deposit and investment banks, and settled on both a ‘state-based’ and ‘bank-based’ system.

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23

Potter, Mark. "WAR FINANCE AND ABSOLUTIST STATE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY MODERN EUROPE: AN EXAMINATION OF FRENCH VENALITY IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY." Journal of Early Modern History 7, no. 1 (2003): 120–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006503322487377.

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AbstractThe impact of warfare on absolutist state development in early modern Europe was more complicated than often thought by historians and theorists of the state. The competitive pressures of warfare did not always lead to linear political developments which would culminate in a centralized bureaucratic state. Instead, rulers' financial strategies along with the political effects of these strategies were conditioned by both structural and historical constraints. Political change in France over the course of the seventeenth century illustrates the impact of these two sets of constraints. Here, I trace in particular the changing property rights of office holding as a measure of political change shaped by war finance within these two sets of constraints.

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24

Keiger, John. "Wielding Finance as a Weapon of Diplomacy: France and Britain in the 1920s." Contemporary British History 25, no. 1 (March 2011): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2011.546098.

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25

Lascu, Stoica. "THE ROMANIAN DIPLOMAT OF EUROPEAN STATURE NICOLAE TITULESCU IN THE VISION OF SOME CONTEMPORARIES." Analele Universităţii din Craiova seria Istorie 27, no. 1 (July 15, 2022): 49–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.52846/aucsi.2022.1.04.

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The Romanian diplomat of European stature, born on March 4, 1882 (died abroad, on March 17, 1941 in Cannes, France) on the coast of France, in a family of Oltenian owners; left without a father (former Deputy and Prefect) at just one year old, Nicolae Titulescu will study law in Paris, and when he returns to the country he will enter political life, in Take Ionescuʼs party (the Conservative-Democratic Party). He will be a Deputy, Minister of Finance (1917-1918), Minister of Foreign Affairs (1927-1928, 1932-1936), Romaniaʼs Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to London (1921-1927, 1928-1932), Romaniaʼs representative in the League of Nations and its President (twice: 1931 and in 1932). He was member of the Romanian Academy (elected in 1935). This paper presents some opinions (with more recent detailed bibliographic references) excerpted from the book – in 3 volumes, published (under the auspices of the European Titulescu Foundation) in 2012, Pro și Contra Titulescu, edited by George G. Potra – of some people politicians, diplomats, and journalists, Romanians and foreigners – contemporaries of him –, relative to the personality of the greatest diplomat of Romania, and one of the most famous of interwar Europe, whose birth marks, in 2022, 140 years.

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26

Bensadon, Didier. "Accounting and internal mechanisms of corporate governance during the inter-war-period in France." Accounting History 26, no. 3 (April 30, 2021): 457–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1032373221989446.

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This article focuses on the role of accounting in governance arrangements. The French context is marked by the inexistence of external governance mechanisms and by the total lack of effectiveness of independent auditing. Therefore, the objective of this article is to shed light on the internal governance mechanisms implemented by the leading French aluminium producer during the inter-war period and the role played by accounting in this implementation. On the basis of the archives of the Compagnie Alais, Froges et Camargue (AFC) between 1921 and 1939, it appears that in a context marked by very strong external growth, management strengthened financial reporting systems and internal control procedures. In addition, the directors used the financial statements as early as 1923 to determine the financial effort of the AFC group and to measure the flows intended to finance the group’s material and financial investments. Accounting is unquestionably at the heart of AFC’s internal governance mechanisms.

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27

Armatte, Michel. "A History of Econometrics in France. From Nature to Models." European Journal of the History of Economic Thought 16, no. 2 (June 2009): 384–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09672560903004043.

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28

Green, Nancy L. "Socialist Anti-Semitism, Defense of a Bourgeois Jew and Discovery of the Jewish Proletariat." International Review of Social History 30, no. 3 (December 1985): 374–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000111666.

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The anti-Semitism of the mid-nineteenth-century French socialists has often been cited. Charles Fourier saw the Jews as the incarnation of commerce: parasitical, deceitful, traitorous and unproductive. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon attacked the Jews even more violently, declaring the Jew the incarnation of finance capitalism and “by temperament an anti-producer”. The Fourierist Alphonse Toussenel argued in Les Juifs rois de l'époque that finance, that is to say, Jews, were dominating and ruining France, while Auguste Blanqui sprinkled his correspondence with remarks about Jewish usury and “Shylocks”, and in a general anticlerical critique blamed the Jews for having given birth to Catholicism, an even greater evil than Judaism. In the late 1860's Gustave Tridon, who was a close follower of Blanqui, wrote a book entitled Du Molochisme juif, in which he also attacked the Jews on anti-religious as well as racial grounds, in addition to using the usual economic terms of disparagement.

