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Journal articles on the topic 'Finance – England – History'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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1

O'Brien, Patrick K., and Nuno Palma. "Danger to the Old Lady of Threadneedle Street? The Bank Restriction Act and the regime shift to paper money, 1797–1821." European Review of Economic History 24, no. 2 (November 11, 2019): 390–426. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ereh/hez008.

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Abstract The Bank Restriction Act of 1797 was the unconventional monetary policy of its time. It suspended the convertibility of the Bank of England's notes into gold, a policy that lasted until 1821. The current historical consensus is that it was a result of the state's need to finance the war, France’s remonetization, a loss of confidence in the English country banks, and a run on the Bank of England’s reserves following a landing of French troops in Wales. We argue that while these factors help us understand the timing of the suspension, they cannot explain its success. We deploy new long-term data that leads us to a complementary explanation: the policy succeeded thanks to the reputation of the Bank of England, achieved through a century of prudential collaboration between the Bank and the Treasury.

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2

Ito, Seiichiro. "Registration and credit in seventeenth-century England." Financial History Review 20, no. 2 (May 14, 2013): 137–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565013000097.

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The English law reform movement produced numerous proposals for land registries during the Interregnum, but the idea of land registration took on economic connotations only after the Restoration, when controversy arose over the role of registration as a settled and reliable basis of credit. While the discourse of law reform was confined to the context of English law, the debate over whether and how land registries should be established extended to the economic field, and to international arenas in which England competed with, and sometimes imitated, her rivals in trade, particularly Holland. On one side of the debate, advocates of land registration insisted that registries would clarify the ownership of land, offer a firm foundation for credit, and consequently, improve English trade. On the other side, opponents of registration argued that such excessive openness of information would be hazardous to credit. For both advocates and opponents alike, the central issue was the role of registration in creating more reliable credit.

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3

Palma, Nuno. "Money and modernization in early modern England." Financial History Review 25, no. 3 (December 2018): 231–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565018000185.

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Classic accounts of the English industrial revolution present a long period of stagnation followed by a fast take-off. However, recent findings of slow but steady per capita economic growth suggest that this is a historically inaccurate portrait of early modern England. This growth pattern was in part driven by specialization and structural change accompanied by an increase in market participation at both the intensive and extensive levels. These, I argue, were supported by the gradual increase in money supply made possible by the importation of precious metals from America. They enabled a substantial increase in the monetization and liquidity levels of the economy, hence decreasing transaction costs, increasing market thickness, changing the relative incentive for participating in the market and allowing agglomeration economies to arise. By making trade with Asia possible, precious metals also induced demand for new desirable goods, which in turn encouraged market participation. Finally, the increased monetization and market participation made tax collection easier. This helped the government to build up fiscal capacity and as a consequence to provide for public goods. The structural change and increased market participation that ensued paved the way for modernization.

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4

Wilson, John F. "The finance of municipal capital expenditure in England and Wales, 1870–1914." Financial History Review 4, no. 1 (April 1997): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565000000822.

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5

Weir, David R. "Tontines, Public Finance, and Revolution in France and England, 1688–1789." Journal of Economic History 49, no. 1 (March 1989): 95–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205070000735x.

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Tontines were used more extensively by France than Britain. Comparative tontine history illuminates the differing evolution of public finance in the two countries and its political consequences. Archival materials establish the number of participants in French tontines. Internal rates of return on tontines and alternatives show subsidy of tontines by the French government. Repudiation in 1770 contributed to the political attitudes of life annuitants, the most important class of state creditors, during the fiscal crisis of the late 1780s.

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6

Knafo, Samuel. "The state and the rise of speculative finance in England." Economy and Society 37, no. 2 (May 2008): 172–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03085140801933249.

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7

Game, Chantal S., Lisa M. Cullen, and Alistair M. Brown. "The rise of financial accountability in British joint stock banks: 1825 to 1845." Financial History Review 27, no. 2 (August 2020): 234–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565020000086.