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29

Cowans, Jon. "Fear and Loathing in Paris." Social Science History 26, no. 1 (2002): 71–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012293.

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In 1978, some 40 years after the practice of opinion polling first arrived in France, the country’s newspapers and magazines informed their readers that 76% of the French approved of Charles de Gaulle’s role in World War II, that 77% did not consider the pope’s moral instructions binding, that 83% never participated in winter sports, and that 36% thought Michel Rocard would be a good finance minister. Anyone who could not remember those findings for long might be forgiven, for they were but drops in an ocean of polling data, a tidal wave of information that swept over France each year. For many, this onslaught of polling data is deeply disturbing, given their belief that opinion polls have undermined elected representatives’ ability to use their judgment in making political decisions and have silenced other, more authentic expressions of popular opinion (for example, see Champagne 1990). Even those who welcomed les sondages d’opinion as a new means of bringing the people’s voice into arenas of power might still have felt overwhelmed by the sheer number of them published in France by that time–well over 500 in a typical year, according to one 1984 estimate–and many began to characterize the country’s apparently insatiable appetite for polls as sondomanie, or “poll mania” ( Jaffré 1985). Perhaps it was only to be expected that France, one of the pioneers in the creation of modern democracy, would be among the countriesmost interested in using polls to proclaim the will of the people to the humble and the powerful alike.

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Baubeau, Patrice. "The Bank of France's balance sheets database, 1840–1998: an introduction to 158 years of central banking." Financial History Review 25, no. 2 (August 2018): 203–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565018000070.

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A project to build a comprehensive database of the Bank of France's published accounts covering its entire history was launched in 2001 with the support of the Bank'sMission Historique. This article introduces its main outcome: a dataset based on the weekly balance sheets – the so-calledsituations hebdomadaires– covering more than a century and a half of history from 1840 to 1998. After a brief outline of the historical evolution of the Bank's legal status and a description of the publication outlets for the data, the article pays special attention to the issues of transparency and accountability. For that purpose, it reconstructs on the basis of archival records the debate over the disclosure of the Bank's figures (what to publish, how frequently) that took place, both within the Bank and between the Bank and the government, at various turning points in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Finally, the article explains how the presentation of thesituationschanged over time, paying special attention to the impact of World Wars I and II. The full database with metadata information is attached to the electronic version of this article and downloadable as an Excel file from theFHRwebsite, together with an extensive review of the literature on the history of the Bank of France.

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Pal, Maïa. "Introduction to ‘Britain versus France: How Many Sonderwegs?’." Historical Materialism 24, no. 1 (April 28, 2016): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341450.

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In memoriamof the late Ellen Meiksins Wood, this piece firstly remembers the main achievements of her forty years of work. Secondly, it introduces one of her contributions, ‘Britain versus France: How ManySonderwegs?’, until now unavailable in an anglophone publication and reprinted in the present issue. This contribution is a useful reformulation of her arguments concerning radical historicity, the concept of ‘bourgeois revolution’, and the specificity of French and British state formation and their political revolutions – in contrast to arguments for a GermanSonderwegas an explanation for the rise of fascism. Wood also provides a fruitful illustration of how to apply a social-property relations approach to the development of the rule of law in each of these states, and thus furthers opportunities for debates on the potential of Political Marxism for understanding contemporary class struggles over rights.

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32

Ridolfi, Leonardo, and Alessandro Nuvolari. "L’histoire immobile? A reappraisal of French economic growth using the demand-side approach, 1280–1850." European Review of Economic History 25, no. 3 (June 15, 2021): 405–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ereh/heab012.

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ABSTRACT We construct a new series of GDP per capita for France for the period 1280–1850 using the demand-side approach. Our estimates point to a long-run stability of the French economy with a very gradual acceleration toward modern economic growth. In comparative perspective, our new estimates suggest that England and France were characterized by similar levels of economic performance until the second half of the seventeenth century. It is only after that period that the English economy “forges ahead” in a consistent way.

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33

Drach, Alexis. "From gentlemanly capitalism to lobbying capitalism: the City and the EEC, 1972–1992." Financial History Review 27, no. 3 (November 10, 2020): 376–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565020000207.

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The City of London has long attracted much academic and popular attention. However, little research has been done on the relationship between the City and the European Economic Community in the 1970s and 1980s, despite the accession of the United Kingdom in 1973. Based on archival material from central and commercial banks in the UK and France, this article explores the relationship between the City and the EEC, from the accession of the UK to the EEC in 1973 to the Maastricht Treaty in 1992, which was meant to be the year of the completion of the single financial market. The article explores two areas: the influence of the City on EEC financial regulation, and how this influence was exerted. It pays particular attention to two committees chaired by the Bank of England, the City Liaison Committee and the City EEC Liaison Committee, and to British banks. The article argues that if the EEC played a part in the formalisation of British banking regulation, the City also played a key role in shaping EEC plans for financial regulation.