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This study explores parliamentary reforms related to the financial accountability of banks following the 1825–6 and 1836–7 financial crises in England. An appraisal of nineteenth-century parliamentary Hansard transcripts reveals early banking legislative pursuits. The study observes the laissez-faire and interventionist approaches towards the banking enactments of 1826, 1833 and 1844 that underpin the transformation of financial accountability during this era. The Bank Notes Act 1826 imposed financial accountability on the Bank of England by requiring the mandatory disclosure of notes issued. The Bank Notes Act 1833 extended this requirement to all other banks. The Bank Charter Act 1833 increased the financial accountability of the Bank of England by requiring it to provide an account of bullion and securities belonging to the governor and company, as well as deposits held by the bank. Thereafter, the Joint Stock Banks Act 1844 pioneered the regular publication of assets and liabilities and communication of the balance sheet and profit and loss account to shareholders. State intervention in the financial accountability of banks during the period from 1825 to 1845 appears to have been cumulative.

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8

Müßig, Ulrike. "Constitutional conflicts in seventeenth-century England." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 76, no. 1-2 (2008): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181908x277563.

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AbstractIn the constitutional conflicts of the 17th century, both Crown and Parliament justified actions contrary to the other's will by reference to necessity. The Crown held the raising of additional finance to be necessary; the Parliament, its raising of a militia. The competence to determine a time of necessity, and to decide on the public good in it, was the key to sovereignty. In a series of cases reaching a peak in Hampden, the courts handed the Crown an unrestrained Prerogative. With the Militia Ordinance, a disturbed Parliament then claimed the competence for deciding on the public good in an emergency, even against the King's will, because its judgements as opposed to the king's discretion in his Royal prerogative were based on the common law which bound even the King. The concept of Parliament as a court of common law is often under-emphasized, though this is at the heart of the Parliament's claim to sovereignty achieved in 1689, because the Monarch could veto legislative acts, but he could not veto judgements.

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9

Calma, Angelito. "The “celebrities” in finance: a citation analysis of finance journals." Studies in Economics and Finance 34, no. 2 (June 5, 2017): 166–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/sef-02-2016-0048.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the ten highly ranked journals in finance, and identify the most published authors, most cited articles, top publishing countries, top publishing universities, top publication years and the most discussed topics using keywords. Design/methodology/approach Using the services of the Web of Science™ (WoS), all the available data about each journal’s published articles were extracted. A total of 6,029 articles containing 23,521 keywords and 208,905 cited references were analysed. Findings Results indicate that Viscusi, Chemmanur and Statman are the most published authors. The most cited article is Fama and French’s (1993) article – Common risk factors in the returns on stocks and bonds – with 522 citations. The most cited author is Eugene Fama with 2,848 citations followed by Michael Jensen with 1,367 citations. USA and England contributed more articles than any other country, where US University of California System ranked first. “Information”, “risk” and “market” were the most discussed topics. Findings from this study reveal not only the popular authors, articles and topics in the scholarly finance literature, but also the lesser-known areas of research, which may need attention. Originality/value It is the first large-scale citation analysis study of its kind, representing data from 178 years of combined publication history.

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10

Garside, W. R., and J. I. Greaves. "The Bank of England and industrial intervention in interwar Britain." Financial History Review 3, no. 1 (April 1996): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565000000500.

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11

Roberts, Adrienne, and Ghazal Zulfiqar. "Social reproduction, finance and the gendered dimensions of pawnbroking." Capital & Class 43, no. 4 (November 4, 2019): 581–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816819880788.

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While the feminist literature on social reproduction is broad and diverse, one area that has remained relatively under-explored relates to the linkages between social reproduction and finance, particularly between social reproduction and household debt. In our contribution to this Special Issue, we seek to document and to analyse the structural linkages between social reproduction and debt, with a specific focus on pawnbroking in early modern England and contemporary Pakistan. We have four main aims in this article. Our first aim is to contribute to feminist theorizing about social reproduction by showing both how the daily and generational reproduction of households has relied upon historically specific forms of credit and how these social relations of credit/debt have been central to the development and reproduction of capitalism in different times and places. Second, we show how particular forms of ‘everyday finance’ are gendered and, specifically, how they are feminized. Our third aim is to elucidate the relationship between pawn loans, which have received almost no attention from feminist or other critical political economists, and the social reproduction of households in England and Pakistan. Fourth, we elucidate some of the gendered implications of the growing incursion of masculinized capitalist finance into new spaces of everyday life.

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12

VAN BOCHOVE, CHRISTIAAN, HEIDI DENEWETH, and JACO ZUIJDERDUIJN. "Real estate and mortgage finance in England and the Low Countries, 1300–1800." Continuity and Change 30, no. 1 (May 2015): 9–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416015000107.

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ABSTRACTMortgage markets in developing economies, both past and present, are often confined to social networks between private individuals. The inadequate registration of ownership of and encumbrances on borrowers’ real estate has been offered as a reason for this, but it is questionable whether such registration provides either a simple or a complete explanation. This paper analyses mortgage markets between 1300 and 1800 in the Low Countries, where such registration was organised well, and England, where such registration was poorly organised. These historical cases show that registration was important for the emergence of broad mortgage markets but in the historical context successful markets took considerable time to appear. The rise of such markets also required changes in the mortgage laws and often depended on intermediaries for matching borrowers and lenders.

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13

Bracke, Philippe, and Silvana Tenreyro. "History Dependence in the Housing Market." American Economic Journal: Macroeconomics 13, no. 2 (April 1, 2021): 420–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/mac.20180241.

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Using data on the universe of housing transactions in England and Wales over a 20-year period, we document that sale prices and selling propensities are affected by house prices prevailing in the period in which properties were previously bought. Using administrative data on mortgages, we show that cognitive frictions explain most of the history dependence in sale prices, whereas credit frictions are more relevant for selling propensities. We corroborate our analysis with data on online house listings, and we estimate the impact of history dependence on the collapse and slow recovery of housing market activity in the postcrisis period. (JEL E32, R21, R31)

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14

Shammas, Carole. "Tracking the growth of government securities investing in early modern England and Wales." Financial History Review 27, no. 1 (March 25, 2020): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096856501900026x.

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Interest in the growth of tradeable securities in early modern Britain, especially its relationship to economic development and the funding of government debt, has centered mainly on the borrower – whether it be trading company, industrial enterprise, or the state. This article directs attention to the investor, using Charity Commission Reports for England and Wales that document a dramatic mid-eighteenth-century shift by donors and trustees from investments in real estate and rent charges to perpetual government annuities, mainly 3 percent Consols. The heavy investment in this public debt product is what ultimately prompted the creation of the London Stock Exchange in 1801.In analyzing this shift, which occurred among the propertied in all regions of the nation, not just the metropolis or among corporate entities and the mercantile community, I consider both what made the annuities increasingly attractive for charitable trusts and the alternatives – real estate and private loans secured by mortgage or other means – more problematic. Legal changes, I argue, played a role in the transformation, especially the Charitable Uses Act of 1736, which made charitable devises of real estate very difficult and probably resulted in reduced investment in human capital and less wealth redistribution. Regions varied, however, in the degree to which they switched from real estate in the latter part of the eighteenth century; they also differed in the extent to which the switch resulted in more gifts of interest-bearing loans as well.Admittedly, the changes documented in this article concern only one type of depository for assets, charitable trusts. The appeal of these annuities, however, could extend to investments needed for other purposes such as postmortem payments to dependents. Moreover, the fall-off in demand for real estate in trusts correlates with GDP estimates showing a steady decline in income from real assets after 1755 and what some have noted in this period as a puzzle – the lack of an increased rate of return on rents and private loans at a time of robust investment in government debt. Most importantly, though, the transition demonstrates the ability of the government to induce a broad spectrum of the propertied population to invest in securities, if the vehicle they offered had the right characteristics, which were not necessarily highest yield or liquidity without loss in value.

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15

Millward, Robert, and Sally Sheard. "The Urban Fiscal Problem, 1870-1914: Government Expenditure and Finance in England and Wales." Economic History Review 48, no. 3 (August 1995): 501. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2598179.

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16

Black, Iain. "Geography, political economy and the circulation of finance capital in early industrial England." Journal of Historical Geography 15, no. 4 (October 1989): 366–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0305-7488(89)90002-9.

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17

Bordo, Michael, and Harold James. "The Great Depression analogy." Financial History Review 17, no. 2 (July 14, 2010): 127–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565010000193.

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In the discussion of our contemporary economic disease, the Great Depression analogy refuses to go away. Almost every policy-maker referred to conditions that had ‘not been seen since the Great Depression’, even before the failure of Lehman. Some even went further – the Deputy Governor of the Bank of England notably called the crisis the worst ‘financial crisis in human history’. In its April 2009 World Economic Outlook, the IMF looked explicitly at the analogy not only in the collapse of financial confidence, but also in the rapid decline of trade and industrial activity across the world. In general, history rather than economic theory seems to offer a guide in interpreting wildly surprising and inherently unpredictable events. Some observers, notably Paul Krugman, have concluded that a Dark Age of macroeconomics has set in.