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JAINCHILL, ANDREW. "POLITICAL ECONOMY, THE STATE, AND REVOLUTION IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY FRANCE." Modern Intellectual History 6, no. 2 (August 2009): 425–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244309002157.

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Among the stunning changes in material and intellectual life that transformed eighteenth-century Europe, perhaps none excited as much contemporary consternation as the twin-headed growth of a modern commercial economy and the fiscal–military state. As economies became increasingly based on trade, money, and credit, and states both exploded in size and forged seemingly insoluble ties to the world of finance, intellectuals displayed growing anxiety about just what kind of political, economic, and social order was taking shape before their eyes. Two important new books by Michael Sonenscher and John Shovlin, Before the Deluge: Public Debt, Inequality, and the Intellectual Origins of the French Revolution and The Political Economy of Virtue: Luxury, Patriotism, and the Origins of the French Revolution, tackle these apprehensions and the roles they played in forging French political and economic writings in the second half of the eighteenth century. Both authors also take the further step of demonstrating the impact of the ideas they study on the origins of the French Revolution.

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35

GORDON, Bernard. "Du Projet européen à l’Europe des projets: Soixante ans de présence et d’influence françaises à la Banque européenne d’investissement (1958-2018)." Journal of European Integration History 26, no. 2 (2020): 305–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2020-2-305.

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This article aims to better define the vectors as well as the objectives of French influence at the European Investment Bank (EIB), a European institution created in 1957 which annually mobilises a volume of funding equivalent to the Commission’s budget. For the main part, French influence was exercised individually, through the French members of the Management Committee as well as the French managers of the Bank, in a context where the French Ministry of Finance, which represents the French government at the Bank’s governing bodies, is sometimes reluctant, often inactive, and exceptionally proactive on new initiatives. Based on visions, models and experiences in which France retained a comparative advantage, this influencewas instrumental in the promotion of key policies in three areas: EIB finances and the promotion of a common currency, the financing of small and medium-sized enterprises and innovation and external mandates (Mediterranean and ACP States in particular). Over the past twenty years, successive enlargements, the erosion of France's comparative advantages and the decline of its linguistic and cultural influence have precipitated, as in the European Commission, the loss of an influence which had really started in the mid-1970s.

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36

Greenfield, Jerome. "‘As solid as and more precious than gold’: Gabriel-Julien Ouvrard, John Law and the legacy of the assignats in nineteenth-century France." French History 34, no. 2 (March 13, 2020): 191–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/craa001.

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Abstract It is a truism that the experience of the assignats in the 1790s deterred the French from paper-based wealth during the nineteenth century, a notion that dovetails with a long-standing narrative of French economic backwardness in this period, particularly relative to Britain. This article revisits this interpretation through the study of proposals for public borrowing during the late Empire and early Restoration, most notably those promoted by the financier Gabriel-Julien Ouvrard to finance the payment of reparations after the Napoleonic Wars. Ouvrard’s schemes for the mass issuing of bonds embodied ideas that were remarkably similar to those underlying the assignats and John Law’s system of 1716–20, which suggests that the French were much less wary of paper assets than historians have assumed.

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37

Sparrow, Elizabeth. "The Swiss and Swabian Agencies, 1795–1801." Historical Journal 35, no. 4 (December 1992): 861–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00026194.

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AbstractThis article continues an examination of the British government's counter-revolutionary organization begun in ‘The Alien Office 1792-1806’, The Historical Journal, XXXIII (1990), which outlined the department's functions and secret service policy. The Swiss and Swabian agencies were one aspect of British foreign secret service; they linked the French princes' secret agents to the British government under the central European control of William Wickham, ambassador in Berne 1794–7, and military and diplomatic subsidiaries. Anti-republican secret committees were set up covering all France, Switzerland, northern Italy and southern Germany, which included members from every grade of society. French republican generals, even Ministers were swayed, allowing infiltration of the French secret police. British control was however limited to the finesse of finance – bribery was implicit. By never offering enough to the leaders and too much to assistants, initial constitutional intentions slid into subversion and assassination. The first complete andfully documented description is included of how, why, and by whom, the French deputies were assassinated at Rastadt.

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38

Lastecoueres, Christophe. "Francesca Carnevali, Europe's Advantage: Banks and Small Firms in Britain, France, Germany, and Italy since 1918 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005, 240 pp. £59)." Financial History Review 15, no. 1 (April 2008): 98–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565008000103.

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39

Daumas, Jean-Claude. "Redynamiser l'histoire économique en France." Entreprises et histoire 52, no. 3 (2008): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/eh.052.0007.