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18

Blaney, Ian. "Pious Causes: The Boundaries between Charity Law and Ecclesiastical Law." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 24, no. 3 (September 2022): 309–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x22000333.

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Charities increasingly make up the body politic of the Church of England. They include parochial church councils, diocesan boards of finance and national institutions. By April 2024 every chapter of a cathedral will be required to register as a charity. Faithful parishioners put their collection money in gummed envelopes which call for them to add Gift Aid to their donations. Individual churches run foodbanks, drop-in centres, baby and toddler groups, and a whole range of charitable activities. The general public could be forgiven for thinking that ‘the Church of England’ is a national charity. However, it has not always been the case that the work and mission of the Church of England has been through charities, and for much of its history the Church has remained largely independent of charity law. What are the consequences of increasing reliance on charities and where do the boundaries lie between ecclesiastical and canon law on the one hand and charity law on the other?

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19

TEMIN, PETER, and HANS-JOACHIM VOTH. "Banking as an emerging technology: Hoare's Bank, 1702–1742." Financial History Review 13, no. 2 (October 2006): 149–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565006000229.

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We document the transition from goldsmith to banker in the case of Richard Hoare and his successors and examine the operation of the London loan market during the early eighteenth century. Analysis of the financial revolution in England has focused on changes in public debt management and the interest rates paid by the state. Much less is known about the evolution of the financial system providing credit to individual borrowers. We show how this progress took time because operating a deposit bank was new and different from being a goldsmith. Learning how to use the relatively new technology of deposit banking was crucial for the bank's success and survival.

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20

Bholat, David. "Martin Allen, Mints and Money in Medieval England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press2012, 576 pp., £120, ISBN 9781107014947)." Financial History Review 20, no. 1 (February 27, 2013): 106–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565013000048.

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21

Parker, David. "Impersonal Power. History and Theory of the Bourgeois State, Heide Gerstenberger, translated by David Fernbach, Historical Materialism Book Series, Leiden: Brill 2007." Historical Materialism 18, no. 3 (2010): 230–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920610x532307.

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AbstractHeide Gerstenberger’s book offers a comparative view of the origins and emergence of the bourgeois state in England and France. Both, according to her, emerged out of ancien-régime type structures which were themselves distinct from feudalism. Whilst recognising the value of Gerstenberger’s attempt to avoid economic reductionism when explaining changing power-structures, it is suggested that analytical tools such as ‘class’, ‘mode of production’ and the ‘state’, which she confines to capitalism, do have considerable utility for the analysis of precapitalist régimes. More importantly, it is suggested that her attempt to maintain that in England, as in France, an ancien-régime type society endured at least to the end of the eighteenth century obscures the fundamentally divergent paths taken by the two countries. This is compounded by her rejection of the idea of a French absolutism and an underestimation of the extent to which power-structures in England were modified by the precocious development of capitalism. Whilst suggesting that a bourgeois public space was able to develop in the interstices of structures of the ancien régime, Gersternberger fails to recognise the extent to which this had transformed the English polity by the mid-seventeenth century.

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22

Howe, Anthony. "From ‘Old Corruption’ to ‘New Probity’: the Bank of England and its directors in the Age of Reform." Financial History Review 1, no. 1 (April 1994): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565000001542.

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23

Conway, Stephen. "Earl A. Reitan.Politics, Finance, and the People: Economical Reform in England in the Age of the American Revolution, 1770–92.:Politics, Finance, and the People: Economical Reform in England in the Age of the American Revolution, 1770–92." American Historical Review 113, no. 3 (June 2008): 905. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.3.905.

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24

Jacks, D. S. "Foreign wars, domestic markets: England, 1793-1815." European Review of Economic History 15, no. 2 (August 1, 2011): 277–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1361491611000116.

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25

Moss, David J. "Central banking and the provincial system: the Bank of England and the 3 per cent discount account, 1832–1837." Financial History Review 2, no. 1 (April 1995): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565000001232.

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26

CLARK, GEOFFREY. "COMMERCE, CULTURE, AND THE RISE OF ENGLISH POWER." Historical Journal 49, no. 4 (November 24, 2006): 1239–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005814.

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Barclays: the business of banking, 1690–1996. By Margaret Ackrill and Leslie Hannah. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Pp. xxi+481. ISBN 0-521-79035-2. £45.00.The worlds of the East India Company. Edited by H. V. Bowen, Margarette Lincoln, and Nigel Rigby. Woodbridge: Boydell, 2002. Pp. xvii+246. ISBN 0-85115-877-3. £45.00.Kingship and crown finance under James VI and I, 1603–1625. By John Cramsie. Woodbridge: Boydell, 2002. Pp. xi+242. ISBN 0-86193-259-5. £50.00.Mammon's music: literature and economics in the age of Milton. By Blair Hoxby. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002. Pp. xii+320. ISBN 0-300-09378-0. $45.00.Usury, interest, and the Reformation. By Eric Kerridge. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002. Pp. 206. ISBN 0-7546-0688-0. £55.00.The rise of commercial empires: England and the Netherlands in the age of mercantilism, 1650–1770. By David Ormrod. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Pp. xvii+400. ISBN 0-521-81926-1. £55.00.The rhetoric of credit: merchants in early modern writing. By Ceri Sullivan. London: Associated University Presses, 2002. Pp. 217. ISBN 0-8386-3926-7. £38.00.The unshackling of the European economy from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries was achieved, ironically, by the forging of new and stronger chains of trade and credit within nations, across regions, and around the globe. The seven books under review explore that process from different disciplinary standpoints, but chiefly as it affected England, the country that would become emblematic of commercial advancement and under whose sway the modern capitalist system emerged. How England managed this feat financially and commercially, politically and culturally, amidst the shifting opportunities and perils of these centuries is answered with an often impressive sophistication and imagination that take us well beyond hackneyed analyses prompted by the Weber–Tawney thesis.

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Burgess, Clive, and Beat Kümin. "Penitential Bequests and Parish Regimes in Late Medieval England." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 44, no. 4 (October 1993): 610–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900077824.

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The orthodoxy which dismissed the pre-Reformation parish as the point where the many failings of the Church met to blight ordinary lives has exercised a tenacious grip on the historical imagination. Current opinion, on the other hand, perceives the parish as deserving of inquiry, not least because of a dawning realisation that it was a point where managerial expertise and a noteworthy buoyancy of spirit intersected. Ostentatious programmes of church rebuilding and embellishment testify both to competence and to a vitality bordering on exuberance in many parish communities. If more difficult to appraise, the liturgical life of many parishes seems to have flourished and was enhanced by the steady accumulation of vessels, vestments, lights, embroidered cloths and painted images. Many wealthier parishes also supported numerous auxiliary clergy and a sophisticated musical repertory and performance. But building and liturgical elaboration were not products merely of whim. In addition to an obligation to support the incumbent by regular payment of tithe, responsibility for maintaining church fabric and the wherewithal for worship within the church had been assigned to the parish community by canon law in the thirteenth century. Many parishes conspicuously exceeded their brief. In matters of securing revenues it seem at the very least safe to assume widespred competence. Historians, however, have by and large failed to respond to the laity's achievement and that in spite of abundant surviving documentation. Investigation of the financial regime of the late medieval parish is long overdue. If it has received any attention at all, parish finance has been charaterised in very general terms of corporate levy and ad hoc donation.

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Milward, Alan S. "John Fforde, The Bank of England and Public Policy 1941–1958 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992. xix + 861 pp. £75)." Financial History Review 1, no. 2 (October 1994): 212–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565000001189.

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Raven, Matt. "The Earldom Endowments of 1337: Political Thought and the Practice of Kingship in Late Medieval England." English Historical Review 136, no. 580 (June 1, 2021): 498–529. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceab164.

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Abstract This article examines Edward III’s earldom creations of March 1337 and the endowments given to these earls by Edward III in order to support their newly acquired rank. It re-evaluates the form of these grants and the governmental processes they stimulated within a context of ideological assumptions about the inalienability of the lands and rights thought to pertain to the Crown by contemporaries, as applicable to the English polity of the mid-fourteenth century. By viewing the grants of 1337 within this intellectual, political and economic context, this article argues that the endowments supporting the earldom creations were shaped by the pressures of inalienability and public finance; that these ideas were highly prominent; and that political practice in the mid-fourteenth century correlated to and reinforced the validity and importance of these concepts. Ultimately, this article uses the example of the earldom creations of 1337 and the endowments given in support of these elevations to demonstrate the mutual interdependence of comital and royal power in mid-fourteenth century England and to show how ideas concerning political structures paralleled and grew out of political practices.