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40

Broder, Albert. "Carlos Marichal, Bankruptcy of Empire: Mexican Silver and the Wars between Spain, Britain and France, 1760–1810 (Cambridge University Press, 2007, xiv + 318 pp. $85)." Financial History Review 16, no. 1 (March 18, 2009): 98–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565009000080.

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41

Cameron, Rondo. "Was England Really Superior to France?" Journal of Economic History 46, no. 4 (December 1986): 1031–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700050701.

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42

Parker, David. "Impersonal Power. History and Theory of the Bourgeois State, Heide Gerstenberger, translated by David Fernbach, Historical Materialism Book Series, Leiden: Brill 2007." Historical Materialism 18, no. 3 (2010): 230–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920610x532307.

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AbstractHeide Gerstenberger’s book offers a comparative view of the origins and emergence of the bourgeois state in England and France. Both, according to her, emerged out of ancien-régime type structures which were themselves distinct from feudalism. Whilst recognising the value of Gerstenberger’s attempt to avoid economic reductionism when explaining changing power-structures, it is suggested that analytical tools such as ‘class’, ‘mode of production’ and the ‘state’, which she confines to capitalism, do have considerable utility for the analysis of precapitalist régimes. More importantly, it is suggested that her attempt to maintain that in England, as in France, an ancien-régime type society endured at least to the end of the eighteenth century obscures the fundamentally divergent paths taken by the two countries. This is compounded by her rejection of the idea of a French absolutism and an underestimation of the extent to which power-structures in England were modified by the precocious development of capitalism. Whilst suggesting that a bourgeois public space was able to develop in the interstices of structures of the ancien régime, Gersternberger fails to recognise the extent to which this had transformed the English polity by the mid-seventeenth century.

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Rouanet, Louis, and Ennio E. Piano. "Filling the ranks: the Remplacement Militaire in post-revolutionary France." European Review of Economic History 24, no. 4 (October 9, 2020): 696–715. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ereh/hez014.

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Abstract Many economists have analyzed the efficiency of a volunteered army relative to a conscripted army. However, they have rarely studied the working of real-world alternative, market-based, military institutions where exemptions from military service are traded among the citizens. This paper fills this gap by studying the rise and fall of the Remplacement Militaire in the eighteenth and the nineteenth century France. This system endured for more than three quarters of a century until the French government progressively moved toward universal conscription after 1872. At times of military expansion, the State regulated the replacement market. We argue that the goal of such regulations was to limit the increase in fraud and avoid a deterioration in the quality of the soldiery associated with increases in the price of replacements.

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Barjot, Dominique. "Reconstruire la France après la Seconde Guerre mondiale : les débuts d'Électricité de France (1946-1953)." Entreprises et histoire 70, no. 1 (2013): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/eh.070.0054.

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Poesche, Jürgen, and Ilkka Kauranen. "Historical Perspective of Innovation – Roman Empire, France of l’Ancien Régime and New France." Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 99, no. 4 (2012): 439–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/vswg-2012-0014.

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Lachmann, Jean. "Evolution du capital-risque en France." Entreprises et histoire 2, no. 2 (2017): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/eh.002.0035.

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Mounier-Kuhn, Pierre-E. "Les premiers réseaux informatiques en France." Entreprises et histoire 29, no. 1 (2002): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/eh.029.0010.

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Bezançon, Xavier. "Histoire du droit concessionnaire en France." Entreprises et histoire 38, no. 1 (2005): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/eh.038.0024.

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Bordo, M. D., and P. C. Hautcoeur. "Why didn't France follow the British stabilisation after World War I?" European Review of Economic History 11, no. 1 (April 1, 2007): 3–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1361491606001869.

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Heller, Henry. "The Longue Durée of the French Bourgeoisie." Historical Materialism 17, no. 1 (2009): 31–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920609x399209.

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AbstractBeginning with Engels, Marxist historiography viewed the absolute monarchy in France as mediating between the nobility and the emergent capitalist bourgeoisie. More recent Marxist accounts stress that the absolute monarchy reflected the interests of the nobility. Revisionist Marxist historians have taken this perspective to an extreme arguing that, at the height of the Bourbon monarchy in the seventeenth century, a capitalist bourgeoisie did not exist. This paper argues that, in taking such a view, these historians have ignored the ongoing dialectical opposition between the forces of rent and profit in the early-modern period. As a result, they have severed the connection between the ancien régime and the Revolution of 1789. Despite being thrown on the defensive by the advance of rent and the crystallisation of the absolutist state, a capitalist bourgeoisie that emerged in sixteenth-century France survived and persevered during the seventeenth century. It resumed the initiative in the succeeding period of the Enlightenment.

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