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30

Clark, G. "Debt, deficits, and crowding out: England, 1727-1840." European Review of Economic History 5, no. 3 (December 1, 2001): 403–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1361491601000156.

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Bekar, C. T., and C. G. Reed. "Land markets and inequality: evidence from medieval England." European Review of Economic History 17, no. 3 (June 14, 2013): 294–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ereh/het009.

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Orbell, John. "David Kynaston and Richard Roberts, The Bank of England. Money, Power and Influence (Oxford: Clarendon, 1995. x + 315 pp. £21·95)." Financial History Review 3, no. 2 (October 1996): 223–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565000000706.

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Dorn, Nicolas. "From credit to debt: A political history of English sovereign finance and money from the seventh century to the seventeenth." Finance and Society 5, no. 1 (May 9, 2019): 42–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2218/finsoc.v5i1.3017.

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This article provides a new perspective on sovereign finance and money in England from pre- modern to early modern times. Re-reading the literature on sovereign fiscality through the lens of sovereign jurisdictions and religious authority, it describes two distinct forms of sovereign finance: the rise and fall of sovereign credit from the seventh to eleventh century, followed by sovereign debt developing from the eleventh century into ‘modern’ sovereign debt from the seventeenth century onwards. In the early Anglo Saxon period, sovereign credit was given and received in non-monetised forms. It was when sovereign jurisdictions became too wide for labour and bulky produce to travel that tax was monetised. However, the monetisation of credit undermined the very sovereign-subject relation on which sovereign credit was based. After the introduction of short-term sovereign debt by the Normans, for the next five hundred years, the two distinct fiscal mechanisms of sovereign credit and sovereign debt ran in parallel, although the latter was restrained by the church’s prohibition of usury. In the seventeenth century, sovereign credit and sovereign debt became conjoined elements within one fiscal system, rather than separate mechanisms.

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Drach, Alexis. "From gentlemanly capitalism to lobbying capitalism: the City and the EEC, 1972–1992." Financial History Review 27, no. 3 (November 10, 2020): 376–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565020000207.

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The City of London has long attracted much academic and popular attention. However, little research has been done on the relationship between the City and the European Economic Community in the 1970s and 1980s, despite the accession of the United Kingdom in 1973. Based on archival material from central and commercial banks in the UK and France, this article explores the relationship between the City and the EEC, from the accession of the UK to the EEC in 1973 to the Maastricht Treaty in 1992, which was meant to be the year of the completion of the single financial market. The article explores two areas: the influence of the City on EEC financial regulation, and how this influence was exerted. It pays particular attention to two committees chaired by the Bank of England, the City Liaison Committee and the City EEC Liaison Committee, and to British banks. The article argues that if the EEC played a part in the formalisation of British banking regulation, the City also played a key role in shaping EEC plans for financial regulation.

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35

Donnelly, James. "Industrial recruitment of chemistry students from English universities: a revaluation of its early importance." British Journal for the History of Science 24, no. 1 (March 1991): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087400028429.

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In England, institutionalized locations for science in academe and industry sprang up at approximately the same time, that is to say, during the period from the mid-nineteenth century to the First World War. By the latter date science was well established within most academic institutions and, more rudimentarily, in many industrial firms. Standardized forms of practice were to be found in both sectors, and there existed mechanisms for the transfer of personnel, knowledge and finance between the two. Both sites were of course surrounded and sustained by a network of other institutions and practices: scientific and technical societies and journals, patent and company law, government agencies and so on. Nevertheless, during the period just identified these two developed as the key occupational sites (outside schoolteaching) for men trained in science.

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36

Holstun, Jim. "Utopia Pre-Empted: Kett's Rebellion, Commoning, and the Hysterical Sublime." Historical Materialism 16, no. 3 (2008): 3–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920608x315220.

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AbstractIn 1549, on Mousehold Heath, outside Norwich, the campmen of Kett's Rebellion created the greatest practical utopian project of Tudor England. Using a commoning rhetoric and practice, they tried to restore the moral economy of the county community, ally themselves with the reforming regime of Protector Somerset, and create a Protestant monarchical republic of small producers. In opposition, Tudor gentlemen and their chroniclers used ‘the hysterical sublime’, a rhetoric and practice of pre-emptive decisionist violence, to crush the Norwich commune, overthrow Somerset, and accelerate capitalist primitive accumulation. These two visions of culture and society continued to clash in Tudor England, but the gentlemen had gained the upper hand.

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37

Muldrew, Craig. "Earthly Necessities: Economic Lives in Early Modern Britain. By Keith Wrightson. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000. Pp. xii, 372. $35.00." Journal of Economic History 61, no. 4 (December 2001): 1124–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050701005666.

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For almost 20 years now, Professor Wrightson's book English Society 1580–1680 (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1982) has probably been the most widely used text to introduce the social history of England in this period. But at the same time it is much more than this, in that it presents a powerful argument about change in religious belief, education, social hegemony, and concepts of order, all of which has provoked much scholarly debate. Now Wrightson has produced a volume on the economic history of Britain in the longer period from 1470–1750, which deserves to become as central and as widely read. Its arrival is doubly welcome because, since Christopher Clay's Economic Expansion and Social Change (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984) went out of print some time ago, there has been no current text covering the economic history of early modern England or Britain. In part this unfortunate situation has reflected declining student interest, as economic history became identified with econometrics. But this lucid and engaging work should revive interest in a vitally important subject. As its title indicates, this is economic history with a human face, in which the main focus of analysis is always the social context and meaning of economic change to those whom it affected.

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SPECK, W. A. "Politics, Finance and the People: Economical Reform in England in the Age of the American Revolution, 1770–92 By Earl A. Reitan." History 93, no. 310 (April 2008): 277–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2008.423_22.x.

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39

Cassidy, Richard. "Silver coins, wooden tallies and parchment rolls in Henry III's Exchequer." Financial History Review 28, no. 3 (December 2021): 364–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565021000184.

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In the mid thirteenth century, England used only a single coin, the silver penny. The flow of coins into and out of the government's treasury was recorded in the rolls of the Exchequer of Receipt. These receipt and issue rolls have been largely ignored, compared to the pipe rolls, which were records of audit. Some more obscure records, the memoranda of issue, help to show how the daily operations of government finance worked, when cash was the only medium available. They indicate something surprising: the receipt and issue rolls do not necessarily record transactions which took place during the periods they nominally cover. They also show that the Exchequer was experimenting with other forms of payment, using tally sticks, several decades earlier than was previously known. The rolls and the tallies indicate that the objectives of the Exchequer were not, as we would now expect, concerned with balancing income and expenditure, drawing up a budget, or even recording cash flows within a particular year. These concepts were as yet unknown. Instead, the Exchequer's aim was to ensure the accountability of officials, its own and those in other branches of government, by allocating financial responsibility to individuals rather than institutions.

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40

Poovey, Mary. "Writing about Finance in Victorian England: Disclosure and Secrecy in the Culture of Investment." Victorian Studies 45, no. 1 (October 2002): 17–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/vic.2002.45.1.17.

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41

Poovey, Mary. "Writing about Finance in Victorian England: Disclosure and Secrecy in the Culture of Investment." Victorian Studies 45, no. 1 (2002): 17–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vic.2003.0059.

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42

Cameron, Rondo. "Was England Really Superior to France?" Journal of Economic History 46, no. 4 (December 1986): 1031–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700050701.

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WALLIS, PATRICK. "Apprenticeship and Training in Premodern England." Journal of Economic History 68, no. 3 (September 2008): 832–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205070800065x.

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This article reexamines the economics of premodern apprenticeship in England. I present new data showing that a high proportion of apprenticeships in seventeenth-century London ended before the term of service was finished. I then propose a new account of how training costs and repayments were distributed over the apprenticeship contract such that neither master nor apprentice risked significant loss from early termination. This new account fits both the characteristics of premodern apprenticeship and what is known about the acquisition of skills in modern and premodern societies.

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Blaazer, David. "Finance and the End of Appeasement: The Bank of England, the National Government and the Czech Gold." Journal of Contemporary History 40, no. 1 (January 2005): 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009405049264.

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Moreland, John. "Land and Power from Roman Britain to Anglo-Saxon England?" Historical Materialism 19, no. 1 (2011): 175–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920611x564707.

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AbstractArchaeology, and in particular the study of ceramics, lies at the heart of the interpretive schemes that underpin Framing the Early Middle Ages. While this is to be welcomed, it is proposed that even more extensive use of archaeological evidence - especially that generated through the excavation of prehistoric burial-mounds and rural settlements, as well as the study of early medieval coins - would have produced a rather more dynamic and nuanced picture of the transformations in social and political structures that marked the passage from late Roman Britain to Anglo-Saxon England.

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ALLEN, ROBERT C. "The Nitrogen Hypothesis and the English Agricultural Revolution: A Biological Analysis." Journal of Economic History 68, no. 1 (March 2008): 182–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050708000065.

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A biological model of nitrogen in agriculture is specified for early modern England and used to analyze the growth in grain yields from the middle ages to the industrial revolution. Nitrogen-fixing plants accounted for about half of the rise in yields; the rest came from better cultivation, seeds, and drainage. The model highlights the slow chemical reactions that governed the release of the nitrogen introduced by convertible husbandry and the cultivation of legumes. However efficient were England's institutions, nitrogen's chemistry implied that the English agricultural revolution would be much more gradual than the Green Revolution of the twentieth century.

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Redish, Angela. "The Evolution of the Gold Standard in England." Journal of Economic History 50, no. 4 (December 1990): 789–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700037827.

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In 1816 England officially abandoned bimetallism and made silver coins into tokens that were only limited legal tender. Earlier monetary authorities had lacked the ability to manage a subsidiary coinage, a necessary complement to the monometallic gold standard. A successful token coinage must be both costly to counterfeit and credibly backed to ensure that the tokens do not depreciate to their intrinsic value. These problems were solved in the nineteenth century through the introduction of steam-driven stamping presses and with the assistance of the Bank of England.

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Allen, Robert C. "The Spinning Jenny: A Fresh Look." Journal of Economic History 71, no. 2 (June 6, 2011): 461–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050711001616.

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In “The Industrial Revolution in Miniature,” I calculated that the spinning jenny was profitable to install in England in the 1780s but not in France.1 My calculations assumed that a spinner using a wheel in a domestic setting worked a total of 100 days per year and spun 100 pounds of coarse cotton (one pound per day). The jenny raised labor productivity to three pounds per day in the “most likely” scenario. I showed that it would have been cheaper to spin 100 pounds per year with a jenny than with a wheel in England, while the reverse would have been true in France. Hence, the jenny was installed in England rather than France. Ugo Gragnolati, Daniele Moschella, and Emanuele Pugliese have pointed out that this argument assumes that output was kept at 100 pounds per year, and the effect of the jenny was to reduce the spinner's work year to only 33–1/3 days per year.2 They suggest that it was more likely that the spinner would have continued to work 100 days per year and produce 300 pounds of yarn instead. In that case, they argue, it would have been profitable to install the jenny in France as well as England. Profitability would have increased in both countries under these assumptions because capital costs would have been cut by a third if three times as much output was produced from the same capital (although profitability was still much higher in England). Hence, they conclude that economic considerations do not explain the diffusion of the jenny.

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Scammell, G. V. "England's Maritime Empire: Seapower, Commerce and Policy, 1490–1690. By David Loades. London: Longman, 2000. Pp. xi, 277. $17.80, paper." Journal of Economic History 61, no. 4 (December 2001): 1106–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050701005538.

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To the vast and burgeoning literature on the rise, fall, and consequences of European empire-building, David Loades, a distinguished historian of Tudor England, adds this brief and stimulating book on the origins and course of the country's overseas expansion in the two centuries after 1490. He is not concerned with models or with the analysis of global balances of power. Taking a more modest perspective, he argues that between 1490 and 1690 England changed from being the decayed remnant of a once-formidable expansionist power on the Continent to a nascent oceanic and imperial state. By the mid-1500s, he claims, the foundations of the country's subsequent maritime and colonial achievements were already in place. He identifies the vital elements as the creation of a standing specialist fighting navy; the development, from the mid-sixteenth century, of an interest in long-distance voyages and trading ventures, sustained under Elizabeth I by an “enterprise partnership” between the queen and some of her subjects; and the emergence, in the years of the Commonwealth and the Cromwellian Republic, of the navy as an instrument of state rather than dynastic ambition. However, as the argument unfolds he admits the importance of other factors, not least the pursuit of profit and the desire of some of England's populace to escape from religious or political regimes they found intolerable.

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Richardson, M. "The Gawdy Papers (1509-c. 1750) and the History of Professional Writing in England." Journal of Business Communication 40, no. 4 (October 1, 2003): 253–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002194360304000402.

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